【08.11.08澳大利亚人报】中国铁拳出击慑服西藏叛乱分子
【标题】中国铁拳出击慑服西藏叛乱分子【链接】http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,24619265-25837,00.html
【翻译】QChen
【声明】本文翻译仅限Anti-CNN使用，转载请注明译者及出处。
【原文】
China's iron fist cracks down to subdue Tibetan rebels
Cameron Stewart, Associate editor | November 08, 2008
Article from:The Australian
IN the ancient back alleys of Tibet's capital, Lhasa, a grim military operation has played out this week, hidden from the eyes of the world. As night falls, hundreds of Chinese troops fan out across this rebellious city, armed with riot shields and assault rifles.
They set up sentry posts on street corners and dispatch patrols in groups of six soldiers, three with shields and three with guns.
These patrols spend the night walking down the lanes of Lhasa's Tibetan quarter, looking for any signof dissent. They glare at me asthey pass, angry at the presence of a foreigner.
When the sun rises, the soldiers do not melt away, but are replaced by a new rotation of troops. The military stranglehold on Lhasa by day is maintained with one chilling addition -- snipers are installed on rooftops around the city's most holy site, the Jokhang Temple, ready to train their guns on the hundreds of Tibetan pilgrims praying in Barkhor Square below.
Only months after the Beijing Olympics, there is no post-Games euphoria in Tibet.
Hopes of greater autonomy and freedom have been stifled by Beijing, which -- stung by bloody anti-Chinese riots in March and by the indignity of the subsequent Olympic torch relay protests -- has come down on Tibetans with an iron fist.
During four days in Lhasa this week -- the first visit to Tibet by an Australian journalist since the March riots that left up to 200 people dead -- I witnessed a city creaking under the weight of the Chinese military.
In meeting local Chinese government officials, it was apparent that Beijing has lost patience with those Tibetans who oppose its rule and has chosen the path of zero tolerance.
The heavy military presence betrays China's unspoken fear that it is losing, rather than winning, the hearts and minds of local Tibetans, who accuse Beijing of subjugating their culture and religion to preserve national unity.
In an interview with The Weekend Australian, the vice-governor of the Tibet Autonomous Region, Bai Ma Cai Wang, reveals that China has recently boosted its security presence in Lhasa above and beyond the crackdown that followed the March riots. This is China's first public acknowledgment that it has beefed up its security forces in Tibet.
"In order for Tibet's stability and for people's safety and for people's desire for security and order, the Government has moderately adjusted the presence of the police force on the street," he says.
Bai Ma says the Government fears a repeat of the March riots, which he says were the work of the exiled Dalai Lama and his supporters. "After the March 14 riots, the Dalai Lama and his followers have speeded up their separatist activities."
Despite being the spiritual leader of the Tibetan Buddhist population, the Dalai Lama has been airbrushed from view in Lhasa by the Chinese, who accuse him of being a political activist for an independent Tibet. There are no pictures or portraits of him in public areas, and Tibetans are reluctant to praise him in public, fearing retribution.
"The image of the Dalai Lama in Tibetan people's minds has already gone away," says Bai Ma. But the long lines of Tibetans waiting to pay homage to the tombs of former Dalai Lamas in Lhasa's imposing Potala Palace, and the thousands of passionate Buddhist pilgrims who prostrate themselves each day outside the Jokhang Temple suggest otherwise.
I visited Tibet with News Limited journalist Steve Lewis and federal Liberal MP Michael Johnson, vice-chairman of the Australia-China Parliamentary Friendship group, at the invitation of the Chinese Government, which urged us: "Tell Australians what you have heard and seen about the truth in Tibet."
This gave us access to high-level Communist Party officials, parliamentarians and local governors in Lhasa, but the official program included no meetings with senior Buddhists and no one whose views strayed from the official line.
When I asked for permission to visit Drapchi prison, where at least 202 people involved in the March riots remain incarcerated, I was refused.
It was only when we slipped away from our hotel at night and found some of the few Tibetans who spoke English that we heard alternative views. Even then they were reluctant to talk, fearing they might be seen or overheard by the authorities. One monk told us there were "more and more Chinese, more and more soldiers" in Lhasa in recent weeks.
But no one will speak out, he says, because of fears they will be reported to the police. "Detectives, they listen to what you say ... sometimes (Barkhor) square is full of detectives listening in."
He says Tibetans "feel very bad" about the situation but are powerless to stop it. Another monk claimed that the Chinese had installed listening devices in the main tourist sites where Westerners might interact with Tibetans, and said no one felt safe talking to foreigners about the political situation in Tibet.
On Monday, we witnessed a group of monks being placed in a police van and taken away but attempts to get an explanation were unsuccessful.
The Chinese authorities have gone to extraordinary lengths to monitor local Tibetans, installing CCTV cameras on buildings and deploying plainclothes police as well as the more overt scrutiny of the large numbers of uniformed police and soldiers.
In interviews with local Chinese officials, their frustration with the situation was palpable. They cannot understand why years of economic growth in Tibet have failed to quell Tibetan demands for greater autonomy or independence from China. There is little understanding or acceptance that Tibetans may have different priorities.
In meetings this week, Chinese officials quoted statistics showing vast improvements in the health, housing, wellbeing and life expectancy of the Tibetans. The Chinese Government has poured billions of dollars into Tibet's economy, with state subsidies accounting for 75 per cent of the gross domestic product.
The results can be seen in and around Lhasa, with wide new roads, upmarket fashion stores and whitegoods stores boasting widescreen televisions. There is a thriving middle class of fashionably dressed locals with mobile phones glued to their ears and driving the latest cars.
The problem is that almost all of this middle class in Lhasa are Han Chinese immigrants, rather than local Tibetans who are primarily herdsmen and farmers and lack the literacy skills and education to seize the opportunities created by the Chinese investment. "While a minority of Tibetans have been rewarded with state jobs, the majority of Tibetans, who are poorly equipped to access new economic opportunities, have been marginalised," says Ben Hillman, a Tibet expert from the Australian National University's China Institute.
So the frustration of local Tibetans goes beyond the eroding of their culture and traditions under Chinese rule -- it is also an economic development issue similar to many around the world where an indigenous people are marginalised by more commercially successful immigrants.
There are signs Chinese officials realise their mistake in focusing too heavily on infrastructure rather than on the Tibetans themselves.
"The education program in Tibet is still not satisfactory," says Wang Jinjun, vice-director-general of the State Council Information Office. "The policy now is to better tackle the issue of herdsmen and farmers."
The economic plight of Tibetans has not been helped by the March riots, which all but killed tourism. Shops and cafes are empty and there is barely a foreign tourist to be seen.
Tibetans have only themselves to blame for this, because so many of them supported the riots, in which 1317 people were arrested, says Wang De Wen, of the Tibet People's Congress.
The riots "were organised by Tibet separatists headed by the Dalai Lama and his followers, who are not willing to see the great leap forward in the development of Tibet, so they instigated violent incidents which involved the smashing, the grabbing, the looting and the setting fire to shops," says Wang. "This violent incident has wreaked havoc on the economic situation and the life of the Tibet people and has cost 320 million yuan ($70 million) since March."
The deputy secretary-general of the Tibet People's Congress, Tonga, was reluctant to talk about those who were detained after the riots, but claimed the majority of Tibetans involved now regretted their actions.
"After our re-education program most of them will regret what they have done," Tonga says. When pressed further on what this means he adds: "A relevant government official briefed them on what was right and what was wrong."
Tibetan officials we spoke to denied all claims that the religious freedom of Tibetans was being curtailed. The head of religious affairs of the Tibet Autonomous Region, Kalsang, denied widely reported views in the West that monks were required to denounce the Dalai Lama as part of "patriotic education" programs in monasteries.
He was partly contradicted several days later by Wang Jinjun who conceded that monks in Tibet were being given "legal information programs" in which they were told not to mix religion with politics.
The most striking aspect of the meetings with Chinese officials was the extent of their hostility towards the Dalai Lama who, along with the the self-styled Tibetan government in exile in India, is blamed for fomenting the uprising and for turning the Tibet issue into a cause celebre in the West.
The Chinese dismiss the Dalai Lama's repeated assertion that he seeks only greater autonomy for Tibet, rather than independence.
When I ask whether China's problems in Tibet might be eased by granting greater autonomy while still retaining national control of the region, Wang Jinjun is dismissive, saying it would return Tibet to its feudal origins. "Tibet will not be reduced to a backwater society which features theocratic rule," he says.
The human dimension of this intractable problem can best be seen by taking a walk through Lhasa, where on my last day I saw a group of Tibetan women, with their babies strapped to their backs, talking and laughing under the watchful eye of a rooftop sniper.
【译文】
中国铁拳出击慑服西藏叛乱分子
Cameron Stewart, Associate editor | November 08, 2008
文章来自:澳大利亚人报
在西藏首府拉萨，古老的小巷里，藏于世界眼皮之下的一场严厉的军事行动于本周上演。夜幕降临，数百名持防暴盾牌和突击步枪的中国士兵四处散开在这个反叛的城市中。
他们在街道角落布置岗哨，派遣6名人一组的巡逻队，3名持盾，3名持枪。
这些巡逻队夜间行走于拉萨藏区各条小巷，寻找任何异常迹象。他们经过之时怒视着我，对一个外国人的存在非常不快。
日出之时，士兵并未解散，而是由新的班组替换。对拉萨的军事压制到了白天加了一股寒气 – 狙击兵在城市最神圣的大昭寺四周的屋顶上就位，准备将枪支瞄准数百名在下面的八廓街广场朝圣的藏民。
北京奥运会结束后才几个月，西藏没有任何奥运会后喜庆的氛围。
企盼更大的自治与自由的希望已被北京扼死 – 受3月血腥的反中国暴乱以及之后一系列抗议奥运会火炬传递的屈辱行为的刺痛 – (北京)采用铁拳镇压西藏。
本周在拉萨的4天里 – 作为自从引发多达200人死亡的3月暴乱后首个参观采访西藏的一个澳大利亚记者– 我见证了在中国军事重压之下的城市在吱吱作响。
在同当地中国政府官员的会面上，很显然北京对那些反对政府统治的藏人已经失去耐心，选择了无法容忍的路线。
重军事的严阵以待暴露了中国对于失去而不是赢得当地藏民的人心所无以言表的恐惧，那些藏民指责北京为了保全国家统一剥夺了他们的文化和宗教。
在接受澳大利亚周末报的采访中，西藏自治区副主席白玛才旺透露，除了紧接3月暴乱之后的镇压外，中国最近在拉萨提高了以上的治安力度。这是中国首次公开承认在西藏加强了治安力量。
他说，“为了西藏的稳定和人民的安全，以及人民对于安全和秩序的愿望，政府在街上适度地调整了现场的警力。”
白玛表示，政府担心3月暴乱的重演，也即是他所说的流亡达赖喇嘛以及他的支持者所干的事。“3.14暴乱之后，达赖喇嘛和他的追随者加快了他们分裂国家的活动。”
除了做为西藏教徒的精神领袖之外，达赖喇嘛在拉萨被中国人清除了所有的图像，他被指为西藏独立的政治活动分子。公众场合没有任何他的照片或是肖像，藏民在公开场合因担心惩罚不愿意颂扬他。
白玛说，“达赖喇嘛在西藏人民中的形象已经远去。”但在壮观的布达拉宫前面还是有藏民排长长的队等待着向前达赖喇嘛的陵墓表达敬意，以及数千名虔诚的朝圣教徒每天在大昭寺外朝拜却暗示了不同。
我和新闻集团(News Limited)记者Steve Lewis以及联邦自由党议员，也是澳中友好团体副主席的Michael Johnso，在中国政府的邀请之下一同参观了西藏，中国政府敦促我们：“把你们在西藏听到和看到的事实告诉澳大利亚人民。”
这让我们有机会访问到拉萨的最高层共产党官员，党代表以及当地的政府领导，但是官方的计划中没有包括同高僧以及与官方线路意见不一的人的会面。
当我问及可否参观至少关押了202个参与3月暴乱的人的扎奇监狱时，我遭到了拒绝。
只有在夜晚，我们溜出酒店，找到几名会讲英文的藏民，我们听到了不同的看法。即使在那时，他们都不愿意说，担心会被当局发现或是偷听到。有一个僧人告诉我们，最近几周，有“越来越多的中国人，越来越多的士兵”。
但没有人会大声说出来，他说，因为怕会被报告到警察那里。“侦探，他们会听你说了什么…有时候(八廓街)广场上到处都是侦探在监听。”
他说，西藏人对于目前的形势“觉得非常不好”，但又无能为力阻止。另一个僧人则声称，中国人在外国人可能会同西藏人接触的主要旅游场所安装了监听装置，在西藏和外国人交流政治情况都觉得不安全。
周一，我们目击了一群僧人被安排到了一辆警车上带走，但企图获取一个解释却没有得成。
中国当局监控当地藏民已经到了不平常的的程度，在高楼上安装闭路电视监控摄像头，部署便衣警察以及大批数量的制服警察和士兵开展更多的公开检查。
采访当地中国官员过程中，明显感觉他们对于目前状况的失望。他们不能理解什么这么多年西藏的经济增长没有能够消除西藏人对于更大的自治或是从中国独立出去的追求。只有极少人理解或是接受藏人可能有不同的优先权利。
本周的会面上，中国官员引用了统计数据表明西藏人在建康、住房、福利以及寿命方面的大幅改进。中国政府在西藏经济中注入了数十亿元的资金，国家补助占到了国民生产总值的75%。
成效显著可见，拉萨周边，宽敞的新路，精品时尚店以及有宽屏电视的家用电器商铺。有一股迅猛发展的当地中产阶级，着装时髦，耳边挂着手提电话，驾着最新款汽车。
问题是，几乎所有的这些在拉萨的中产阶级都是中国汉人的移民，而不是那些缺乏文化知识和教育未能从中国的投资中抓住机遇，主要为牧民和农民的当地藏人。“当一个西藏的少数民族获得了国家的工作，大部份的西藏人都缺乏训练获取新经济所产生的机会，处在社会边缘。”澳大利亚国立大学中国研究所的西藏问题专家Ben Hillman说。
当地藏人的失望不止于对中国统治之下侵蚀他们文化和传统 – 还有一个类似于世界其它地方的本土人民被更成功的商业移民所边缘化的经济发展问题。
有迹象显示中国官员意识到他们的太着重关注于基础设施而不是藏人本身的错误。
“西藏的教育规划还没有令人满意，”国务院新闻办公室副处长Wang Jinjun说。“现在的政策会更好地解决牧民和农民的问题。”
藏人的经济情况并没有受益于3月的暴乱，却扼杀了旅游业。商铺和餐馆空荡无人，很少可以看到外国游客。
对此藏人只能自责自己，因为他们中有如此多人支持暴乱，西藏人民政府的王得文(音译)说在这场暴乱中有1317人被捕。
这次的暴乱是“由以达赖喇嘛和他的追随者为首的西藏分裂分子组织的，他们不愿看到西藏在发展中大跨步向前，所以他们鼓动了打砸抢烧的暴力事件。”王表示说，“这次暴力事件对经济局势和西藏人民的生命带来严重影响，自3月以来已经损失3.2亿元(即7千万澳元)。”
西藏人民政府副书记Tonga，不愿谈暴乱后还在受押之中那些人，但声称参与了暴力事件的大多数藏人现在已经后悔他们当时的行动。
“经过我们的再教育后，他们中的大部份人都对他们的所作所为感到后悔，”Tonga说。当被进一步追问这代表什么意思时，他补充说，“相关的政府官员向他们简要地介绍什么是正确的，什么是错误的。”
同我们交流的西藏官员否认所有关于藏人宗教自由被剥夺的问题。西藏自治区宗教事务的首领Kalsang，否认西方大幅面的报道，寺院僧人被要求公开谴责达赖喇嘛以作为“爱国主义教育”的一部份。
几天后，他的部份言论却与Wang Jinjun的承认相抵触，他承认西藏的僧人正被授予“法律知识课程”，在课程中，告知他们不要将宗教同政治混为一谈。
同中国官员与会中最突出的一个方面，是他们对达赖喇嘛以及连同他在印度自封的西藏流亡政府的敌意所表现出的深度，达赖喇嘛及其流亡政府被指责煽动暴乱，在西方将西藏问题闹得沸沸扬扬。
中国人拒绝达赖喇嘛一直重复他只寻求西藏更大自治而不是独立的主张。
当我问及中国在西藏的问题是否会因为同意更大的自治但还是保持国家对该地区的管理而得到缓和时，Wang Jinjun持否定态度，说这将会使西藏回到它原来的封建制度。“西藏不会被陷落到一个死水般只有神权统治的社会。”他说。
在这个棘手问题中的人性，在拉萨的行走中可以看到最好的体现，我在拉萨的最后一天，看到一群西藏妇女，背后背着小孩，在屋顶上一个狙击兵警惕的眼睛之下，开心地说笑。
[ 本帖最后由 妩人少将 于 2008-11-13 10:40 编辑 ]
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