【外交政策11月刊】美国的太平洋世纪
本帖最后由 lilyma06 于 2011-11-17 13:37 编辑【中文标题】美国的太平洋世纪
【原文标题】America's Pacific Century
【原文作者】希拉里克林顿
【登载媒体】外交政策11月刊
【来源地址】http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/10/11/americas_pacific_century
【译 者】沧海渺渺
【翻译方式】人工
【声 明】欢迎转载，请务必注明译者和出处 bbs.m4.cn。
【译 文】
The future of politics will be decided in Asia, not Afghanistan or Iraq, and the United States will be right at the center of the action.
BY HILLARY CLINTON |NOVEMBER 2011
未来的政治走向将取决于亚洲，非阿富汗或伊拉克，而美国将是未来政治的核心。
As the war in Iraq winds down and America begins to withdraw its forces from Afghanistan, the United States stands at a pivot point. Over the last 10 years, we have allocated immense resources to those two theaters. In the next 10 years, we need to be smart and systematic about where we invest time and energy, so that we put ourselves in the best position to sustain our leadership, secure our interests, and advance our values. One of the most important tasks of American statecraft over the next decade will therefore be to lock in a substantially increased investment -- diplomatic, economic, strategic, and otherwise -- in the Asia-Pacific region.
伊战趋于完结，驻阿美军开始撤离，美国处于一个转折点。过去十年，我们在这两个“剧场”投入了巨大资源。未来十年，我们需要灵活地、系统地关注我们的投入时间和精力的地区，以确保我们的绝对领导地位、保护我们的利益、推广我们的价值观。未来十年，美国外交重要使命之一就是加大在亚太地区的外交、经济、战略等方面的投资。
The Asia-Pacific has become a key driver of global politics. Stretching from the Indian subcontinent to the western shores of the Americas, the region spans two oceans -- the Pacific and the Indian -- that are increasingly linked by shipping and strategy. It boasts almost half the world's population. It includes many of the key engines of the global economy, as well as the largest emitters of greenhouse gases. It is home to several of our key allies and important emerging powers like China, India, and Indonesia.
亚太地区业已成为国际政治的重心。这个地区从印度次大陆西延伸到美洲西海岸，横跨太平洋和印度洋，被航海运输和战略因素日益紧密地联系了起来。这里人口占到了世界总量的一半，覆盖了全球的许多新兴经济体，同时也是温室气体排放量最大的地区。我们的几个重要盟国和一些新兴强国如中国、印度和印尼就处于这里。
At a time when the region is building a more mature security and economic architecture to promote stability and prosperity, U.S. commitment there is essential. It will help build that architecture and pay dividends for continued American leadership well into this century, just as our post-World War II commitment to building a comprehensive and lasting transatlantic network of institutions and relationships has paid off many times over -- and continues to do so. The time has come for the United States to make similar investments as a Pacific power, a strategic course set by President Barack Obama from the outset of his administration and one that is already yielding benefits.
亚太地区欲构建更成熟之安全和经济架构以促稳定繁荣，美国的承诺至关重要。本世纪美国要帮助亚太地区建立上述架构以保持我们的领导地位。二战以后，美国建立了全面、长期的跨大西洋机构和关系网络，取得了丰硕的成果。现在，是时候对亚太地区采取类似政策了。奥巴马总统上任伊始就开始在该地区部署战略任务，且取得了成果。美国要努力使自己成为一支太平洋力量，并且继续执行奥巴马总统的战略部署。
With Iraq and Afghanistan still in transition and serious economic challenges in our own country, there are those on the American political scene who are calling for us not to reposition, but to come home. They seek a downsizing of our foreign engagement in favor of our pressing domestic priorities. These impulses are understandable, but they are misguided. Those who say that we can no longer afford to engage with the world have it exactly backward -- we cannot afford not to. From opening new markets for American businesses to curbing nuclear proliferation to keeping the sea lanes free for commerce and navigation, our work abroad holds the key to our prosperity and security at home. For more than six decades, the United States has resisted the gravitational pull of these "come home" debates and the implicit zero-sum logic of these arguments. We must do so again.
当前，伊拉克和阿富汗仍处于过渡时期，美国国内面临严峻经济挑战。政界就有这么一些人，号召美国撤军回家专注于国内，而不是重新定位。这些意见是可以理解的，但也是受到误导的。有人说我们已承担不起在国外的花销，不对，我们承担得起，相反，我们承担不起不花销。无论是为美国贸易开拓新的市场，还是阻止核武器扩散，我们一直为贸易和航运维持着自由的航道，这些工作是维护美国繁荣与安全的关键。60多年来，美国抵制住了了这些“回家论”和“无用论”。现在，我们须继续抵制。
Beyond our borders, people are also wondering about America's intentions -- our willingness to remain engaged and to lead. In Asia, they ask whether we are really there to stay, whether we are likely to be distracted again by events elsewhere, whether we can make -- and keep -- credible economic and strategic commitments, and whether we can back those commitments with action. The answer is: We can, and we will.
国际上，有人也在揣测我们的意图——我们是否还有继续主导世界的意愿。在亚洲，他们问：我们是否会长期驻留，我们是否有可能因别处发生的事件而转移注意力，我们能否做出并保持可信的经济和战略承诺，我们能否将这些承诺付诸行动。答案是：我们能够而且一定会这么做。
Harnessing Asia's growth and dynamism is central to American economic and strategic interests and a key priority for President Obama. Open markets in Asia provide the United States with unprecedented opportunities for investment, trade, and access to cutting-edge technology. Our economic recovery at home will depend on exports and the ability of American firms to tap into the vast and growing consumer base of Asia. Strategically, maintaining peace and security across the Asia-Pacific is increasingly crucial to global progress, whether through defending freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, countering the proliferation efforts of North Korea, or ensuring transparency in the military activities of the region's key players.
美国经济、战略利益以及奥巴马总统的一个关键任务就在于掌控亚洲使之保持增长和活力。亚洲开放的市场为美国的投资、贸易和高科技带来了前所未有的机遇。国内经济的恢复，一方面取决于出口，一方面取决于美国公司进入亚洲广阔市场的能力。从战略意义上讲，全球的发展，将日渐仰赖于维护亚太的和平与稳定。为了达成这一目标，我们可以从这几方面着手：维护中国南海的航运自由，抵制朝鲜的核武意图，确保该地区重要国家的军事透明度。
Just as Asia is critical to America's future, an engaged America is vital to Asia's future. The region is eager for our leadership and our business -- perhaps more so than at any time in modern history. We are the only power with a network of strong alliances in the region, no territorial ambitions, and a long record of providing for the common good. Along with our allies, we have underwritten regional security for decades -- patrolling Asia's sea lanes and preserving stability -- and that in turn has helped create the conditions for growth. We have helped integrate billions of people across the region into the global economy by spurring economic productivity, social empowerment, and greater people-to-people links. We are a major trade and investment partner, a source of innovation that benefits workers and businesses on both sides of the Pacific, a host to 350,000 Asian students every year, a champion of open markets, and an advocate for universal human rights.
亚洲对美国的未来至关重要，同样地，美国的参与对亚洲的未来也同样重要。亚洲渴望着我们的领导和贸易——或许是前所未有的渴望。我们在亚洲拥有独一无二的强有力的军事同盟，却没有觊觎领土的企图，我们还拥有一份长长的人道援助记录。几十年来，我们与盟友一起承担起了该地区的安全任务——巡查并确保亚洲航道的稳定——这才帮助亚洲创造了经济增长的环境。通过经济刺激、社会支援以及民间直接交往，我们还帮助亚洲将数以亿计的人口融入了全球经济圈。我们是主要的贸易和投资伙伴，是太平洋两岸的工人和贸易获利的创新之源，是每年35万亚洲留学生的接收国，是开放市场的冠军，是人权的倡导者。
President Obama has led a multifaceted and persistent effort to embrace fully our irreplaceable role in the Pacific, spanning the entire U.S. government. It has often been a quiet effort. A lot of our work has not been on the front pages, both because of its nature -- long-term investment is less exciting than immediate crises -- and because of competing headlines in other parts of the world.
奥巴马总统多面着手，坚持不懈地引领我们维护着美国在亚太地区不可替代的地位，团结了整个美国政府。我们的工作大多在默默地进行着，一方面因为这是一项长期的投入，不像剧变危机那样的引人耳目，另一方面我们也不想与其他地方争做新闻头条。
As secretary of state, I broke with tradition and embarked on my first official overseas trip to Asia. In my seven trips since, I have had the privilege to see firsthand the rapid transformations taking place in the region, underscoring how much the future of the United States is intimately intertwined with the future of the Asia-Pacific. A strategic turn to the region fits logically into our overall global effort to secure and sustain America's global leadership. The success of this turn requires maintaining and advancing a bipartisan consensus on the importance of the Asia-Pacific to our national interests; we seek to build upon a strong tradition of engagement by presidents and secretaries of state of both parties across many decades. It also requires smart execution of a coherent regional strategy that accounts for the global implications of our choices.
担任国务卿以后，我打破传统，将我海外访问的第一站定在了亚洲。前后七次访问中，我有幸亲眼看到了这个地区的快速变化，凸显了美国的未来与亚洲地区的未来是多么紧密地联系在一起。这一战略转变契合我们的总体目标——即保持美国的全球领导地位。最终能否成功，首先需要我们两党在事关国家利益的重要亚太事务中团结一致，而多年以来，我们也在努力使两党中的总统和国务卿参与其中。其次需要我们灵活地执行地区战略计划，这些计划是与我们的全球战略相连贯的。
WHAT DOES THAT regional strategy look like? For starters, it calls for a sustained commitment to what I have called "forward-deployed" diplomacy. That means continuing to dispatch the full range of our diplomatic assets -- including our highest-ranking officials, our development experts, our interagency teams, and our permanent assets -- to every country and corner of the Asia-Pacific region. Our strategy will have to keep accounting for and adapting to the rapid and dramatic shifts playing out across Asia. With this in mind, our work will proceed along six key lines of action: strengthening bilateral security alliances; deepening our working relationships with emerging powers, including with China; engaging with regional multilateral institutions; expanding trade and investment; forging a broad-based military presence; and advancing democracy and human rights.
这究竟是一项什么样的地区战略？首先，它需要我们能够持续地执行我所说的“前沿部署”外交政策。这意味着继续全面地使用我们的外交资源——包括我们的最高级别领导，我们的发展专家，我们的跨部门团队，还有我们的永久资产——分派到亚太地区每个国家和角落。我们的战略计划需要我们不断跟进并适应亚洲的迅速变化。在此基础上，我们的工作将按照六条关键方针展开：加强双边军事同盟关系；深入开展与新兴国家包括中国的工作联系；参与地区多边组织；扩张贸易投资；向多个基地进驻部队；促进民主、人权。
By virtue of our unique geography, the United States is both an Atlantic and a Pacific power. We are proud of our European partnerships and all that they deliver. Our challenge now is to build a web of partnerships and institutions across the Pacific that is as durable and as consistent with American interests and values as the web we have built across the Atlantic. That is the touchstone of our efforts in all these areas.
借助独特的地理优势，美国既是大西洋大国，也是太平洋大国。我们对与欧洲的伙伴关系及取得的成果感到自豪。现在我们的任务就是要建立一个跨太平的伙伴关系和组织网络，使之与我们的跨大西洋网络一样持久，并与美国的利益和价值观保持一致。
Our treaty alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand are the fulcrum for our strategic turn to the Asia-Pacific. They have underwritten regional peace and security for more than half a century, shaping the environment for the region's remarkable economic ascent. They leverage our regional presence and enhance our regional leadership at a time of evolving security challenges.
我们的盟国日本、韩国、澳大利亚、菲律宾以及泰国是我们向亚太战略转移的支点。他们已经确保了半个多世纪的繁荣稳定，对亚太地区的经济增长发挥着重要作用。一旦我们遇到安全挑战，他们会支持我们的军事力量并提升我们的地区领导力。
As successful as these alliances have been, we can't afford simply to sustain them -- we need to update them for a changing world. In this effort, the Obama administration is guided by three core principles. First, we have to maintain political consensus on the core objectives of our alliances. Second, we have to ensure that our alliances are nimble and adaptive so that they can successfully address new challenges and seize new opportunities. Third, we have to guarantee that the defense capabilities and communications infrastructure of our alliances are operationally and materially capable of deterring provocation from the full spectrum of state and nonstate actors.
我们不能仅满足于以往的成功了，我们要适应不断变化的世界。有鉴于此，奥巴马政府将遵循三条原则。第一，在核心目标上与盟国保持政治共识。第二，确保盟国能够灵活应对新的挑战以抓住新的机遇。第三，保障盟国的防卫能力和通讯基础设施，以使他们有能力抵挡任何国家和非国家实体的挑衅。
The alliance with Japan, the cornerstone of peace and stability in the region, demonstrates how the Obama administration is giving these principles life. We share a common vision of a stable regional order with clear rules of the road -- from freedom of navigation to open markets and fair competition. We have agreed to a new arrangement, including a contribution from the Japanese government of more than $5 billion, to ensure the continued enduring presence of American forces in Japan, while expanding joint intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance activities to deter and react quickly to regional security challenges, as well as information sharing to address cyberthreats. We have concluded an Open Skies agreement that will enhance access for businesses and people-to-people ties, launched a strategic dialogue on the Asia-Pacific, and been working hand in hand as the two largest donor countries in Afghanistan.
与日本的联盟是该地区和平、稳定的基石，它体现了以上三项原则的实际运用。首先，我们都认为建立稳定的地区秩序需要满足三个条件：航行自由、开放市场和公平竞争。其次，我们已经达成了一个新的方案，根据该方案，日本政府将拨付50亿美金保障驻日美军的军事供应，用于加强联合的情报搜集、监测和侦察活动以共同应对地区安全挑战，也用于处理网络威胁时的信息共享。也达成了一项增强经贸与民间往来的领空开放协定。此外，还建立了一个关于亚太地区的战略对话，在阿富汗战争中两国就曾携手发挥了中流砥柱的作用。
Similarly, our alliance with South Korea has become stronger and more operationally integrated, and we continue to develop our combined capabilities to deter and respond to North Korean provocations. We have agreed on a plan to ensure successful transition of operational control during wartime and anticipate successful passage of the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement. And our alliance has gone global, through our work together in the G-20 and the Nuclear Security Summit and through our common efforts in Haiti and Afghanistan.
同样，我们与韩国的盟友关系变得越来越密不可分，我们会继续加强联合抵御朝鲜挑衅的应对能力。双方也已经商定了战时指挥权移交的方案，并将建立韩美自由贸易协定。通过G-20峰会和核安全峰会的协作以及在海地、阿富汗的合作，我们的盟友已经走向了世界。
We are also expanding our alliance with Australia from a Pacific partnership to an Indo-Pacific one, and indeed a global partnership. From cybersecurity to Afghanistan to the Arab Awakening to strengthening regional architecture in the Asia-Pacific, Australia's counsel and commitment have been indispensable. And in Southeast Asia, we are renewing and strengthening our alliances with the Philippines and Thailand, increasing, for example, the number of ship visits to the Philippines and working to ensure the successful training of Filipino counterterrorism forces through our Joint Special Operations Task Force in Mindanao. In Thailand -- our oldest treaty partner in Asia -- we are working to establish a hub of regional humanitarian and disaster relief efforts in the region.
我们也在与澳大利亚拓展同盟关系，从太平洋伙伴关系拓展到印度-太平洋伙伴关系，实质上是全球伙伴关系。从网络安全问题到阿富汗问题，从伊斯兰觉醒运动再到加强亚太地区秩序问题，澳大利亚正发挥着无可替代的作用。在东南亚，我们也在加强同菲律宾、泰国的同盟关系，我们增派了去菲律宾的船只，驻扎在棉兰老岛的“联合特别作战部队”帮助菲律宾训练反恐部队。泰国是我们在亚洲的最老的缔约伙伴，在这里，我们正在合作建立一所地区人道援助和减灾中心。
AS WE UPDATE our alliances for new demands, we are also building new partnerships to help solve shared problems. Our outreach to China, India, Indonesia, Singapore, New Zealand, Malaysia, Mongolia, Vietnam, Brunei, and the Pacific Island countries is all part of a broader effort to ensure a more comprehensive approach to American strategy and engagement in the region. We are asking these emerging partners to join us in shaping and participating in a rules-based regional and global order.
我们审时度势调整了与盟友的合作关系，与此同时，为了解决共同问题，我们也在建立新的伙伴关系。与中国、印度、印尼、新加坡、新西兰、马来西亚、蒙古、越南、文莱以及众太平洋岛国建立关系，是我们实现战略目标和介入亚太地区的方式之一。我们希望这些国家与我们共同建立并参与地区和全球规则秩序。
One of the most prominent of these emerging partners is, of course, China. Like so many other countries before it, China has prospered as part of the open and rules-based system that the United States helped to build and works to sustain. And today, China represents one of the most challenging and consequential bilateral relationships the United States has ever had to manage. This calls for careful, steady, dynamic stewardship, an approach to China on our part that is grounded in reality, focused on results, and true to our principles and interests.
这些新伙伴当中最引人注目的国家之一自然是中国。与历史上其他同类国家一样，中国在美国帮助建立和维护的开放的、基于规则的系统中实现了繁荣。中美关系也是美国有史以来最有挑战性和重大的双边关系之一，需要进行审慎、稳定和动态的处理。我们对中国的方针是立足现实，注重成效，忠实于我们的原则和利益。
We all know that fears and misperceptions linger on both sides of the Pacific. Some in our country see China's progress as a threat to the United States; some in China worry that America seeks to constrain China's growth. We reject both those views. The fact is that a thriving America is good for China and a thriving China is good for America. We both have much more to gain from cooperation than from conflict. But you cannot build a relationship on aspirations alone. It is up to both of us to more consistently translate positive words into effective cooperation -- and, crucially, to meet our respective global responsibilities and obligations. These are the things that will determine whether our relationship delivers on its potential in the years to come. We also have to be honest about our differences. We will address them firmly and decisively as we pursue the urgent work we have to do together. And we have to avoid unrealistic expectations.
我们都知道担忧与误解并存于太平洋的两岸。在美国有人将中国的进步看作美国的威胁；在中国则有人担忧美国会制约中国的发展。我们认为这两种观点都有失偏颇。事实上一个繁荣的美国有利于中国，而一个繁荣的中国则有利于美国。中美两国合则两利斗则两伤。然而，建立双边关系不是一厢情愿的事。它有赖于我们持续积极地对话并进行有效的合作，而至关重要的是，双方必须履行对全球的责任和义务。这些就是双边关系能否发展的因素。我们也要坦诚面对分歧。我们要秉持坚定、果断的态度来对待需要共同处理的紧迫问题，同时要避免不切实际的期望。
Over the last two-and-a-half years, one of my top priorities has been to identify and expand areas of common interest, to work with China to build mutual trust, and to encourage China's active efforts in global problem-solving. This is why Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner and I launched the Strategic and Economic Dialogue, the most intensive and expansive talks ever between our governments, bringing together dozens of agencies from both sides to discuss our most pressing bilateral issues, from security to energy to human rights.
过去的两年半中，我的重点工作之一就是寻找并拓展中美双方的共同利益领域，与中国一道建立互信，并鼓励中国积极参与解决全球性问题。我因此还与财政部长Timothy Geithner发起了“中美战略与经济对话”，使得两国政府能进行广泛而深入的交流，两国的多个部门机构也能聚在一起商讨双方最为紧迫的事务，比如安全、能源和人权等。
We are also working to increase transparency and reduce the risk of miscalculation or miscues between our militaries. The United States and the international community have watched China's efforts to modernize and expand its military, and we have sought clarity as to its intentions. Both sides would benefit from sustained and substantive military-to-military engagement that increases transparency. So we look to Beijing to overcome its reluctance at times and join us in forging a durable military-to-military dialogue. And we need to work together to strengthen the Strategic Security Dialogue, which brings together military and civilian leaders to discuss sensitive issues like maritime security and cybersecurity.
我们也在努力增加两国军方的信息透明度，降低误判误信带来的风险。中国军队的扩张和现代化我们看在眼里，我们希望中国澄清这背后的真实意图。如果军方之间能够持续直接接触并进行广泛交流，这将有利于增加透明度，我们双方也都会从中受益。我们希望北京能够自愿与我们进行军对军直接对话，并共同加强“战略安全对话”，以使双方军政领导能够共同探讨敏感话题，比如海上安全和网络安全。
As we build trust together, we are committed to working with China to address critical regional and global security issues. This is why I have met so frequently -- often in informal settings -- with my Chinese counterparts, State Councilor Dai Bingguo and Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi, for candid discussions about important challenges like North Korea, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, and developments in the South China Sea.
在建立互信上，我们要与中国共同处理一些重要的地区事务和全球安全事务。因此，我常常在一些非正式场合与中国国务委员戴秉国、外长杨洁篪会面，开诚布公地商讨朝鲜、阿富汗、巴基斯坦、伊朗以及中国南海事态等问题。
On the economic front, the United States and China need to work together to ensure strong, sustained, and balanced future global growth. In the aftermath of the global financial crisis, the United States and China worked effectively through the G-20 to help pull the global economy back from the brink. We have to build on that cooperation. U.S. firms want fair opportunities to export to China's growing markets, which can be important sources of jobs here in the United States, as well as assurances that the $50 billion of American capital invested in China will create a strong foundation for new market and investment opportunities that will support global competitiveness. At the same time, Chinese firms want to be able to buy more high-tech products from the UnitedStates, make more investments here, and be accorded the same terms of access that market economies enjoy. We can work together on these objectives, but China still needs to take important steps toward reform. In particular, we are working with China to end unfair discrimination against U.S. and other foreign companies or against their innovative technologies, remove preferences for domestic firms, and end measures that disadvantage or appropriate foreign intellectual property. And we look to China to take steps to allow its currency to appreciate more rapidly, both against the dollar and against the currencies of its other major trading partners. Such reforms, we believe, would not only benefit both our countries (indeed, they would support the goals of China's own five-year plan, which calls for more domestic-led growth), but also contribute to global economic balance, predictability, and broader prosperity.
在经济方面，美中两国要共同确保全球经济能够强劲、持续、平衡地增长。全球金融危机之后，通过G-20美中两国已经有效地遏制了全球经济的滑坡。我们要加强这种合作。美国企业想在同等机会下向中国蓬勃的市场出口，这将会带动美国就业增长；而美国投向中国的500亿美元的资本也将为中国增加新的市场和投资机遇，从而增强中国的全球竞争力。与此同时，中国企业也想从美国进口更多高科技产品、增加投资、获得市场经济条件下同等的待遇。我们当然可以共同朝这些目标努力，但是中国需要采取重要措施深化改革。主要的几个方面有：我们希望中国消除对包括美国在内的外企及其新技术的歧视、取消对国内企业的优惠、加大对外企的知识产权保护。我们也希望人民币对美元和其他主要贸易伙伴的货币加速升值。我们相信，这些改革不仅会使双方受益（事实上，这将会为中国实现下一个以内需带动经济发展的五年规划带来好处），而且将为全球经济发展的平衡、稳定、繁荣做出贡献。
Of course, we have made very clear, publicly and privately, our serious concerns about human rights. And when we see reports of public-interest lawyers, writers, artists, and others who are detained or disappeared, the United States speaks up, both publicly and privately, with our concerns about human rights. We make the case to our Chinese colleagues that a deep respect for international law and a more open political system would provide China with a foundation for far greater stability and growth -- and increase the confidence of China's partners. Without them, China is placing unnecessary limitations on its own development.
当然，我们已经公开地和私下里表明了我们对中国人权的关注。一旦得知有公共知识分子如律师、作家和艺术家等被拘留或消失的消息，美国在任何场合都会表明对人权的关注。我们告诉我们的中国同僚，对国际法律的尊重和开放的政治制度将极大地加强中国稳定和发展的基础，也会增强合作伙伴对中国的信心。没有这些，中国就是在为自己的发展设置不必要的障碍。
At the end of the day, there is no handbook for the evolving U.S.-China relationship. But the stakes are much too high for us to fail. As we proceed, we will continue to embed our relationship with China in a broader regional framework of security alliances, economic networks, and social connections.
发展中美关系最终是无章可循的。挑战很大，容不得我们失败。将来，我们会继续把美中关系纳入到安全联盟、经济合作组织以及民间交往等更大范围的地区框架下。
Among key emerging powers with which we will work closely are India and Indonesia, two of the most dynamic and significant democratic powers of Asia, and both countries with which the Obama administration has pursued broader, deeper, and more purposeful relationships. The stretch of sea from the Indian Ocean through the Strait of Malacca to the Pacific contains the world's most vibrant trade and energy routes. Together, India and Indonesia already account for almost a quarter of the world's population. They are key drivers of the global economy, important partners for the United States, and increasingly central contributors to peace and security in the region. And their importance is likely to grow in the years ahead.
在重要的新兴经济体当中，美国要与印度和印尼保持紧密合作，这两个国家是亚洲最有活力和最重要的民主国家，奥巴马政府一直在与它们发展更加广泛、深入和有意义的关系。以马六甲海峡为枢纽的印度洋和太平洋上有世界上最兴旺的贸易和能源航线。印度和印尼的人口加起来占到了世界总人口的四分之一。它们是全球经济发展的重要动力，是美国的重要合作伙伴，也是亚太地区和平、安全的核心力量。未来它们可能会发挥越来越重要的作用。
President Obama told the Indian parliament last year that the relationship between India and America will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century, rooted in common values and interests. There are still obstacles to overcome and questions to answer on both sides, but the United States is making a strategic bet on India's future -- that India's greater role on the world stage will enhance peace and security, that opening India's markets to the world will pave the way to greater regional and global prosperity, that Indian advances in science and technology will improve lives and advance human knowledge everywhere, and that India's vibrant, pluralistic democracy will produce measurable results and improvements for its citizens and inspire others to follow a similar path of openness and tolerance. So the Obama administration has expanded our bilateral partnership; actively supported India's Look East efforts, including through a new trilateral dialogue with India and Japan; and outlined a new vision for a more economically integrated and politically stable South and Central Asia, with India as a linchpin.
去年奥巴马总统与印度议会交流时说到，印美关系植根于共同的价值观和利益基础上，将是21世纪最为重要的关系之一。虽然我们双方仍有障碍需要克服、有问题需要回答，但是美国从战略角度对印度的未来充满信心——印度将对世界和平、安全具有更大的影响；印度市场将为地区乃至全球经济更加繁荣发挥更重要的作用；印度的科技进步将改善我们的生活、提高人类知识的普及程度；印度充满活力的多元民主政治将为国民带来幸福，也会激励其他国家追随效仿，走上开放多元的民主大道。因此，奥巴马政府在拓展我们的双边关系；积极支持印度的“东进”计划，比如发起同印度、日本的三方对话；将印度作为整合中南亚经济、稳定中南亚政治的中坚力量。
We are also forging a new partnership with Indonesia, the world's third-largest democracy, the world's most populous Muslim nation, and a member of the G-20. We have resumed joint training of Indonesian special forces units and signed a number of agreements on health, educational exchanges, science and technology, and defense. And this year, at the invitation of the Indonesian government, President Obama will inaugurate American participation in the East Asia Summit. But there is still some distance to travel -- we have to work together to overcome bureaucratic impediments, lingering historical suspicions, and some gaps in understanding each other's perspectives and interests.
我们也要同印尼发展新的伙伴关系。印尼是世界第三大民主国家，穆斯林人口最多的国家，也是G-20的成员国之一。我们已经重新开始了印尼特种部队的联合训练，并签署了一系列在卫生、教育交流、科技和国防方面的协议。今年，应印尼政府的邀请，奥巴马总统将首次参加东亚峰会。然而，我们双方还存在一定的距离——我们要共同克服官僚障碍、消除历史遗留猜忌、理解双方的目标和利益。
EVEN AS WE strengthen these bilateral relationships, we have emphasized the importance of multilateral cooperation, for we believe that addressing complex transnational challenges of the sort now faced by Asia requires a set of institutions capable of mustering collective action. And a more robust and coherent regional architecture in Asia would reinforce the system of rules and responsibilities, from protecting intellectual property to ensuring freedom of navigation, that form the basis of an effective international order. In multilateral settings, responsible behavior is rewarded with legitimacy and respect, and we can work together to hold accountable those who undermine peace, stability, and prosperity.
在加强以上双边关系的同时，我们还要强调多边合作的重要性，因为我们认为解决亚洲面临的复杂的涉及多方的问题需要多边组织的集体行动。一个更加有力、有序的亚洲地区架构会增强对规则和责任的意识，从保护知识产权到确保航运自由，都是有效的国际秩序的基础。在多边环境下，负责任的行为将会被肯定并予以尊重，我们可以联合起来让那些破坏和平、稳定和繁荣的国家负上应有的责任。
So the United States has moved to fully engage the region's multilateral institutions, such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, mindful that our work with regional institutions supplements and does not supplant our bilateral ties. There is a demand from the region that America play an active role in the agenda-setting of these institutions -- and it is in our interests as well that they be effective and responsive.
因此，美国会全面参与地区多边组织事务，比如参与东南亚国家联盟（ASEAN）和亚太经济合作组织 (APEC)论坛，但是我们只将参与区域性组织作为补充而不是取代我们的双边关系。亚太地区需要美国积极参与制定区域性组织的制定，有效和反应灵敏的组织也是符合美国利益的。
That is why President Obama will participate in the East Asia Summit for the first time in November. To pave the way, the United States has opened a new U.S. Mission to ASEAN in Jakarta and signed the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation with ASEAN. Our focus on developing a more results-oriented agenda has been instrumental in efforts to address disputes in the South China Sea. In 2010, at the ASEAN Regional Forum in Hanoi, the United States helped shape a regionwide effort to protect unfettered access to and passage through the South China Sea, and to uphold the key international rules for defining territorial claims in the South China Sea's waters. Given that half the world's merchant tonnage flows through this body of water, this was a consequential undertaking. And over the past year, we have made strides in protecting our vital interests in stability and freedom of navigation and have paved the way for sustained multilateral diplomacy among the many parties with claims in the South China Sea, seeking to ensure disputes are settled peacefully and in accordance with established principles of international law.
因此，奥巴马总统将于11月首次参加东亚峰会。作为一项基础工作，美国已在雅加达设立了新的美国驻东盟使团，并与东盟签署了《友好合作条约》（Treaty of Amity and Cooperation）。我们把制定一项更务实的议程作为重点，这对于解决南中国海争端起到了推动作用。2010年在河内举行的东盟地区论坛（ASEAN Regional Forum）上，美国主导了一项区域性计划，保护各国不受阻碍地进入南中国海并在其间自由航行，支持在南中国海海域划定领海界限的关键国际规则。世界二分之一的商用货轮行经这片水域，因此这是一项重要的计划。在过去一年中，我们为保护事关我们切身利益的稳定、自由通航方面取得了长足进步，并为对南中国海提出主权要求的各方展开持久的多边外交铺平了道路，努力确保按照国际法既定的原则和平解决争端。
We have also worked to strengthen APEC as a serious leaders-level institution focused on advancing economic integration and trade linkages across the Pacific. After last year's bold call by the group for a free trade area of the Asia-Pacific, President Obama will host the 2011 APEC Leaders' Meeting in Hawaii this November. We are committed to cementing APEC as the Asia-Pacific's premier regional economic institution, setting the economic agenda in a way that brings together advanced and emerging economies to promote open trade and investment, as well as to build capacity and enhance regulatory regimes. APEC and its work help expand U.S. exports and create and support high-quality jobs in the United States, while fostering growth throughout the region. APEC also provides a key vehicle to drive a broad agenda to unlock the economic growth potential that women represent. In this regard, the United States is committed to working with our partners on ambitious steps to accelerate the arrival of the Participation Age, where every individual, regardless of gender or other characteristics, is a contributing and valued member of the global marketplace.
我们还努力加强亚太经合组织，使之成为一个致力于推进整个太平洋地区经济一体化和贸易联系的实质性领导机构。在该组织去年大胆呼吁建立亚太自由贸易区之后，奥巴马总统将于今年11月在夏威夷主持召开2011年亚太经合组织领导人会议。我们致力于巩固亚太经合组织作为亚太地区首要的区域经济机构的作用，制定经济议程，从而带动发达和新兴经济体共同促进贸易和投资开放，增加贸易总量并加强监管机制。亚太经合组织及其工作有助于美国扩大出口、增加和维持高质量的就业机会，同时促进整个亚太地区的经济增长。亚太经合组织还有一项议程，即促进妇女为经济增长发挥潜能。在这个领域，美国将与各合作伙伴共同努力，以使“参与时代”（Participation Age）的尽快到来——届时每一个人，不分性别或其他差别，都将成为全球市场的值得珍视的人力资源。
In addition to our commitment to these broader multilateral institutions, we have worked hard to create and launch a number of "minilateral" meetings, small groupings of interested states to tackle specific challenges, such as the Lower Mekong Initiative we launched to support education, health, and environmental programs in Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam, and the Pacific Islands Forum, where we are working to support its members as they confront challenges from climate change to overfishing to freedom of navigation. We are also starting to pursue new trilateral opportunities with countries as diverse as Mongolia, Indonesia, Japan, Kazakhstan, and South Korea. And we are setting our sights as well on enhancing coordination and engagement among the three giants of the Asia-Pacific: China, India, and the United States.
除了对这些规模较大的多边区域性组织的承诺外，我们也开创并发起了一系列“小型多边”会议，即几个利益相关国家针对具体问题召开的小型会议，例如我们发起了“湄公河下行走动计划”（Lower Mekong Initiative），来支持柬埔寨、老挝、泰国和越南的教育、卫生和环境事业，还有“太平洋岛国论坛”，以支持成员国应对气候变化、过度捕捞及通航自由等遇到的挑战。我们也在寻找与蒙古、印尼、日本、哈萨克斯坦和韩国等不同国家建立三边关系的契机。我们也希望亚太地区的三大强国中国、印度和美国之间促进合作与交流。
In all these different ways, we are seeking to shape and participate in a responsive, flexible, and effective regional architecture -- and ensure it connects to a broader global architecture that not only protects international stability and commerce but also advances our values.
通过这种种方式，我们力求塑造并参与一个反应迅速、灵活、有效的区域性架构，并确保它与更广泛的全球架构相契合，该架构不仅保护国际稳定和国际贸易，而且能推广我们的价值观。
OUR EMPHASIS ON the economic work of APEC is in keeping with our broader commitment to elevate economic statecraft as a pillar of American foreign policy. Increasingly, economic progress depends on strong diplomatic ties, and diplomatic progress depends on strong economic ties. And naturally, a focus on promoting American prosperity means a greater focus on trade and economic openness in the Asia-Pacific. The region already generates more than half of global output and nearly half of global trade. As we strive to meet President Obama's goal of doubling exports by 2015, we are looking for opportunities to do even more business in Asia. Last year, American exports to the Pacific Rim totaled $320 billion, supporting 850,000 American jobs. So there is much that favors us as we think through this repositioning.
我们重视亚太经合组织的经济工作，这与我们要把经济事务提升为美国外交政策核心的承诺是一致的。经济发展日益依赖牢固的外交关系，而外交进展则取决于牢固的经济关系。自然，要发展美国经济意味着更加重视亚太地区贸易和经济的开放程度。该地区的生产量占全球的一半以上，贸易额也将近占全球总额的一半。我们要力争实现奥巴马总统提出的目标——到2015年将出口量翻一番，就要在亚洲寻找更多的商机。去年，美国对太平洋沿岸地区的出口总额为3200亿美元，支撑着85万个就业岗位。因此，在我们调整政策时，有很多对我们有利的因素。
When I talk to my Asian counterparts, one theme consistently stands out: They still want America to be an engaged and creative partner in the region's flourishing trade and financial interactions. And as I talk with business leaders across our own nation, I hear how important it is for the United States to expand our exports and our investment opportunities in Asia's dynamic markets.
当我与我的亚洲同僚们交谈的时侯，总会有一个主题突显出来：他们仍然希望美国在亚洲地区蓬勃发展的贸易和金融往来中成为一个参与其中并发挥创造性的合作伙伴。在我与我国各地企业界领导人的交谈中，我了解到向亚洲蓬勃的市场扩大我们的出口和投资对美国是多么的重要。
Last March in APEC meetings in Washington, and again in Hong Kong in July, I laid out four attributes that I believe characterize healthy economic competition: open, free, transparent, and fair. Through our engagement in the Asia-Pacific, we are helping to give shape to these principles and showing the world their value.
在今年3月的华盛顿会议和7月的香港APEC会议上，我阐述了健康的经济竞争应当具备的四个特征：开放、自由、透明、公平。通过我们在亚太地区的参与，我们正在逐步落实这些原则，并展现它们的价值。
We are pursuing new cutting-edge trade deals that raise the standards for fair competition even as they open new markets. For instance, the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement will eliminate tariffs on 95 percent of U.S. consumer and industrial exports within five years and support an estimated 70,000 American jobs. Its tariff reductions alone could increase exports of American goods by more than $10 billion and help South Korea's economy grow by 6 percent. It will level the playing field for U.S. auto companies and workers. So, whether you are an American manufacturer of machinery or a South Korean chemicals exporter, this deal lowers the barriers that keep you from reaching new customers.
我们正在谋求达成新型的高端贸易协议，使之在开拓新市场的同时提升公平竞争的标准。例如，《韩美自由贸易协定》（Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement）将在五年内取消美国95%的消费品和工业出口产品关税，带来大约7万个美国就业岗位。仅消除关税一项就可能为美国产品出口带来100亿美元以上的增长，并会使韩国经济增长6%。它将为美国汽车企业和工人优化竞争环境。所以，无论是美国机械制造商，还是韩国化工产品出口商，这项协定都减少了获得新客户的壁垒。
We are also making progress on the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), which will bring together economies from across the Pacific -- developed and developing alike -- into a single trading community. Our goal is to create not just more growth, but better growth. We believe trade agreements need to include strong protections for workers, the environment, intellectual property, and innovation. They should also promote the free flow of information technology and the spread of green technology, as well as the coherence of our regulatory system and the efficiency of supply chains. Ultimately, our progress will be measured by the quality of people's lives -- whether men and women can work in dignity, earn a decent wage, raise healthy families, educate their children, and take hold of the opportunities to improve their own and the next generation's fortunes. Our hope is that a TPP agreement with high standards can serve as a benchmark for future agreements -- and grow to serve as a platform for broader regional interaction and eventually a free trade area of the Asia-Pacific.
我们在建立跨太平洋伙伴关系（Trans-Pacific Partnership）方面也取得了进展。它将使太平洋地区的经济体——无论是发达的还是发展中的——聚集在一起，形成一个统一贸易体。我们的目标不只是取得更多的增长，还要取得更好的增长。我们认为，贸易协议需要包含对工人、环境、知识产权和创新的严格保护。它们还应该促进信息技术的自由流动和绿色技术的推广普及、提高我们的监管体系的协调性和供应链的效率。我们取得的进步最终要以人民的生活质量为衡量尺度——我们的公民能否有尊严地工作、获得体面的报酬、供养健康的家庭、教育子女、并且有机会改善自己和下一代的命运。我们希望，具有高标准的跨太平洋伙伴关系协议能够成为今后各种协议的一个基准——逐渐成为一个更加宽广的的地区互动平台，最终形成亚太自由贸易区。
Achieving balance in our trade relationships requires a two-way commitment. That's the nature of balance -- it can't be unilaterally imposed. So we are working through APEC, the G-20, and our bilateral relationships to advocate for more open markets, fewer restrictions on exports, more transparency, and an overall commitment to fairness. American businesses and workers need to have confidence that they are operating on a level playing field, with predictable rules on everything from intellectual property to indigenous innovation.
贸易平衡需要双向承诺。这是平衡的本质所在——它不能单方面强加于对方。因此，我们正在通过亚太经合组织、20国集团和我们的各种双边关系提倡进一步开放市场、减少出口限制、增加透明度、以及对于公平的整体承诺。美国企业和工人需要对他们在一个公平竞争环境中经营抱有信心，从知识产权到自主创新——一切有规可循。
ASIA'S REMARKABLE ECONOMIC growth over the past decade and its potential for continued growth in the future depend on the security and stability that has long been guaranteed by the U.S. military, including more than 50,000 American servicemen and servicewomen serving in Japan and South Korea. The challenges of today's rapidly changing region -- from territorial and maritime disputes to new threats to freedom of navigation to the heightened impact of natural disasters -- require that the United States pursue a more geographically distributed, operationally resilient, and politically sustainable force posture.
亚洲经济在过去10年里的非凡增长及其在未来的持续增长依赖于长期的安全与稳定，美国军队——包括5万多名在日本和韩国服役的美国男女军人——为之做出了贡献。今天这个快速变化的地区所面临的各种挑战——从领土和航海争端到自由航行的新威胁再到加剧的自然灾害——要求美国奉行一个在地理分布上更合理、运作上更具弹性、政治上更据持续性的军力态势。
We are modernizing our basing arrangements with traditional allies in Northeast Asia -- and our commitment on this is rock solid -- while enhancing our presence in Southeast Asia and into the Indian Ocean. For example, the United States will be deploying littoral combat ships to Singapore, and we are examining other ways to increase opportunities for our two militaries to train and operate together. And the United States and Australia agreed this year to explore a greater American military presence in Australia to enhance opportunities for more joint training and exercises. We are also looking at how we can increase our operational access in Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean region and deepen our contacts with allies and partners.
我们正在与东北亚地区的传统盟友改善我们的基地安排——我们的承诺坚如磐石；与此同时，我们正在加强我们在东南亚和印度洋地区的军事力量。例如，美国将在新加坡部署美国濒海战斗舰（U.S. Littoral Combat Ships），我们还在寻找其他途径来增加我们两国军队协同训练和行动的机会。美国和澳大利亚今年同意美国扩大在澳大利亚的军事部署，以增加更多的联合训练和演习机会。我们还想增加在东南亚和印度洋地区的行动通道并深化与盟国和合作伙伴的接触。
How we translate the growing connection between the Indian and Pacific oceans into an operational concept is a question that we need to answer if we are to adapt to new challenges in the region. Against this backdrop, a more broadly distributed military presence across the region will provide vital advantages. The United States will be better positioned to support humanitarian missions; equally important, working with more allies and partners will provide a more robust bulwark against threats or efforts to undermine regional peace and stability.
我们要接受该地区的新挑战，就要把印度洋和太平洋之间逐渐增加的关系转化为实实在在的行动。在这一背景下，在整个地区部署更广泛的军事力量至关重要。这样，美国就能更好地实施人道救援行动；同样重要的是，与更多的盟国和伙伴开展合作将能更强地应对各种威胁或破坏地区和平稳定的行为。
But even more than our military might or the size of our economy, our most potent asset as a nation is the power of our values -- in particular, our steadfast support for democracy and human rights. This speaks to our deepest national character and is at the heart of our foreign policy, including our strategic turn to the Asia-Pacific region.
与我们的军事力量或经济规模相比，我们最珍贵的资产是我们的价值观的影响力，特别是我们对民主与人权的坚定不移的支持。这与我国的立国之本、外交政策的核心以及亚太地区战略转移是一致的。
As we deepen our engagement with partners with whom we disagree on these issues, we will continue to urge them to embrace reforms that would improve governance, protect human rights, and advance political freedoms. We have made it clear, for example, to Vietnam that our ambition to develop a strategic partnership requires that it take steps to further protect human rights and advance political freedoms. Or consider Burma, where we are determined to seek accountability for human rights violations. We are closely following developments in Nay Pyi Taw and the increasing interactions between Aung San Suu Kyi and the government leadership. We have underscored to the government that it must release political prisoners, advance political freedoms and human rights, and break from the policies of the past. As for North Korea, the regime in Pyongyang has shown persistent disregard for the rights of its people, and we continue to speak out forcefully against the threats it poses to the region and beyond.
在我们深化与在这些问题上持有异见的伙伴的关系时，我们将继续敦促他们继续改革以改善国家治理、保护人权、提升政治自由。例如，我们向越南明确表示，发展战略伙伴关系必须逐步加强人权保护和政治自由。再如缅甸，我们决心对那里侵犯人权的行为追究责任。我们密切关注内比都（Nay Pyi Taw）的局势并于昂山素季（Aung San Suu Kyi）领导的政府加强交流。我们向缅甸政府强调，必须释放政治犯，推进政治自由和人权，抛弃过去的政策。至于朝鲜，平壤政权一贯漠视其人民的权利，我们继续谴责其对地区与世界构成的威胁。
We cannot and do not aspire to impose our system on other countries, but we do believe that certain values are universal -- that people in every nation in the world, including in Asia, cherish them -- and that they are intrinsic to stable, peaceful, and prosperous countries. Ultimately, it is up to the people of Asia to pursue their own rights and aspirations, just as we have seen people do all over the world.
我们不能也不会将我们的制度强加给别的国家，但我们坚持认为，某些价值观是普适的——为包括亚洲在内的全世界每个国家的人民所珍视——这些价值观是建设稳定、和平和繁荣的国家不可或缺的条件。最终，应由亚洲人民来争取自己的权利和理想，就像我们在全世界看到的一样。
IN THE LAST decade, our foreign policy has transitioned from dealing with the post-Cold War peace dividend to demanding commitments in Iraq and Afghanistan. As those wars wind down, we will need to accelerate efforts to pivot to new global realities.
在过去10年中，从享受冷战后的和平红利到履行在伊拉克和阿富汗承诺，我国外交政策经历了转型。随着这两场战争进入尾声，我们要加快转变，以适应新的全球环境。
We know that these new realities require us to innovate, to compete, and to lead in new ways. Rather than pull back from the world, we need to press forward and renew our leadership. In a time of scarce resources, there's no question that we need to invest them wisely where they will yield the biggest returns, which is why the Asia-Pacific represents such a real 21st-century opportunity for us.
我们知道这些新的现实要求我们创新、竞争和以新的方式发挥领导作用。我们不应减少对世界事务的参与，而是需要奋勇向前，继续发挥领导作用。毫无疑问，在资源稀缺的时期，我们需要明智地使用这些资源，以期获取最大的回报。这就是亚太地区在21世纪为我们提供真正机遇的原因。
Other regions remain vitally important, of course. Europe, home to most of our traditional allies, is still a partner of first resort, working alongside the United States on nearly every urgent global challenge, and we are investing in updating the structures of our alliance. The people of the Middle East and North Africa are charting a new path that is already having profound global consequences, and the United States is committed to active and sustained partnerships as the region transforms. Africa holds enormous untapped potential for economic and political development in the years ahead. And our neighbors in the Western Hemisphere are not just our biggest export partners; they are also playing a growing role in global political and economic affairs. Each of these regions demands American engagement and leadership.
当然，其他地区依然十分重要。我国多数传统盟国所在的欧洲仍然是我们首先依赖的伙伴，他们在几乎每一个关键的全球挑战中都与美国并肩努力，我们也正为调整我们的同盟架构投入力量。中东北非人民正在规划一条新的道路，并已产生意义深远的全球影响。随着这一地区发生深刻变化，美国正致力于与之建立积极长久的伙伴关系。在经济与政治发展方面，非洲在未来年代中拥有可开发的巨大潜力。另外，我们在西半球的邻国不仅是我们最大的出口贸易伙伴，而且在全球经济与政治事务中也正在发挥越来越大的作用。所有这些地区都需要美国的参与和领导。
And we are prepared to lead. Now, I'm well aware that there are those who question our staying power around the world. We've heard this talk before. At the end of the Vietnam War, there was a thriving industry of global commentators promoting the idea that America was in retreat, and it is a theme that repeats itself every few decades. But whenever the United States has experienced setbacks, we've overcome them through reinvention and innovation. Our capacity to come back stronger is unmatched in modern history. It flows from our model of free democracy and free enterprise, a model that remains the most powerful source of prosperity and progress known to humankind. I hear everywhere I go that the world still looks to the United States for leadership. Our military is by far the strongest, and our economy is by far the largest in the world. Our workers are the most productive. Our universities are renowned the world over. So there should be no doubt that America has the capacity to secure and sustain our global leadership in this century as we did in the last.
我们已经做好发挥领导作用的准备。我知道，有一些人对我们能否在世界上长期保持影响力表示怀疑。我们以前就听到过这种言论。越战结束时曾出现一个盛极一时的全球评论员行业，他们竭力宣扬美国在退却，这种论调每几十年就出现一次。但是，无论美国在何时经历挫折，我们都通过改革和创新渡过难关。在现代史上，我们的复兴能力是无可匹敌的。它植根于我们的自由民主和自由创业模式，今天，这个模式仍然是人类有史以来最强大的繁荣与进步的源泉。不管我去哪里，人们都告诉我世界依然期待美国发挥领导作用。我们的军力遥遥领先，我们的经济规模远超世界上任何其他国家。我们的工人拥有最强的生产力，我们的大学享誉全球。因此，毫无疑问，和上个世纪一样，美国仍有能力在本世纪保障和延续我们的全球领导地位。
As we move forward to set the stage for engagement in the Asia-Pacific over the next 60 years, we are mindful of the bipartisan legacy that has shaped our engagement for the past 60. And we are focused on the steps we have to take at home -- increasing our savings, reforming our financial systems, relying less on borrowing, overcoming partisan division -- to secure and sustain our leadership abroad.
在我们推动今后60年在亚太地区的事业之际，我们不会忘记过去60年中两党做同样的工作时留下的宝贵遗产。目前，我们必须在国内——增加储蓄、改革金融体系、减少债务的依赖、化解两党的分歧——以确保我们在国外的领导地位。
This kind of pivot is not easy, but we have paved the way for it over the past two-and-a-half years, and we are committed to seeing it through as among the most important diplomatic efforts of our time.
这种转变远非易事，但我们在过去两年半的时间里已经为之铺平了道路，我们有决心完成这个转折，这是我们这个时代最重要的外交努力之一。
楼主辛苦。
希拉里发话了，不过她说什么也没用了，下界不是她做总统 李小龙的双截棍 发表于 2011-11-17 14:21 static/image/common/back.gif
楼主辛苦。
希拉里发话了，不过她说什么也没用了，下界不是她做总统
我不同意，美国政治表面上是不同的人轮流执政，但是内政外交的战略非常稳定，并非一朝天子一朝臣。 一如既往的自以为是。但是美国人很贪心，他们放不下自己的全球利益，不会只专注与东亚。要大场面就得花大价钱，可是，美国怎么保证自己有大价钱呢？ 又长又专业，翻译辛苦了
“亚洲渴望着我们的领导和贸易——或许是前所未有的渴望。”
强忍了10秒钟还是吐了
美国就是这点厉害，自说自话，然后用各种强权逼你同意 美帝国主义都到我们家门口耀武扬威了，我们天朝却还在习惯性抗议，天朝却还在自慰打飞机，难道我们天朝就那么喜欢在自己身上发泄不满吗？我抗议，哈哈哈Q63) 韬光养晦啊。只要中国自己不乱 后用各种强权逼你同意
G20的老调重弹。TG不同意，现在就只能在那里ZW到高潮了。 只能说不要脸到一定的境界了！
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