【09.07.06 时代周刊】世界和平的代价
本帖最后由 j小蜜蜂 于 2009-7-20 09:41 编辑【中文标题】世界和平的代价
【原文标题】The Price of World Peace
【登载媒体】时代周刊
【来源地址】http://www.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,1906802_1906838_1906797,00.html
【译者】深深的红
【翻译方式】人工
【声明】本翻译供Anti-CNN使用，未经AC或译者许可，不得转载。
【原文库链接】http://bbs.m4.cn/thread-179068-1-1.html
【译文】
When it comes to foreign policy, liberals generally like leaders with brains. (Think Bill Clinton or Barack Obama.) Conservatives generally prize backbone. (Think Ronald Reagan or George W. Bush.) So what do we do with Franklin D. Roosevelt? He helped save the world from the greatest barbarism it has ever known and laid the foundation for the greatest run of peace and prosperity in history and yet by most accounts had neither intellectual heft nor a stiff spine.
当谈到外界政策时，自由派人士通常喜欢有头脑的领导人（想想比尔·克林顿或巴洛克·奥巴马），保守派认识常常称赞强硬的领导人（例如罗奈德·里根或乔治·布什）。那么，我们该如何评价富兰克林·D·罗斯福呢？他帮助世界从前所未有的野蛮中解脱出来，并且为历史上最伟大的和平运动和经济繁荣奠定了基础，但在绝大多数人看来，他既不是很聪明，也不算硬骨头。
It's a question that puzzled F.D.R.'s contemporaries as well. In 1931, during Roosevelt's first presidential campaign, the columnist Walter Lippmann warned that "he just doesn't happen to have a very good mind." The satirist H.L. Mencken called him "too feeble and wishy-washy a fellow to make a really effective fight." Yet this preppy, dilettantish mama's boy had something that his critics didn't appreciate: instinct. Once, as Roosevelt and his wife Eleanor were being driven through the New Mexico desert along a barren and featureless landscape that they had traversed only once before, they came to a fork in the road. Their driver, who lived in the area and had driven the route many times, could not remember which way to turn. F.D.R. spoke up immediately: "You go straight ahead."
这个问题也曾使罗斯福那个时代的人困扰。在1931年罗斯福第一次参加总统选举期间，专栏作家Walter Lippmann警告说，“他碰巧没有个好头脑”。讽刺作家H·L·Menckun说他是“一个无力、没特色的家伙，没法打一场有效的选战”。但是作为一个整洁并对艺术略有所知的母亲的儿子，罗斯福拥有一些并未被他的批评者赏识的东西：直觉。有一次，罗斯福和他的夫人Eleanor乘车穿越新墨西哥沙漠，周围是荒凉单调的风景。这条路他们以前只走过一次。当他们来到一个岔路口，他们的司机虽然住在这一带并且跑过这条路线很多次，却忘记了该走那条路。罗斯福马上说，“一直向前走。”
It was instinct that helped F.D.R. find his way through a political labyrinth that was navigable by neither intellect nor principle alone. His basic problem as Nazism stalked Europe was that some Americans wanted to isolate themselves from the world while others wanted to remake it in America's image. Yet both paths, he believed, led nowhere. The U.S. could neither escape the world nor fully redeem it. F.D.R.'s task was to persuade his people to put their money and blood on the line, even though, despite their best efforts, the world would remain a nasty place.
是直觉让罗斯福在这个仅靠智慧或原则都不能通过的政治迷宫中找到了方向。他的基本问题是，当纳粹主义在欧洲蔓延时，一部分美国人想要置身事外，而另一部分则想要按照美国的样子改变世界。而他相信两条道路都走不通，美国即不可能从世界逃离，也不可能彻底改造它。罗斯福的任务是劝说他的人民奉献出金钱和鲜血，即使无论他们多么努力，这世界仍是个令人生厌的地方。
This was the conundrum that had destroyed his old boss Woodrow Wilson, whom Roosevelt had served as Assistant Secretary of the Navy. When Wilson led Americans into World War I, he told them they were abandoning their historical isolation in order to create a world in which the strong no longer menaced the weak. But at the Paris Peace Conference following the war, it became clear that the victorious European powers had no interest in birthing such a world. So when Wilson returned home trumpeting the newly created League of Nations, Americans asked why they should join an organization that might require the U.S. to again sacrifice its sons for a world that would not live by its principles. The Senate rejected the league, America returned to political isolation, and Wilson died a broken man.
这个难题毁了他的老上司伍德洛·威尔逊。罗斯福在海军时当过他的助理秘书。当威尔逊带领美国人参加一战时，他告诉人们，他们要放弃历史上的孤立主义，为了创造一个强者不再威胁弱者的世界。但在战后的巴黎和会上，欧洲列强们显然对创建这样的一个世界没有什么兴趣。所以，当威尔逊回国宣传刚刚建立的国联时，美国人质问，为什么要加入这样一个组织，它可能会要求美国人再次为了世界去牺牲自己的儿女，而世界去不会按照美国的原则运作。议院否决了提案，美国又回到政治孤立，而威尔逊一蹶不振的死去了。
Wilson's failure haunted F.D.R. When writing speeches, he often glanced at Wilson's portrait, which he'd had installed in the Cabinet Room. His efforts to escape Wilson's fate began even before the U.S. entered the war. As early as the fall of 1937, F.D.R. began hammering relentlessly on one theme. If Hitler's Germany and Tojo's Japan were allowed to rampage unchecked across Europe and Asia, America would eventually be in danger. The implication was clear. If the U.S. went to war again, it would be a war of necessity, not choice — not a war to remake the world but a war to protect the U.S.
威尔逊的失败困扰着罗斯福。当撰写演讲稿时，他经常望着内阁会议室里他挂上去的威尔逊的画像。当美国参与战争之初，甚至在此之前，他就努力避免重蹈威尔逊的覆辙。早在1937年秋，罗斯福就开始不断强调一个问题。如果任由希特勒的德国和东条的日本在欧洲和亚洲横冲直撞，美国最终也会陷入危机。其暗示很明显。如果美国再次参与战争，那将是一场必须的战争，别无选择——这不是一场改变世界的战争，而是一场保卫美国的战争。
At first, that proved a hard sell. Most Americans still believed they were safe behind their Atlantic and Pacific moats. But in 1940, when the Nazis overran France, public opinion began to shift, and by the summer of 1941, with Britain under massive assault and German submarines sinking American ships, key advisers told F.D.R. that he could pressure Congress into declaring war. Yet in his gut, Roosevelt felt the timing wasn't right. He feared that unless he somehow showed Americans that the Axis powers were a threat not just to Britain and France — and not even just to American ships but also to Americans themselves — they would come to see World War II as philanthropy, not self-defense. And when the postwar world did not live up to their hopes, they would turn inward again. On Dec. 7, 1941, Japan solved F.D.R.'s problem by turning Pearl Harbor into an inferno. "Franklin," Eleanor commented, "was, in a way, more serene than he had appeared in a long time."
最初，这个观点并不为人们接受。绝大多数美国人认为，他们躲在大西洋和太平洋的保护之下是安全的。但在1940年，当纳粹占领了法国，公众的观点开始转变。在1941年夏天，当英国受到密集攻击的同时，德国潜艇也击沉了一些美国船只。关键顾问们告诉罗斯福，现在可以向国会施压，要求宣战了。而罗斯福心中仍然认为时机未到。他担心，除非他能展示给美国人，轴心国不但威胁到英国和法国——甚至不仅威胁到美国的船只，也威胁到美国人自己，他们仍会把二战看作是一场慈善事业，而不是自卫。 当战后的世界不能按照他们的意愿运作时，他们又会转向国内。1941年12月7日，日本人把珍珠港变成了一片火海。这解决了罗斯福的问题。“富兰克林，”Eleanor评论到，“从某方面看来，比从前很长一段时间看起来更平静。”
But F.D.R. was still not free from his labyrinth. It was Japan that had hit the U.S., not Germany, and he still suspected there were limits to the costs that the American people would bear, especially in Europe. He initially hoped the U.S. could avoid land fighting in Europe altogether and battle Hitler only in the air and at sea. Even after abandoning that idea, F.D.R. and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill delayed an Allied invasion of France until 1944. The result was that for almost three years, Soviet ground troops faced the Nazi meat grinder largely alone. F.D.R. was not unhappy about that. Yet there were consequences.? By the time American boys stormed the beaches at Normandy, the Red Army was pushing through Eastern Europe toward Berlin.
但罗斯福还是没有从他的迷宫中解放。是日本而不是德国攻击了美国，他仍然怀疑美国人民愿意承受的代价是有限的。尤其是在欧洲。开始他希望美国可以避免在欧洲登陆作战，而只是在空中和海洋上与希特勒战斗。即使在抛弃了这个想法之后，罗斯福和英国首相邱吉尔还是将一次对法国的联合进攻推迟到了1944年。其结果是在大约三年之久的时间里，苏联的地面部队很大程度上是独资与纳粹的绞肉机作战的。罗斯福对此并不高兴。而这样做的结果是，但美国士兵在诺曼底海岸英勇作战时，红军正穿越东欧向德国挺进。
So when Roosevelt began discussing the shape of the postwar world with Soviet leader Joseph Stalin and Churchill, first in Tehran in November 1943 and then in Yalta in February 1945, it was already becoming clear that Eastern Europe would probably fall under Moscow's thumb. He and Churchill got Stalin to promise that all nations would have the right to choose their own postwar governments, but those lovely words meant little with Soviet tanks squatting on Polish soil.
所以，当罗斯福开始和苏联领导人约瑟夫·斯大林及邱吉尔讨论战后的格局时——第一次是1943年11月在德黑兰，然后是1945年1月在雅尔塔——东欧将会在苏联的控制之下已经清晰。他和邱吉尔使斯大林保证所有的国家有权选择自己的战后政府，但当苏联的坦克停驻在波兰的土地上时，这些动听的言辞并没有什么意义。
Roosevelt knew there was not much he could do about this, and he didn't want to alienate Stalin, whose help he thought he would need for a future invasion of Japan. But he worried that when Americans became aware of the sphere of influence that Moscow was establishing in Eastern Europe, they would react with bitter disillusionment, as they had after World War?I. Once Hitler and Tojo were vanquished, Americans might turn inward again.
罗斯福知道，对此他能做的不多，而他也不想疏远斯大林。他认为将来对日本的进攻还需要他的帮助。但他担心，当美国人明白莫斯科正在控制东欧时，他们将痛感理想破灭并作出相应的反映，就像一战之后那样。当希特勒和东条被打败时，美国人可能又回到政治孤立的立场。
By 1945, F.D.R.'s body was on the verge of collapse. His hands shook; his clothes hung off his emaciated frame. He spent his final months trying to entrench the U.S. in the newly created United Nations, so that even when Americans realized that the postwar world was not living up to their hopes, they could not flee from it. In this effort — there is no way to sugarcoat it — he lied. He told Congress that at Yalta he and his fellow leaders had put an end to spheres of influence when, in fact, they had presided over the creation of one. On April 12, while posing for a portrait, F.D.R. suffered a massive stroke and died a few hours later. Three months after his death, his dream was fulfilled: the Senate ratified American membership in the U.N., thus exorcising Wilson's ghost.
到了1945年，罗斯福的健康以至崩溃的边缘。他的手发抖，消瘦的身体连衣服都穿不住了。在他最后的几个月中，他致力于让美国加入刚刚建立的联合国中，这样即使美国人发现战后的世界不符合他们的愿望，也不能从中逃离了。在这次努力中——实在是没有办法装饰门面——他说谎了。他告诉议会，在雅尔塔他和同盟的领导人们已经终结了势力范围的存在，而实际上，当时正是在他们的主持下创建了一个。4月12日，正在摆姿势让人给他画像时，罗斯福被一次严重的中风所袭，几个小时后便去世了。死后三个月，他的梦想实现了，议会正式批准美国加入联合国，从此驱除了威尔逊的鬼魂。
"I didn't say the result was good," commented F.D.R. to a State Department official after Yalta. "I said it was the best I could do." Therein lies perhaps F.D.R.'s greatest lesson for the foreign policy? makers of today. He understood in a way Wilson never did that we lack the power to make the world conform to our abstract principles and rational schemes. Since American taxpayers will only spend so much money and American parents will only sacrifice so many daughters and sons, we have to prioritize, making the world a bit less ugly where we can and accommodating it where we must. Often we will have to enlist the help of nasty characters — like Stalin in the fight against Hitler or Iran in the struggle against al-Qaeda and the Taliban — to confront the gravest threats. Trying to remain morally pure will only permit even greater evil.
“我没有说这个结果是好的，”罗斯福在雅尔塔之后向外交部的意味官员解释说，“我是说这是我所能做到的最好的结果了。”对今天的外交政策决策者来说，这里可能包含着罗斯福最宝贵的经验。他理解，而威尔逊从来没有以他这种方式理解过，我们没有能力让世界遵守我们的抽象理论和理性方案。既然美国的纳税者只能支出这么多钱，而美国的父母只能牺牲这么多儿女，我们只能将事情按重要性排序，在力所能及的地方去减少世界的丑恶，而在必须的情况下去适应它。我们时常不得不求助于邪恶的人物——像与希特勒战斗时的斯大林或与基地组织战斗时的伊朗——来对抗最严峻的形式。想要保持道德上的纯洁，只会给最大的邪恶让路。
But that need not mean that we stop talking in moral terms. F.D.R. spoke eloquently of the world he hoped to see, even as he ruthlessly adapted himself to the one in which he actually lived. Perhaps that came naturally to a man who insisted — against all evidence — that he would one day walk again. We live in the world as it is and dream of the world that might one day be and consider ourselves fortunate to have reduced, even modestly, the distance between the two.
但这并不意味着我们不再谈论道德问题。罗斯福曾雄辩的讲述过他所希望看到的世界，即使同时他也义无反顾的投入到自己身处的现实世界中来。也许对于一个不顾一切反对证据，坚持有一天他会重新行走的男人来说，这是自然而然的。我们生活在当下的世界，梦想着某天可能实现的另一个世界，认为我们有幸能够减少两个世界之间的距离，哪怕只是一点点。
美国在二战中打败法西斯做除了卓越的贡献
但是我反对这是为了正义的说法
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