【2009.10.09 华尔街日报】 中国的新文化大革命
本帖最后由 loplop 于 2009-10-10 17:07 编辑【2009.10.09 华尔街日报】 中国的新文化大革命
【中文标题】中国的新文化大革命
【原文标题】China's New Cultural Revolution
【登载媒体】华尔街日报
【原文连接】http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703298004574459890698286648.html?mod=googlenews_wsj
http://s.wsj.net/public/resources/images/OB-EQ127_Blair_G_20091008145300.jpg
世界上最大的国家还有很长一段路要走，但毫无疑问的是它正变的更好
昨天，仅在人民共和国成立60周年庆典一周之后，中国举办了它的第一次世界媒体峰会。表明目前中国已经走了多远，以及还有多远的路要走。
首先，去了解问题。我们都知道中国是一个拥有13亿人口的国家，但这只是一个统计。想想我们是如何看待美国的，例如加利福尼亚州与俄亥俄州比有多么不同，然后，再乘以四倍。想想试图把中国的56个本土民族融合成一个整体的国家。想想灾难，不仅对中国，而且也是对我们自己，如果发生破裂。
还要弄明白中国发展所面临的挑战是多么的富有戏剧性和艰巨性。美国农业的就业人口仅占总人口的4%。而有近60%的中国人以农业为生。以及有1.5亿人以日均1美元水平生活。他们需要从农业转移到工业，他们需要拼命这样做。在中国东海岸，特别是在北京，上海，广州等，可以看到，部分地像第一世界。但是，中国农村，内陆和西部，处在发展的起步阶段。它必须以世界从未见过的步伐改变。
中国领导人是否关注要保证这种改变在最小程度的混乱和最大程度的稳定中发生呢？？当然，所以他们是应当的。障碍是他们的敌人，也是我们的。
今天，我们狂热地分析中国是否将能够帮助重新平衡世界经济;是否将在关于气候变化的哥本哈根谈判中充分发挥其作用，以及在伊朗可能的立场。我们想象中分析了对于中国稳定和凝聚力构成威胁的后果。然后很高兴我们没有。
这并不意味着我们对中国领导人应该放下身段，去回避棘手的问题。只是意味着我们应该如何理解他们国家内部的希望。我们可以批评政治改革的速度，并提高对人权和法治的关注度。但我们至少应该明白，他们的政治和经济努力是人类历史上绝无仅有的。其严重程度超出了大多数西方领导人的理解，其复杂性，应当得到承认。
1949年以前，中国是一个深受四分五裂和以及不平等的社会。有内战与外国势力入侵等多种原因。有一个1949年动乱的原因。在头30年革命完成人民共和国的成立。但文化大革命随之而来。
我们很难把握这一时期的痛苦，当中国与世隔绝，在一个奇怪与残酷的实验中的，所造成的疤痕，甚至直到今天，包括很多目前的领导人经历过的。当交谈到生活在这段时间，归因于他们的头，当生存取决于官场一时兴起，所有独立的思考被扼杀，你会明白从那时以来有如何重大的变化
开放的中国有其起伏。可是在过去25年，低于世界银行贫困线的人数减少了80％以上，人均国内生产总值增加两倍多，中国企业家也是世界上最具创新力的群体之一。中国现在是世界最大的汽车销售市场，同时大力投资新能源汽车。中国是世界第二大风力涡轮机市场和第三大太阳能市场。
中国的大学与西方最好的大学构建伙伴关系。中国理工科大学毕业生人数已超过欧洲的总和。
一些新骨干在政府里崭露头角。与我20年前首次访华相比，如今与中国领导者———不论是省级还是中央级别———的谈话再不是生硬和形式化的交流了。
然而，现代中国最有趣的方面之一是，中国如何讲述它的历史和未来，正在重新确认中。今天聆听中国人，不仅仅政府，你可以看到，即使在人民共和国60年的庆祝活动，事实之一是中国正找回它的历史和调整自己的未来。
当然，共和国的60年，颂扬它所做的。但越来越多人不仅对1949年后中国的转变，也对中国的古老文明产生了兴趣和崇敬。
孔子、盛唐、书法、传统绘画和文学浸入到中国当代生活中的演讲、评论和著述中。中国电影、艺术、时尚和流行音乐欣欣向荣。21世纪的中国正在发生一场新的文化革命，比过去那场要健康得多。
这给我们这些中国以外的一个机会。中国变化将深刻地影响我们的改变。我们的责任是把中国作为合作伙伴，我们共同来决定世界未来运转的方式。如果我们把中国作为平等伙伴，中国可以成为我们的经济，政治和文化的盟友。这是一个值得努力的机会。
几周前，我站在贵州省贵阳市外一个村庄前，观看一个太阳能照明的小型试验计划。我在村里走动时，当地民众起初往后退。但随着我向他们伸出手后，他们也朝我伸出手。几分钟后，我们合影并开始随意交谈。这虽然不像我在英格兰东北部的塞奇菲尔德老选区，但也不是朝鲜。政府与在中国管辖的关系正在发生变化，而且变得更好。
所以，当我们回顾中国过去60年时，当然可以从他们还必须走多远的角度去想。但也要想想他们取得了多大进步。然后再想想我们能帮上点什么。
作者为托尼布莱尔 英国前首相（1997-2007 ）
[*]OPINION[*]OCTOBER 9, 2009, 4:22 A.M. ET
China's New Cultural Revolution The world's largest country has a long way to go, but there's no question it's changing for the better.
By TONY BLAIR
Yesterday, just a week after the 60th anniversary celebrations of the People's Republic, China kicked off its first World Media Summit. It shows how far China has come—and how far it has to go.
First, understand the problem. We all know China is a nation of 1.3 billion people, but that is just a statistic. Think of how we regard the United States—how different California is from Ohio, for example. Then quadruple it. Think of trying to meld China's 56 native ethnic groupings into one cohesive state. Think of the disaster, not just to the Chinese, but to ourselves, if it fractured.
Understand also how dramatic and daunting the challenge of China's development is. The U.S. has 4% of its population employed in agriculture. Almost 60% of Chinese make their livelihood farming, and more than 150 million live on $1 a day. They need to shift from farming to industry, and they need to do so desperately. The East Coast of China, especially around Beijing, Shanghai and Guangzhou, may look, in parts, like the First World. But rural China, inland and to the West, is in the beginning stages of development. It will have to change at a pace the world has never seen before.
http://s.wsj.net/public/resources/images/OB-EQ127_Blair_D_20091008145300.jpg
Are China's leaders concerned about ensuring that this happens with minimum chaos and maximum stability? Of course, and so they should be. Disorder is their enemy and ours.
Today, we analyze feverishly whether China will be able to help rebalance the world economy; whether it will play its full part in the Copenhagen negotiations on climate change; and what its position may be on Iran. Imagine we were analyzing the consequences of a threat to China's stability and cohesion. And then be glad we are not.
None of this means that we should stop posing tough questions to China's leaders. It simply means that we should appreciate how their country looks to them from the inside. We may criticize the speed of political reform, and raise concerns about human rights and the rule of law. But we should at least understand that their political and economic endeavor is unique in human history. Its magnitude is beyond the comprehension of most Western leaders, and its complexity should be recognized.
Prior to 1949, China was a deeply riven and unequal society. There was a reason for the civil war and the multiple invasions of foreign powers. There was a reason for the upheaval of 1949. In the first 30 years came the completion of the revolution and the establishment of the People's Republic. But then came the Cultural Revolution.
It is difficult for us to grasp the pain of that period, when China closed down and engaged in a bizarre and cruel experiment that left scars, even to this day, on those who experienced it—including many in the present leadership. Talk to those who lived during that time, when reason was turned on its head, when survival depended on the whim of officialdom, and when all independent thought was snuffed out, and you will understand how momentous the change has been since then.
The opening up of China has its ups and downs. But over the past 25 years, the number of people below the World Bank poverty line has fallen by over 80%, GDP per head has more than doubled, and Chinese entrepreneurs are among the most innovative in the world.
China is now the world's largest market for automobile sales, but it is also investing heavily in green vehicles. It is the world's second largest market for wind turbines and the third largest in solar power. Over the next decade, it will almost double its energy output from renewable sources, its cities will change much of their lighting to LEDs, and it will aim to peak its emissions in 2030.
China's universities are forging partnerships with the best of their counterparts in the West. And China is turning out more science and engineering graduates than the whole of Europe put together.
There is a new cadre of people coming to the fore within government. Conversations with Chinese leaders today—at the provincial, as well as the central government level—are a world away from the stilted, pro forma exchanges I remember on my first visit 20 years ago.
However, one of the most interesting aspects of modern China is how the narrative of China, its history and its future, is being reframed. Listen to people in China today—and not only in government—and you can see that even amid the celebrations of the 60 years of the People's Republic, China is rediscovering its history and reorienting its future as a result.
Naturally, the 60 years of the Republic and what it has done are extolled. But increasingly, there is an interest in and reverence for China's ancient civilization as well as its post-1949 transformation.
Confucius, the marvels of the Tang dynasty, calligraphy, the beauty of traditional Chinese painting and literature—all of this infuses the speeches, commentary and discourse of contemporary Chinese life. Chinese films, art, fashion and pop music are thriving. There is a new Cultural Revolution taking place in 21st century China, and it is a lot healthier than the old.
This provides those of us outside China with an opportunity. How China changes will impact profoundly how we change. Our obligation is to treat China as a partner as we determine together the way the world will work in the future. If we treat China as our equal, China can be our economic, political and cultural ally. That is an opportunity that is worth effort.
A few weeks ago, when I was in Guizhou province outside Guiyang city, standing in a small village to see a pilot project in solar lighting, I reflected on what I had seen. I had seen the city center, with its fashion shops like Christian Dior and its bustling nightlife, but also housing tenements urgently in need of renovation. I had witnessed a stunning music and dance show celebrating the region's indigenous heritage. I met the Muslim governor. And in the village, I saw newer homes, but also many that were as poor as some in Africa.
As I walked around, the local people at first hung back. But then as I reached out, they reached back. Within minutes, we were taking photos and speaking freely. OK, it wasn't like my old constituency in Sedgefield in the northeast of England. But it wasn't North Korea either. The relationship between government and governed in China is changing, and for the better.
So when we reflect on China's last 60 years, reflect by all means on how far they have to go. But spare a thought for how far they have come. And then figure out how we can help.
Mr. Blair was Prime Minister of Great Britain from 1997-2007. 政治老手毕竟不同 中国的事西洋人搞不懂， 我靠,
我的注意力被辆车吸引了,
太招摇了,拉出去________斩了 这个是翻译稿吗，有点不通顺诶…… 在台上的时候他绝不敢公开这么说，否则会被“政治正确”的反对者口水淹死 在台上全都揣着明白装糊涂，说出该说的话。
我发现英德法都一样，下台之后都成了知中派。看来屁股决定脑袋呀。 布莱尔这样的人物，即使下台，也是有相当影响力，据说有当选欧盟主席的可能。 中国日报网10月2日报道 据英国《泰晤士报》10月2日报道，如果《里斯本条约》能在当日的爱尔兰公投中得以通过，英国前首相托尼·布莱尔有望在10月29日的欧盟峰会上成为第一位欧盟主席。
据英国高官透露，法国总统萨科齐已经将布莱尔作为这一职位的最佳人选，德国总理默克尔也软化了其从前的反对立场。默克尔曾表示，欧盟主席的职务应由一名来自欧元区国家的人物担任，但目前她的立场已经变得“顺从”。
爱尔兰定于10月2日就是否批准《里斯本条约》再次举行公民投票，爱尔兰去年6月首次公投否决《里斯本条约》，使欧盟一体化进程受到重挫，目前民调显示爱尔兰将批准这一条约。
根据欧盟成员国2007年底签署的《里斯本条约》，欧盟将取消当前每半年轮换一次的主席国轮值机制，设立欧盟理事会常任主席职位。常任主席任期2年半，可以连任，负责主持欧盟会议、协调欧盟内部共识并在世界其他地区代表欧盟，将成为欧盟最重要职务，堪称“欧盟总统”。
《里斯本条约》需经欧盟全部27个成员国批准才能生效。这一具有欧盟宪法性质的条约眼下在除爱尔兰外的其他成员国均获通过，但捷克、波兰和德国三国总统尚未正式签字批准。
布莱尔是这一新职位最引人瞩目的非官方候选人，其他提及的候选人包括卢森堡首相让-克洛德?容克(Jean-ClaudeJuncker)和西班牙前总理菲利普?冈萨雷斯(FelipeGonzález)。
布莱尔1997年至2007年担任英国首相，现任中东问题有关四方特使。 中国领导人说，稳定压倒一切；
美国和德国就努力在中国制造不稳定。 英国开始对中国实行绥靖政策了。哈哈 有点跌破眼镜。而且这文章为毛不在英国的媒体发表，而是在WSJ? 在台上全都揣着明白装糊涂，说出该说的话。
我发现英德法都一样，下台之后都成了知中派。看来屁股决定脑袋呀。
维维豆奶 发表于 2009-10-10 20:43 http://bbs.m4.cn/images/common/back.gif
所谓的民众是善良的、坏的是政客根本就是天大的笑话
政客都是迎合大众的，包括媒体也是 文章还是中肯的 不错 中国这种未富先奢的习气，误国 MD,华尔街日报没吃错药吧。有点吃不消哦 LZ不容易啊.先赞一个..希望继续努力,翻译的更通畅. 到底是首相啊，对中国的理解很透啊！ 哇靠,真跌破偶的眼镜了---虽然我没带眼镜.
看到华尔街,还有这个标题,还想着肯定又是一桶脏水.
没想说得还不错,也比较在理
再一看,居然还是布莱尔写的.嘿嘿
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