论坛 › 外文编译 › 大西洋月刊：中国人眼中的西藏

woikuraki 发表于 2012-12-25 13:21

大西洋月刊：中国人眼中的西藏

（译注：本文写于1999年） Tibet Through Chinese Eyes中国人眼中的西藏 Many Chinese working in Tibet regardthemselves as idealistic missionaries of progress, rejecting the Western ideaof them as agents of cultural imperialism. In truth, they are inescapably both许多工作在西藏的中国人自认为是理想主义的进步传道者，拒斥把他们看成文化帝国主义代理人的西方观点。事实上，他们两者都是。 By Peter Hessler作者：何伟（译注：作者Peter Hessler，中文名何伟。他1996年作为志愿者到涪陵从教两年，后来作为记者在中国四处游览。著有中国三部曲，《江城》，《甲骨文》，《寻路中国》，深受好评。其中除甲骨文，另两部已翻译为中文出版。） Political views on Tibet tend to be asunambiguous as the hard blue dome of sky that stretches above its mountains. InWestern opinion, the "Tibet question" is settled: Tibet should not bepart of China; before being forcibly annexed, in 1951, it was an independentcountry. The Chinese are cruel occupiers who are seeking to destroy thetraditional culture of Tibet. The Dalai Lama, the traditional spiritual leaderof Tibet, who fled to India in 1959, should be allowed to return and resume hisrule over either an independent or at least a culturally autonomous Tibet. Inshort, in Western eyes there is only one answer to the Tibet question: FreeTibet. 对西藏的政治观点很容易立场分明，就像在西藏山峰上伸展的碧蓝的天空。按西方观点，“西藏问题”的答案：西藏不应该是中国的一部分，在1951年被强行吞并之前它是一个独立的国家。中国人是残酷的占领者，想要摧毁西藏的传统文化。西藏的传统精神领袖DLLM1959年逃亡印度，他应该被允许回到西藏，恢复统治，独立或者至少文化自治。一言以蔽之，在西方眼中只有一种答案：自由的西藏。 For Han—ethnic Chinese—who live in Tibet,the one answer is exactly the same and yet completely different. They servewhat the Chinese call "Liberated Tibet." Mei Zhiyuan is Han, and in1997 he was sent by the Chinese government to act as a "Volunteer AidingTibet" at a Tibetan middle school, where he works as a teacher. Hisroommate, Tashi, is a Tibetan who as a college student was sent in the oppositedirection, to Sichuan province, where he received his teacher training. Bothmen are twenty-four years old. They are good friends who live near Heroes Road,which is named after the Chinese and Tibetans who contributed to the"peaceful liberation" of Tibet in the 1950s. This is how Mei Zhiyuansees Tibet—as a harmonious region that benefits from Chinese support. When Iasked him why he had volunteered to work there, he said, "Because all ofus know that Tibet is a less developed place that needs skilled people." 对住在西藏的汉人，也有一个完全统一的答案，但与西方的大相径庭。他们服务于中国所说的“解放后的西藏”。梅志远（音译）是一名汉人，1997年作为“援藏志愿者”被中国政府派往西藏一所中学当老师。他的室友扎西作为一名大学生则被派往相反地方向，去四川接受教师培训。两人都是24岁，是好朋友，并且都住在英雄路附近——这条路的命名是为了纪念1950年代为“和平解放”西藏做出贡献的汉族人与西藏人。梅志远就是这么看待西藏的，一个受惠于中国支持的安宁祥和的地方。当我问他为何志愿来这里工作，他说，“因为所有人都知道西藏是一个需要技术人才的欠发达地区。” I went to Tibet to explore this secondviewpoint, hoping to catch a glimpse of the Tibet question through Chineseeyes. Before coming to Tibet, I had spent two years as a volunteer Englishteacher at a small college in Sichuan, which made me particularly interested inmeeting volunteer teachers like Mei Zhiyuan. I also talked with other younggovernment-sent workers and entrepreneurs who had come to seek their fortunes,and for four weeks that was my focus, as I spent time in Lhasa and other placeswhere there are large numbers of Han settlers. 我去西藏就是为了发掘这种视角，希望能够通过中国人的视角来了解西藏。来西藏之前，我花了两年时间在四川一所很小的大学当志愿者英文老师，这让我对见到像梅志远这样的志愿者教师特别感兴趣。我也和其他一些政府派来的工作人员、来碰碰运气的企业家谈过，在我呆在拉萨河其他一些有大量汉族定居者的地方时，有四周时间我一直关注着这些。 Of all the pieces that compose the Tibetquestion, this is by far the most explosive: the Dalai Lama has targeted Hanmigration as one of the greatest threats to Tibetan culture, and thesensitivity of the issue is evident in some statistics. According to Beijing,Han make up only three percent of the population of the Tibet AutonomousRegion, whereas some Tibetan exiles claim that the figure is in fact over 50percent and growing. Tibetans see the influx of Han as yet another attempt todestroy their culture; Chinese see the issue as Deng Xiaoping did in 1987, whenhe said, "Tibet is sparsely populated. The two million Tibetans are notenough to handle the task of developing such a huge region. There is no harm insending Han into Tibet to help.... The key issues are what is best for Tibetansand how can Tibet develop at a fast pace, and move ahead in the fourmodernizations in China." 在构成西藏问题的各种因素中，一个最具刺激性的问题是：DLLM攻击汉族移民是对西藏文化的最大威胁。这一话题的敏感性在涉及相关统计数字的时候十分明显。按照北京的说法，汉族仅构成西藏自治区人口的3%，而一些西藏流亡者则声称实际数字超过50%，并且还在不断增长。藏人把汉族影响看成试图毁灭他们文化的又一次尝试。中国人则像邓小平1987年所说的那样看待这个问题，他说：“西藏是人口很稀少的地区，地方大得很，单靠二百万藏族同胞去建设是不够的……关键是看怎样对西藏人民有利，怎样才能使西藏很快发展起来，在中国四个现代化建设中走进前列。”（译者注：邓选第三卷《立足民族平等，加快西藏发展》） Regardless of the accuracy of the officialChinese view, many of the government-sent Han workers in Tibet clearly seetheir role in terms of service. They are perhaps the most important historicalactors in terms of the Tibet question, and yet they are also the most-oftenoverlooked. Why did they come to Tibet? What do they think of the place, howare they changing it, and what do they see as their role? 不管中国官方看法的准确性如何，许多政府派遣的藏区汉族职工明确地把自己看成服务者。他们也许是西藏问题在最重要的历史性角色，同时也是最常被忽略的。他们为什么来到西藏？他们怎么看待这个地方，怎么改变这个地方，他们又如何看待自己的角色？ Gao Ming, a twenty-two-year-old Englishteacher, told me, "One aspect was that I knew we should be willing to goto the border regions, to the minority areas, to places that arejianku—difficult. These are the parts of China that need help. If I could havegone to Xinjiang, I would have, but I knew that Tibet was also a place thatneeded teachers. That was the main reason. Another aspect was that Tibet is anatural place—there's no pollution here, and almost no people; much of it isuntouched. So I wanted to see what it was like." 一个22岁的英语老师高明（音译）告诉我，“一方面我知道我应该去边疆地区，少数民族地区，去一些艰苦的地方。这些是中国最需要帮助的部分。如果我可以去新疆，我也会去，但我知道西藏也是需要教师的地方。这就是主要原因。另一方面西藏是个靠近大自然的地方，没有污染，也没什么人，大部分地区保持自然原貌。所以我想来看看。” Shi Mingzhi, a twenty-four-year-old physicsteacher, said, "First, I'd say it's the same reason that you came here totravel—because it's an interesting place. But I also wanted to come help buildthe country. You know that all of the volunteers in this district are Partymembers, and if you're a Party member, you should be willing to go to a jiankuplace to work. So you could say that all of us had patriotic reasons forcoming—perhaps that's the biggest reason. But I also came because it was a goodopportunity, and the salary is higher than in the interior of China." 另一名24岁的物理老师石明志（音译）说：“首先，我得说我和你来这里旅游的理由一样——这是个有意思的地方。但是此外我还想要帮助建设这个国家。你知道这个地区的所有志愿者都是党员。一个党员应该自觉去艰苦的地方工作。你可以说我们所有人来这里都有爱国的理由——也许这还是最大的理由。但我来这儿还因为这是个很好的机会，工资也比内地高。” -------------译者：zjykn-审核者：chen_lt------------ Talking with these young men was in manyways similar to talking with an idealistic volunteer in any part of the world. Apart from the financial incentive to workin Tibet, many of the motivations were the same—the sense of adventure, thedesire to see something new, the commitment to service. And government propaganda emphasizes thissense of service, through figures like Kong Fansen, a cadre from eastern Chinawho worked in Tibet and became famous as a worker-martyr after his death in anauto accident. Han workers are exhorted to study the"old Tibet spirit" of Kong and other cadres as they serve a regionthat in the Chinese view desperately needs their talents. 和这些年轻人交谈在很多方面很像在和世界上任何地方的充满理想的志愿者交谈。除了在西藏工作的经济奖励，动机往往都很相同——冒险的感觉，对新鲜事物的渴望，献身于服务。政府也特别宣传强调这种服务的精神，通过像孔繁森这样的人物，一个从中国东部来的干部在西藏工作，当他在一场交通意外中死亡后作为烈士而被中国人熟知。当汉族工人在这一被中国人认为急需他们的能力的地区服务时，他们被要求学习这种孔和其他干部的“老西藏精神”。 Central to their task is the concept ofjianku. I heard this term repeatedly when the Chinese described conditions inTibet, and life is especially jianku for Volunteers Aiding Tibet, who commit inadvance to serving eight-year terms. Most government-sent Han workers fall intothe category of Cadres Aiding Tibet—teachers, doctors, administrators, andothers who serve for two or three years.Having graduated from a lower-levelcollege, Mei Zhiyuan could not qualify for such a position, and as a result wasforced to make an eight-year commitment. The sacrifice is particularly impressiveconsidering that he assumed it would have serious repercussions on his health. Many Chinese believe that living at a highaltitude for long periods of time does significant damage to the lungs, and anumber of workers told me that this was the greatest drawback to living inTibet. 他们任务的核心概念就是艰苦。当中国人描述西藏的情况的时候，我不断听到这个词，而生活对于援助西藏的志愿者来说格外艰苦，他们承诺将在这里服务八年。大部分政府派来的汉族工人属于干部援藏的类别——老师，医生，管理者，以及其他人服务两到三年。从较低级别的大学毕业后，梅致远没有享受干部援藏的资格，结果他不得不承诺将在此服务八年。在他认为这会对他的健康产生严重影响的情况下，这个奉献精神显得特别令人感动。很多中国人相信在高海拔地区生活很长一段时间后，肺部会遭受显著的损伤，很多工人告诉我这是在西藏生活最大的缺点。 -------------译者：烤烤鱼-审核者：chen_lt------------ "It's bad for you," Mei Zhiyuanexplained, "because when you live in a place this high, your lungs enlarge,and eventually that affects your heart. It shortens your life." During mystay in Tibet I heard several variations on this theory (one from an earnestyoung teacher who was smoking a cigarette), but generally it involved the lungsexpanding and putting pressure on the heart. There is no medical evidence tosupport such a belief; indeed, in a heavily polluted country like China, whereone of every four deaths is attributed to lung disease, the high, clean air ofTibet is probably tonic. Nevertheless, this perception adds to the sense ofsacrifice, and it is encouraged by the government pay structure, which linkssalary to altitude: the higher you work, the higher your pay 石明志说：“这对身体不好。生活在这么高的地方，你的肺会扩张，这最终会影响你的心脏，缩短你的寿命。”在我逗留西藏的期间，我听到过很多这个理论的各种变种（有次一个热心的年轻老师一边抽烟一边跟我这么说），基本是都涉及到有肺部扩张增加心脏压力。没有医学证据支持这个信条；事实上，在一个像中国这样严重污染，四个死者就有一个是因为肺部疾病的国家，西藏高海拔的清洁空气可能会有益于健康。但这个观念增加了牺牲感。政府的薪资结构也鼓励了这种看法，工资与海拔有关，越高的地方工资越高。 The roughly 1,000 yuan ($120) a month thatMei Zhiyuan earns is half what the local cadre teachers make. Even so, hissalary is two to three times what he would make as a teacher in rural Sichuan,and he is able to send half his earnings home to his parents, who are peasants.It's good money by Chinese standards but seems hardly a sufficient incentivefor a young man to be willing to shorten his life. Leaving before his eightyears are up would incur a heavy fine of up to 20,000 yuan—$2,400, nearly twoyears' salary, or, for a peasant family like Mei Zhiyuan's, approximatelytwenty tons of rice. 梅志远大约一个月能挣1000元（120美元），这是当地干部教师的一半。即便如此，他的工资也比他在四川下乡能挣到的工资的两三倍。他能将一半收入寄回家给在家务农的父母。按中国标准这算是不小的一笔钱了，但要说它足够能激发一个年轻人愿意缩短自己的寿命恐怕不够。工作不满八年就离开，可能会招致高达两万元的罚金——2400美元，这大概是两年的工资，或者对一个像梅志远这样的农民家庭，20吨大米。 The Dream of a Unified Motherland统一祖国的梦想 From the Chinese perspective, Tibet hasalways been a part of China. This is, of course, a simplistic and inaccurateview, but Tibetan history is so muddled that one can see in it what one wishes.The Chinese can ignore some periods and point to others; they can cite the year1792, when the Qing Emperor sent a Chinese army to help the Tibetans drive outthe invading Nepalese, or explain that from 1728 to 1912 there were Qingambans, imperial administrators, stationed in Lhasa. In fact the authority ofthese ambans steadily decreased over time, and Tibet enjoyed de factoindependence from 1913 to 1951. An unbiased arbiter would find Tibetanarguments for independence more compelling than the Chinese version ofhistory—but also, perhaps, would find that the Chinese have a strongerhistorical claim to Tibet than the United States does to much of the AmericanWest. Most important, China's reasons for wantingTibet changed greatly over the years. For the Qing Dynasty, Tibet was importantstrictly as a buffer state; ambans and armies were sent to ensure that theregion remained peaceful, but they made relatively few administrative changes,and there was no effort to force the Tibetans to adopt the Chinese language orChinese customs. In the Qing view, Tibet was a part of China but at the sametime it was something different; the monasteries and the Dalai Lamas wereallowed to maintain authority over most internal affairs. 按照中国立场，西藏一直是中国的一部分。这当然过分简化，不够准确，但西藏的历史如此混乱，任何人都能看到他希望看到的。中国人可以忽略某些阶段而强调其他阶段，他们可以援引1792年清朝皇帝派遣中国军队帮助藏人赶走入侵的尼泊尔人，或者解释说从1728年到1912年帝国管理者，清朝驻藏大臣一直驻扎拉萨。事实上驻藏大臣的权威稳定的随时间衰退，西藏在1913到1951年享受到了事实上的独立。一个不怀偏见的仲裁者会发现西藏人要求独立的论据比中国历史论证更有说服力——但是，也许同时也会发现中国人基于历史对西藏的宣称比合众国对美国西部的宣称更有力。最重要的是，中国想要西藏的理由随着时代也有巨大的变化。对清朝来说，西藏作为缓冲缓冲国十分重要；驻藏大臣和军队被派往那里确保该地区安定，但他们相对很少作出行政改变，也没有作出努力迫使藏人采用汉语或中国风俗。按照清朝的观点，西藏是中国的一部分但同时又有所不同，寺院和DLLM被允许保持在绝大多数内部事务上的权威。 In the early twentieth century, as the Qingcollapsed and China struggled to overcome the imperialism of foreign powers,Tibet became important for new reasons of nationalism. Intellectuals andpolitical leaders, including Sun Yat-sen, believed that China's historicalright to Tibet had been infringed by Western powers, particularly Britain,which invaded Tibet in 1904 to force the thirteenth Dalai Lama to openrelations. As Tibet slipped further from Chinese control, a steady stream ofnationalistic rhetoric put the loss of Tibet into a familiar pattern—thehumiliation by foreign powers in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,as Hong Kong went to the British, Manchuria and Shandong to the Japanese,Taiwan to the U.S.-funded Kuomintang. By the time Mao Zedong founded thePeople's Republic of China, in 1949, Tibet had figured into the nation's pre-eminenttask: the reunification of the once-powerful motherland. Tibet thus changed from buffer state to acentral piece in Communist China's vision of itself as independent and freefrom imperialist influence. Orville Schell, a longtime observer of China, saysthat even today this perception is held by most Chinese. "I don't thinkthere's any more sensitive issue," he says, "with the possibleexception of Taiwan, because it grows out of the dream of a unifiedmotherland—a dream that historically speaking has been the goal of almost everyChinese leader. This issue touches on sovereignty, it touches on the unity ofChinese territory, and especially it touches on the issue of the West aspredator, the violator of Chinese sovereignty." 在二十世纪早期，当清朝轰然倒塌，中国奋力斗争试图打倒帝国主义列强时，西藏因为新的民族主义理由变得重要起来。知识分子与政治领袖，包括孙逸仙，相信中国对西藏的历史权利被西方列强所侵犯，尤其是英国，它在1904年入侵西藏，迫使十三世达赖喇嘛和它建立关系。当西藏一步步脱离中国的控制，一股稳定的民族主义辞藻的洪流将这种损失放进了一副熟悉的图景——外国列强在19世纪和20世纪初对对中国的施加的耻辱，就像香港落入英国，满洲和煽动落入日本，台湾落入美国（通过扶持国民党）之手一样。当毛泽东1949年建立中华人民共和国时，西藏被列入国家最重要的使命：对曾经强盛的祖国的重新统一。因此在共产中国的从帝国主义影响下独立自由的自我观点来看，西藏从缓冲国变成了核心的一环。Orville Schell，一位长期的中国观察家，评论说直至今日大部分中国人依然持此观点。“没有比这更敏感的话题了，”他说，“可能除了台湾之外，因为它诞生于统一祖国的梦想——历史的说这是一个几乎所有中国领袖共同拥有的梦想。这个话题涉及主权，中国领土的统一，尤其是牵涉到掠夺和侵犯中国主权的西方。" The irony is that China, like an abusedchild who grows up to revisit his suffering on the next generation, hascommitted similar sins in Tibet: the overthrow of the monasteries and theviolent redistribution of land, the mayhem of the Cultural Revolution, and therestriction of intellectual and religious freedom that continues to this day.And as in any form of imperialism, much of the damage has been done in the nameof duty. When the Chinese speak of pre-1951 Tibet, they emphasize theshortcomings of the region's feudal-theocratic government: life expectancy wasthirty-six years; 95 percent of Tibetans were illiterate; 95 percent of thepopulation was hereditary serfs and slaves owned by monasteries and nobles. Thesense is that the Tibetans suffered under a bad system, and the Chinese had amoral obligation to liberate them. Before traveling to Tibet, I asked myChinese friends about the region. Most responded like Sai Xinghao, aforty-eight-year-old photographer: "It was a slave society, you know, andthey were very cruel—they'd cut off the heads of their slaves and enemies. I'veseen movies about it. If you were a slave, everything was controlled by themaster. So, of course, after Liberation the rich lords opposed the changes. It's like your America's history, when Washingtonliberated the black slaves. Afterward the blacks supported him, but of coursethe wealthy class did not. In history it's always that way—it was the same whenNapoleon overthrew King Louis, and all of the lords opposed Napoleon because hesupported the poor." 讽刺的是，中国就像一个受到虐待的儿童，长大之后却对自己的下一代重演了自己的遭遇，对西藏犯下了类似的罪过：打倒寺庙，暴力重新分配土地，WG的蓄意伤害，以及持续到今天的对学术和宗教自由的限制。就像所有形式的帝国主义一样，大部分破坏都以责任的名义来实施。当中国人说起1951年之前的西藏，他们强调该地区封建神权统治的缺点：寿命预期36岁，95%藏人是文盲，95%的人是寺庙和贵族所有的世袭农奴和奴隶。他们有种感觉：西藏人在一个糟糕的制度下受苦，中国人有道德上的义务去解放他们。在游历西藏之前，我向我的中国朋友问起这个地方，大部分人的反应都类似于赛兴浩（音译），他是一名48岁的摄影师，他说：”那是个奴隶社会，你知道的，非常残酷——他们会砍掉奴隶和敌人的头。我看过电影。如果你是个奴隶，所有的一切都得听主人的。所以，解放后奴隶主们当然反对改变了。“这有点像你在你的美国历史课本上看到，华盛顿解放黑奴，然后黑人支持他，富人不支持。历史总是这样——拿破仑推翻路易国王，所有的领主反对拿破仑因为他支持穷人，总是这样。 My friend is not an educated man, but manyChinese intellectuals make the same comparison. President Jiang Zemin made asimilar remark during his 1997 visit to the United States (although hecorrectly identified Lincoln as the Great Liberator). The statistics aboutTibetan illiteracy and life expectancy are accurate. Although the Chineseexaggerate the ills of the feudal system, mid-century Tibet was badly in needof reform—but naturally the Tibetans would have much preferred to reform itthemselves. Another aspect of the Chinese duty in Tibetis the sense that rapid modernization is needed, and should take precedenceover cultural considerations.For Westerners, this is a difficultperspective to understand. Tibet is appealing to us precisely because it's notmodern, and we have idealized its culture and anti-materialism to the pointwhere it has become, as Orville Schell says, "a figurative place ofspiritual enlightenment in the Western imagination—where people don't makeBuicks, they make good karma."But to the Chinese, for whom modernizationis coming late, Buicks look awfully good. I noticed this during my first yearas a teacher in China, when my writing class spent time considering theAmerican West. We discussed western expansion, and I presented the studentswith a problem of the late nineteenth century: the Plains Indians, theirculture in jeopardy, were being pressed by white settlers. 我的朋友不是高学历，但很多中国知识分子也都有同样的态度。江主席1997年访问美国就做过类似的评论（虽然他正确的把林肯作为伟大解放者）。西藏文盲率和寿命预期的统计是准确的。虽然中国人对封建制的弊端有所夸张，20世纪中期的西藏急需改革——但西藏人自然更青睐自己实施改革。中国对西藏责任的另一面是快速现代化西藏的意识，并将之置于文化考虑之上。对西方人来说这特别难以理解。正因为西藏不够现代化，所以才那么的吸引我们，因为西藏文化的独特性和反物质主义特征，才使西藏成为大家都向往的地方。就像Orville Schell所说的：“西方想象中的灵性启蒙的梦幻之乡——人们不要别克，只要善业。”但对现代化后来者的中国人来说，别克看起来棒极了。我来中国当老师的第一年就在写作班上注意到这点。我们讨论了美国的西部扩张，我向学生提出一个十九世纪晚期的问题：平原印第安人受到白人定居者的压力，他们的文化处于危险之中。 I asked my class to imagine that they wereAmerican citizens proposing a solution, and nearly all responded much the waythis student did: "The world is changing and developing. We should makethe Indians suit our modern life. The Indians are used to living all over theplains and moving frequently, without a fixed home, but it is very impracticalin our modern life.... We need our country to be a powerful country; we mustmake the Indians adapt to our modern life and keep pace with the society. Onlyin this way can we strengthen the country." Virtually all my students were from peasantbackgrounds, and like most Chinese, the majority of them were but onegeneration removed from deep poverty. What I saw as freedom and culture, theysaw as misery and ignorance. In my second year I repeated the lesson with adifferent class, asking if China had any indigenous people analogous to thePlains Indians. All responded that the Tibetans were similar. I asked aboutChina's obligation in Tibet. The answers suggested that my students had learnedmore from American history than I had intended to teach. One student replied,"First, I will use my friendship to help . But if theyrefuse my friendship, I will use war to develop them, like the Americans didwith the Indians." 我要求我的班级想象自己是要提出解决方案的美国公民，差不多所有人的反应都是这样：“世界正在发展变动。我们应该让印第安人适应我们的现代生活。印第安人习惯于在平原各处居住，搬来搬去，没有固定的家，但这对现代生活很不方便……我们要让自己的国家更加强大；我们必须让印第安人适应现代生活并跟上整个社会。只要这样才能增强国家。”所有的学生都来自农村，像大多数中国人一样，他们是脱离赤贫的第一代。我当成自由和文化的东西，他们只当时悲惨与愚昧。第二年我在另一个班级重复了这一课，询问中国是否有类似于平原印第安人的情况，所有人都说西藏人有点类似。我问起中国对西藏的义务。学生们的回答显示出他们从美国历史学到的超出了我想要教的。一个学生回应道：“首先，我会用我的友谊去帮助他们。但如果他们拒绝友谊，我会用战争去帮助他们发展，就像美国人对印第安人所做的那样。”The Two Sides of Support援助的双重性 Regardless of China's motivations, andregardless of its failures in Tibet, the drive to develop the region has beenexpensive. According to Beijing, more than 200,000 Han workers have served inTibet since the 1950s. Taxes in Tibet are virtually nonexistent; Tibetanfarmers, unlike those in the interior, receive tax-free leases of land, and apreferential tax code has been established to encourage business. Low-interestloans are available, and business imports from Nepal are duty-free. Despite thedearth of local revenues, government investment is steadily developing a moderninfrastructure. From 1952 to 1994 the central government invested $4.2 billionin the region, and in 1994 Beijing initiated sixty-two major infrastructureprojects for which the eventual investment is expected to be more than $480million. It is estimated that more than 90 percent of Tibet's government revenuecomes from outside the region. This investment of both human and financialcapital complicates the issue of Tibet in ways that few outsiders realize.Foreign reports often refer to the exploitation of Tibetan resources as aclassic colonial situation, which is misleading. Although Beijing is certainlydoing what it can with Tibet's timber and mineral reserves, China spends anenormous amount of money in the region, and if self-sufficiency ever comes, itwill not come soon. 略过中国的动机不谈，也略过它在西藏的失败，发展这一地区的的干劲代价高昂。按北京的统计，自1950年代以来，有超过20万的汉族职工服务于西藏。对西藏的税收也几乎不存在。藏族农民不像内地的，他们免缴土地税，还有优惠税率鼓励商业。可以借到低息贷款，去尼泊尔做进口生意也免税。尽管本地收入不多，但政府投资稳步发展了现代化的基础设施。从1952年到1994年，中央政府在该地区投资了42亿美元，而在1994年的时候，中央又在该地区启动了62个大型的基建项目，预计投资总额将会超过4亿8千万美元。据估计超过90%的西藏政府收入来自该地区以外。 这些人力和财政的投入让西藏问题变得更加复杂了，很少外人认识到这一点。外国报道总是说起对西藏资源的剥削，好像这是典型的殖民化，这完全是误导性的。虽然北京确实尽力开发西藏的木材和矿藏，但中国也在这一地区投入了巨量的资金。如果让西藏自给自足，这些可不会来得这么快。 Tibet does have significant military value:the Chinese do not want to see it under the influence of a foreign power suchas India, but not even this would seem to merit the enormous investment. In1996 China spent some $600 million in Tibet. One foreign observer who hasstudied the region puts this in perspective: "For that same year theUnited States gave a total of eight hundred million dollars in aid to all ofAfrica. That's all of Africa—we're talking about hundreds of millions ofpeople. In Tibet there are only two and a half million. So if they becomeindependent, who's going to be giving them that kind of money?" "Unless you're a completeLuddite," Orville Schell says, "and don't believe in roads,telephones, hospitals, and things like that, then I think China must becredited with a substantial contribution to the modern infrastructure of Tibet.In this sense Tibet needs China. But that's not to diminish the hideous savagenesswith which China has treated Tibet." 西藏有重要的军事价值：中国人不想看到它处于外国权力的影响之下，比如印度。但即使这也不值得投入这么多。1996年中国在西藏花了6亿美元。一个研究这一地区的外国观察家公正的看到这一点：“同一年，美国对非援助总共也只投入了8亿美元。那可是整个非洲——我们说的可是几亿人。西藏总共也就250万。所以，如果他们独立了，谁会给他们这么多钱？” “除非你是一个彻底的卢德派（译者注：19世纪反对机器工业的英国团体），”Orville Schell说，“并且不相信道路，电话，医院还有类似的东西，那我想你必须承认中国对西藏基础设施的现代化做出了实质性的贡献。在这个意义上，西藏需要中国。但那一点也不能抵消中国对待西藏那令人震惊的粗暴。” Almost every aspect of Chinese support hastwo sides, and education illustrates the point well. I met a number of youngHan teachers like Mei Zhiyuan, who were imbued with a sense of service: theywere conscientious, well-trained teachers, and they were working in places witha real need for instructors. One volunteer was teaching English at a middleschool where the shortage was so acute that many students had to delay thestart of their English studies until the following year, when additional Hanteachers were expected to arrive. I visited one district in which out of 230secondary-school teachers, sixty were Han, and many of the Tibetan instructorshad been trained in the interior at the Chinese government's expense. Suchlinks with the interior seem inevitable, given that the Chinese have builtTibet's public education system from scratch. Before they arrived, in 1951,there were no public schools in Tibet, whereas now there are more than 4,000. Likewise the schools I saw were impressivefacilities with low student fees. In one town I toured the three local middleschools; two of them were newly built, with far better campuses than I wasaccustomed to seeing in China. 中国援助的几乎每个方面都有两面性，教育也能很好的说明这一点。我遇到了许多年轻的汉族教师，比如梅志远，为献身服务的热情所感染：他们都是有良知，受过很好训练的老师，工作在确实需要他们的地方。有一个志愿者在一所学校教英语，这个学校的师资是如此的匮乏，以至于这所学校的学生们不得不把他们的英语学习推迟到来年，因为只有到那时一些志愿者者教师才会到来。我访问过一个地区，那里的230明中学老师里，有六十个是汉人，许多藏族老师也都是由中国政府资助在内地受训的。考虑到西藏的公共教育体系是中国政府从零开始建立的，像这样和内地的联系看来是不可避免的。在他们到达这里之前，1951年，西藏没有一所公立学校，而现在却有超过四千所。 同样的我看到的学校的设备也都让人印象深刻，学生收费也相当低。在一个小镇我游览了三所当地的中学，两所是新建的，校园看上去也比我在中国看惯了的好多了。 The third school, whose grounds featuredmassive construction cranes fluttering with prayer flags, was being refurbishedwith the help of a $720,000 investment from the interior. Unlike students atmost Chinese schools, those at the local No. 1 Middle School paid no tuition,and even high school students, who generally pay substantial amounts in China,had paid at most $70 a semester, including board. Everything possible was beingdone to encourage students to stay in school: a student's tuition and boardingcharge were cut in half if only one parent worked, and transportation to andfrom the remote nomad areas was often free. In a poor country such policies areimpressively generous; essentially, Tibetan schools are better funded thanChinese schools. And this funding is sorely needed: the adult illiteracy ratein Tibet is still 52 percent. Only 78 percent of the children start elementaryschool, and of those only 35 percent enter middle school. But Chineseassistance must be considered in the context of what's being taught in theschools—a critical issue for Tibetans. 第三所学校里有着巨大的建筑起重机，上面还飘扬着经幡。内地投资了72万美元来帮助返修这所学校。不像大多数中国学校的学生，当地最好的中学的学生都不用交学费，甚至连高中生也只交70美元一学期，包括住宿，中国大多数高中学费都不少的。所有能鼓励学生留在学校的举措都实行了：父母只有一人工作的学生的学费伙食费减免一半，来自遥远牧区的学生来往的交通经常都是免费的。 在一个贫穷的国家里这样的政策真是让人印象深刻的大方。实质上，西藏的学校资金比内地学校充裕。这样的资金也确实急需：西藏成年人的文盲率仍有52%，只有78%的儿童开始上小学，其中只有35%继续上中学。但是一定要把中国的援助放在学校教学内容的背景下进行考量——对西藏人这是个有争议性的问题。（译者注：今天百度看到新闻说青壮年文盲率下降到1.2%） One morning I visited an elementary schoolon a spacious, beautiful campus, with new buildings and a grass playground thatstretched westward under the shadow of a 14,000-foot mountain. Most of theschool's 900 students were Tibetan. I paused at the central information board,where announcements were written in Chinese. The board detailed a $487,800 investmentthat had been made by a provincial government in the interior, and displayed ashort biography of Zu Chongzhi, a fifth-century Chinese mathematician. Next tothis was a notice telling students to "remember the great goals."They were urged to work on doubling China's GNP from its 1980 level, and theywere reminded that by 2050 China needed to achieve a GNP and a per capitaincome ranking in the middle of developed countries. Beside these goals was along political section that read, in part, We must achieve the goal of modernsocialist construction, and we must persevere in building the economy. We mustcarry out domestic reform and the policy of opening to the outside world.... Wemust oppose the freedom of the capitalist class, and we must be vigilantagainst the conspiracy to make a peaceful evolution toward imperialism. 一天早晨我拜访了一所小学，校园宽敞漂亮，新的建筑，操场向西延伸到了14000英尺高山峰的山脚下。。学校的900名学生大都是藏人。我在中央的一块黑板前驻足，通知是用汉语写的。 黑板上详细登载了内地某省政府的487800元投资，还有一名五世纪中国数学家祖冲之的生平简历。旁边有一则通知高速学生“牢记远大目标”，劝导他们去为中国GNP从1980年水平翻番而工作，还提醒了到2050年中国需要达到的GNP，人均收入要达到中等发达国家水平。在这些目标旁边，还有一段很长的政治文章，我读了一部分： 我们必须完成社会主义现代化建设的目标，必须坚持经济建设。我们必须坚持改革开放....我们必须反对资产阶级自由化，警惕帝国主义和平演变的阴谋。 It was heavy stuff for elementary schoolstudents (and indeed, if I were a Chinese propagandist, I would think twicebefore exhorting Tibetan children to resist imperialism), and it indicates howpoliticized the climate of a Chinese school is. Despite all the recent economicchanges in China, the education system is still tied to the past. This conservatismimbues every aspect of education, starting with language. Two of the schools Ivisited were mixed Han and Tibetan, and classes were segregated by ethnicity.The reasons here are linguistic: most Tibetan children don't start learningMandarin until elementary school, and even many Tibetan high school students,as the Han teachers complained, don't understand Chinese well. This segregationleads to different curricula—for example, Tibetan students have dailyTibetan-language classes, whereas Han students use that time for extra Englishinstruction. To the Chinese, this system seems fair, especially since Tibetanstudents have the right to join the Han classes. But Tibetans feel that there is anoveremphasis on Chinese, especially at the higher levels, which threatens theirlanguage and culture. All the classes taught by Han teachers are in Chinese orEnglish, and most of the Tibetan teachers in the middle and high schools aresupposed to use Mandarin (although the ones I spoke with said they often used Tibetan,because otherwise their students wouldn't understand). 对小学生来说这可是真有点够呛（说实在的，要是我是中国的宣传人员，要鼓励藏族儿童反对帝国主义一定会三思而行的），这说明了中国学校气氛政治化有多重。不管近来中国的经济怎样变迁，教育系统还是紧紧的和过去连在一起。这种保守主义感染了教育的每个方面，从语言开始。我访问的学校里两所汉藏兼用，班级按民族划分，而如此划分的原因是因为语言上的差异，汉族老师抱怨说连许多高年级的藏族学生都不懂汉语。这种划分也带来了不同的课程安排——例如，藏族学生每天有藏语课，汉族学生那段时间就可以多上点英语课。对汉人来说，这看起来相当公平，特别是在藏族学生可以和汉族学生一起上课以后。 但藏人觉得有点过于重视汉语了，尤其高年级，这威胁到了他们的语言和文化。汉族老师教的所有课程都用汉语或英语，大部分初高中藏族老师也都被认为要用普通话（虽然有人跟我说他们常用藏语，要不然学生听不懂） In any case, important qualifying examsemphasize Chinese, and this reflects a society in which fluency is critical tosuccess, especially when it comes to any sort of government job. Another, morebasic issue is that Tibetan students are overwhelmed. One Han teacher told methat his students came primarily from nomad areas, where their families livedin tents; yet during the course of an average day they might have classes inTibetan, Chinese, and English, three languages with almost nothing in common. Political and religious issues areparamount. In Lhasa I met a twenty-one-year-old Tibet University student whowas angered by his school's anti-religious stance, which is standard forschools in Tibet. "They tell us we can't believe in religion," hesaid, "because we're supposed to be building socialism, and you can'tbelieve in both socialism and religion. But of course most of the studentsstill believe in religion—I'd say that eighty to ninety percent of us aredevout." One of his classmates, a member of the Communist Party,complained about the history courses. "The history we study is all Chinesehistory ," he said. "Most of it I don't believe."These students also adamantly opposed existing programs that send exceptionalTibetan middle and high school students to study in the interior, where thereis nothing to offset the Chinese view of Tibet. 在任何时候，重要的资格考试都强调了汉语，这反映了语言栏流畅对成功至关重要，尤其是去政府部门工作。另一方面，更基本的问题是藏族学生难以承受。一个汉族老师跟我说，他的学生主要来自牧区，他们的家庭住在帐篷里，而上学期间他们每天要上藏语、汉语、英语课程，三种语言几乎没有任何共同点。 政治和宗教问题是最重要的。在拉萨我碰到一个21岁的西藏大学的学生，他被学校的反宗教立场所激怒，这种立场在西藏的学校很常见。“他们跟我说我们不能信教，”他说，“因为我们要去建设社会主义，你不能既信社会主义又信宗教。但是大多数学生当然还是信教——我得说有百分之八十到九十都很虔诚。”他的一个同学是党员，抱怨历史课，“我们学的历史全都是汉人那套，”他说，“大部分我都不信。”这些学生都坚决反对把优秀的藏族初高中学生送去内地学习，那里没有任何东西能抗衡中国的西藏观。 Such complaints reflect the results ofrecent education reforms. A series of them made in 1994, characteristically,represent both the good and the bad aspects of Chinese support. On the onehand, the government stepped up its campaign against illiteracy, and on theother, it resolved to control the political content of education morecarefully, in hopes of pacifying the region. There has certainly been somesuccess with this approach: I met a number of educated Tibetans who identifiedclosely with China. Tashi, Mei Zhiyuan's roommate, seemed completelycomfortable being both Tibetan and Chinese: he had studied in Sichuan, he had agood job, and he had the government's support to thank. When I asked him whatwas the biggest problem in Tibet, he mentioned language—but not in the way manyTibetans did. "So many students can't speak Chinese," hesaid, "and if you can't speak Chinese, it's hard to find a good job. Theyneed to study harder." Most Tibetans seemed less likely to acceptChinese support at face value. But it was clear that politically they werebeing pulled in a number of directions at once, and my conversations witheducated young Tibetans were dizzying experiences. 这些抱怨反映出近年教育改革的一些结果，大部分改革措施开始于1994年，很典型的代表了中国援助的好坏两方面。一方面，政府加大了扫盲运动的力度，另一方面又决心更仔细的控制教育的政治内容，希望能让自治区保持安定。这取得了一些成功：我碰到许多受过教育的藏人更认同中国。梅志远的室友扎西对既是藏人又是中国人显得完全不在意：他在四川上过学，有一份不错的工作，很感激政府的支持。当我问他西藏最大的问题是什么，他提到语言——以和很多藏人不同的方式。“太多学生不会说汉语，”他说，“如果不会说汉语，那就找不到好工作。他们得更努力点了。” 大部分藏人对中国援助不太会照单全收，但很清楚他们在政治上同时被几股力量所左右，我同年轻受教育的藏人的对话完全让人头晕目眩。 Their questions ranged from odd("Which do you think is going to win, capitalism or socialism?") tobizarre ("Is it true that in America when you go to your brother's orsister's house for dinner, they charge you money?"), and the surroundingswere often equally unsettling. One Monday morning I watched the flag-raisingceremony at a middle school, where students and staff members lined up tolisten to the national anthem, after which, in unison, they pledged allegianceto the Communist Party, love for the motherland, and dedication to studying andworking hard. With the Tibetan mountains towering above, it was a surrealscene—and it became all the more so when the school's political adviser, aTibetan in his early thirties with silver teeth, walked over and asked me whereI was from. After I told him, he said, "Here in Tibet we already have alot of influence from your Western countries—like Pepsi, Coke, movies, thingslike that. My opinion is that there are good and bad things coming from theWest. For example, things regarding sex. In America, if you're married and youdecide that you want another lover, what do you do? You get a divorce,regardless of how it affects your wife and child. But the people here are veryreligious, and we don't like those kinds of ideas." 他们提出了各种各样的问题，从有点奇特（“你觉得哪边会赢，资本主义还是社会主义？”），到十分古怪（“听说在美国你们去兄弟姐妹家吃饭还要掏钱，真的吗？”），周围环境经常都一样混乱。有个星期一早上，我在一所中学参观了一场升旗仪式，老师学生都排队聆听国歌，之后齐声宣誓忠于共产党，热爱祖国，为努力工作学习而献身。西藏的高山矗立一旁。这看上去真有点超现实——当学校的政治顾问，一个一口白牙，三十出头的藏人，走过来问我来自哪里的时候，这种感觉就更强烈了。我告诉他之后，他说，“我们西藏已经受到你们西方的很多影响——像百事可乐，可口可乐，电影，诸如此类。我觉得西方来的东西也有好有坏。比如性方面的。在美国，要是你结婚了又要想另一个情人，你们怎么办？离婚。也不管对老婆孩子有什么影响。但我们这儿的人都信教，不太喜欢这种想法。” I heard a number of comments like this, andundoubtedly the education system included a great deal of anti-Americapropaganda. I felt that here the Chinese were almost doing the Tibetans aservice; nothing depressed me more than my conversations with less-educatedTibetans, who invariably had great faith in American support and believed thatPresident Clinton, who was then in China on last year's state visit, had comein order to save Tibet. Considering that China's interest in Tibet is largely areaction to foreign imperialism, it's no surprise that nothing makes theChinese angrier and more stubborn than the sight of the Dalai Lama and otherexiled leaders seeking—and winning—support in America and elsewhere. And yetTibetan faith in America seems naive given America's treatment of its ownindigenous people, and because historically U.S. policy in Tibet has beenhypocritical and counterproductive. For example, the CIA trained and armedTibetan guerrillas in the 1950s, during a critical period of mostly peaceful(if tenuous) cooperation between the Dalai Lama and the Chinese. The peaceended when Tibetan uprisings, in which these guerrillas played a part, resultedin brutal Chinese repression and the Dalai Lama's flight to India. America also represents modernity, and afurther complication, beyond the Chinese political agenda, is that thelong-isolated Tibetan society must come to grips with the modern world. Onecollege student said, "The more money we Tibetans have, the higher ourliving standard is, the more we forget our own culture. And with or without theChinese, I think that would be happening." 我听到过很多这样的评论，无疑教育系统包括了不少反美宣传。我觉得在这方面中国人几乎算得上是帮了这些藏人。没有什么比和低教育水平的藏人谈话更让我沮丧的了，他们坚信美国的支持。当时克林顿总统正在中国进行去年的国事访问，他们相信克林顿总统是专门要来拯救西藏的。考虑到中国对西藏的兴趣很大程度上是对外国帝国主义的反应，毫不奇怪没什么能比DLLM和其他流亡领袖寻求并赢得美国和其他地方的支持的景象更能让中国人愤怒和固执的了。但考虑到美国是怎么对待自己的土著居民的，藏人对美国的信任实在是过于天真了。而且历史上美国对西藏的政策就是伪善而适得其反的。例如，CIA在1950年代中国政府和DLLM基本上和平合作（虽然不太牢靠）的关键时候训练并武装藏族游击队。当藏人暴动，和平结束，这些游击队显然有份参与，这直接导致了中国的镇压和达赖逃亡印度。 美国也同样代表了现代。在中国的政治日程之上更复杂的问题是，长期孤立的西藏社会一定要认真的面对现代世界。一个大学生说：“我们藏人挣得钱越多，生活标准越高，忘掉自己的文化也越多。有没有中国人，我觉得都会这样的。”Sichuanese on the Frontier边塞上的四川人 Perhaps the most hopeful moment in recentHan-Tibetan relations came shortly after 1980, when the Chinese PartySecretary, Hu Yaobang, went on a fact-finding mission to Tibet and returnedwith severe criticisms of Chinese policies. He advocated a two-prongedsolution: Chinese investment was needed to spur economic growth in Tibet, but atthe same time the Han should be more respectful of Tibetan culture. Cadresneeded to learn Tibetan; the language should be used in government officesserving the public; and religion should be allowed more freedom. 1980年之后的短短一段日子里，也许是（改进）汉藏关系的最有希望的一段时间了。那是的中共总书记，胡耀邦，到西藏实地考察后对政府的行为提出了严厉的批评。他给出了双管齐下的解决方案：一方面投入资金促进西藏经济发展，但同时汉族要对藏文化更加尊重。干部们需要学习藏语；政府工作部门应使用藏语；宗教应该更加自由。 There's no question that such respect issorely needed, especially with regard to language. I never met a singlegovernment-sent Han worker who was learning Tibetan—not even the volunteers whowould be there for eight years. And in Lhasa at the Xinhua bookstore, thelargest in the city, I found not one textbook for Chinese students ofTibetan—books for foreign students, yes, but nothing for the Chinese. 毫无疑问这些尊重是很需要的，尤其是藏语。我从未见过任何一个政府派去的汉族人学习藏语的——即使是要在那里待上8年的志愿者们。在西藏最大的城市拉萨的新华书店里，我找不到供中国学生学习藏语的教材——倒是有些供外国学生学习藏语的。 Some of the 1980 reforms were implemented,but they were cut short by a series of riots in Lhasa that started in 1987. ToBeijing hardliners, the riots indicated that too much freedom is a bad thing,and in 1987 Hu Yaobang was purged, partly for his recommendations regardingTibet. 1980的部分改革得到了执行，但是1987年拉萨的一连串骚乱令改革缩水了。对北京的强硬派们来说，骚乱意味着过分的自由是有害的。1987年胡的下台有部分原因是他对西藏问题的建议。 By the spring of 1989 martial law had beendeclared in Tibet, and the Chinese concluded that relaxing restrictions onTibetan culture and religion was tantamount to encouraging unrest. Thetwo-pronged solution was quickly cut in half: Beijing would simply develop theeconomy, hoping that rising standards of living would defuse political tensionswhile building closer economic ties with the interior. This policy has beenaccelerated by the enormous investments of the 1990s. 到了1989年春，西藏实行了军事管制。中国人的结论是对藏文化和宗教过分的宽松等同于加剧动荡。双管齐下的方案迅速被一份为二：北京只发展当地经济，希望生活的改善，西藏与内地经济联系的紧密能化解紧张的政治形势。1990年之后大量的投资加速了这一政策的推行。 Development, however, often comes at thecost of culture. Traditional sections of Lhasa are being razed in favor offaceless modern buildings, and the economic boom is attracting hordes of Hanand Hui (an Islamic minority) migrants to Tibet. 但是发展总是以文化的消减为代价的。藏族传统的那部分被遗忘在兴建千人一面，毫无特色的现代建筑中。经济的快速发展吸引了汉族和回族（一个伊斯兰教少数民族）移民前来西藏。 Outsiders dominate Tibet's economy—indeed,they've essentially built it, inspiring enormous resentment among the Tibetanpopulation. I met some Tibetans who didn't mind that cadres were sent from theinterior, but I never met one who wasn't opposed to the influx of migrantworkers, especially the huge numbers of Han from nearby Sichuan. Longtime Hanresidents, too, felt this was a serious problem. 这些外来者控制了西藏的经济——事实上，是他们搭造了经济大厦，同时也招致了藏族人的怨恨。我见过许多藏人——他们并不怨恨来自内地的干部，但他们毫无例外的反对这些外来移民工人，尤其是来自邻居四川的大量汉人。常年居住在此的汉人居民也认为这是一个严重的问题。 The phenomenon of liudong renkou, or"floating population," is affecting urban areas all across China,with some 100 million people seeking work away from home. In the west and souththere are particularly large numbers of Sichuanese in the floating population,and during my travels I often heard the same prejudices: the Sichuanesemigrants are uncultured, their women loose, their men jiaohua, sly. And worstof all, people complained, they keep coming. 流动人口的现象正在影响整个中国的城市地区——大约有一亿中国人离开家乡寻找工作。在西部和南部，有大来自量四川的流动人口。在我的旅行中我经常听到同样的偏见：四川移民没教养，女人放荡，男人狡猾。最糟糕的是——人们说——是他们不停的迁移过来。 Having spent two years in Sichuan, Iunderstand why the Sichuanese so often leave. Their province, roughly the sizeof France, contains 120 million people, and the economy is so shaky that recentfactory closings have led to worker uprisings in some cities. Mostly theSichuanese leave because they aren't afraid to; they have been toughened bytough conditions, and all across China that is another thing they are famousfor: their ability to chiku—eat bitter. They work and they survive, and likesuccessful migrants anywhere else in the world, they are resented for theirsuccess. 在四川待了两年后，我明白了为什么四川人总是选择离开。这个相当与法国大小的省份拥有1.2亿人口经济很动荡，最近的工厂倒闭造成了多个城市的工人暴动。大部分四川人离开的原因是他们不害怕外面的世界，艰苦的环境已经把他们变得足够的坚韧。而在中国，他们因为吃苦耐劳而著称。他们工作，他们生存下来，而正如这个世界上所有地方那些成功的外来移民一样，他们被（当地人）忌狠。 In Tibet the Sichuanese have helpedthemselves to a large chunk of the economy. This was clear from the moment Iarrived at the Lhasa airport, where thirteen of the sixteen restaurantsbordering the entrance advertised Sichuan food. One was Tibetan. Virtually allsmall business in Lhasa follows this pattern; everywhere I saw Sichuanrestaurants and shops. Locals told me that 80 percent of Lhasa's Han wereSichuanese, and this may not be much of an exaggeration. 在西藏，四川人靠自己的奋斗分得了经济增长的大块蛋糕。当我到达拉萨机场时，发现出口外16家饭店中的13家推荐四川菜，一家是西藏菜时，这一点显得更加实至名归。事实上每一个在拉萨的行业都符合这个模式。到处是四川饭店，到处是四川商店。当地人告诉我说八成的拉萨汉人来自四川——这也许并不夸张。 This influx is far more significant anddisruptive than the importing of Han cadres, and it's also harder to monitor.One common misperception in Western reports is that these people are sent bythe government: the image is of a tremendous Han civilian army arriving tooverwhelm Tibetan culture. 外来人口的大量涌入比汉族干部的引进更具有明显的破坏作用，而且更难控制。西方总是误认为这些人是被政府送来的——大量的汉族平民部队到达西藏，压倒了西藏文化。 -------------译者：biblioteca-审核者：chen_lt------------ The truth is that the government has littlecontrol over the situation. "How do you cut off the people moving outthere?" asked one American who had spent much time in Tibet. "Whatmechanism are you going to have to prevent that? They don't have anyrestrictions on internal travel—and we always beat them over the head about nothaving those, because to institute them would be a human-rights issue."Far from arriving with an ethnic agenda,the independent migrants are for the most part completely apolitical. In LhasaI often ate at a small Sichuan restaurant run by Fei Xiaoyun, a thirty-one-year-oldnative of Chengdu who, along with her husband, had been laid off in 1996 by abankrupt state-owned natural-gas plant. Each of them had been given a two-yearseverance allowance of $30 a month, and when that was gone, they took theirsavings and bought plane tickets to Lhasa. They had left their five-year-oldson with his grandmother—a common choice for migrants, including cadres. Thisis partly out of fear of the effects on health of living in Tibet, and alsobecause Tibetan schools are considered worse than those in the interior andchildren who are registered outside their districts have to pay extra fees. 事实上政府极少控制这种形势。“你怎么阻止人口向外地输出？”一个研究西藏很久的美国人问。“你准备用什么机制来防止这情况？国内旅行是没有任何限制的——我们总是反复告诉他们别做限制，因为调查他们就会变成一个人权问题了。”远没达到民族议程的地步，自主的移民们多半完全与政治无关。在拉萨，我常在一家小川菜馆吃饭，老板叫费晓云（音译），31岁，成都人。1996年，她和她的丈夫一起下岗了，因为他们工作的国有天然气工厂破产了。他们每人得到了为期两年的离职补贴，每月30美元。当补贴到期，他们带着积蓄，买了机票到拉萨来。他们把五岁的儿子留给了他的奶奶——这是移民的普遍选择，包括干部也是。部分是害怕住在拉萨对孩子的健康有影响，也部分由于西藏学校被认为比内地学校差，而且异地就读的孩子是需要付额外学费的。 -------------译者：烤烤鱼-审核者：chen_lt------------ Fei Xiaoyun never spoke of the growth ofthe GNP, and she had no interest in developing the motherland. Once, I askedher about Prime Minister Zhu Rongji, whose economic reforms are closingfactories like hers, and she didn't even recognize his name. "All of thecountry's big affairs I don't understand," she said with a shrug. She wassimply a poor woman with her back against the wall, and like the rest of theSichuanese who had made their way to Tibet, she was trying desperately to makea living.But such migrants have a political effect,as Tibetans watch outsiders develop an economy from which they feelincreasingly removed. This also presents a question: If the rules are the samefor everybody, why are the Han entrepreneurs so much more successful than the Tibetans?The most common response is that the rules aren't the same: the Chinese haveeasier access to government guanxi, or connections. But even on a level playingfield the Han would have more capital and better contacts with sources in theinterior. And their migrant communities have a tendency to support recentarrivals. 费晓云一次也没谈过GNP增长，她对发展祖国没什么兴趣。有一次，我问起朱镕基总理，这位总理的经济改革措施关闭了很多工厂，包括她所在那家工厂，可她居然连他的名字都不知道。“国家大事啥的我都不懂，”她耸耸肩说。她只是个家徒四壁的穷苦妇人，像其他四川人一样设法来到西藏，不顾一切的讨口饭吃。但这些移民有其政治影响，因为藏人看着这些外人逐渐发展起一个跟自己没多大关系的经济。他们也提出了这样的问题：如果规则对所有人都一样，为什么汉族企业家比藏人成功这么多？藏人最通常的反应是存在着规则不平等现象：汉人更容易从政府那里获得关系的支持。而且即使在一个公平的赛场里汉人也有更多的资本，和内地资源更多的联系。移民社群也倾向于支持新来的人。 This is especially true of theSichuanese—one will arrive, and then a few relatives, and before long anextended family is dominating a factory or a block of shops. In front of theJokhang, the holiest temple in Tibet, rows of stalls sell khataks, ceremonialscarves that pilgrims use as offerings. It's a job one would expect to seefilled by Tibetans—as one would expect those selling rosaries in front of St.Peter's to be Catholic. But one saleswoman explained that all the stalls wererun by Sichuanese from three small cities west of Chengdu. There were more than200 of them—relatives, friends of relatives, relatives of friends—and they hadcompletely filled that niche. One day I walked past the khatak sellerswith a Tibetan friend, and he shook his head. "Those people know how to dobusiness," he said. "We Tibetans don't know how to do it—we're toostraight. If something's supposed to be five yuan, we say it's five yuan. But aSichuanese will say ten." I felt there was some truth to this—the Han aresuccessful in Tibet for some of the same reasons that they are successful in somany places, from Southeast Asia to the United States. They have a strongerbusiness tradition than the Tibetans, and virtually all independent Hansettlers in Tibet have failed somewhere else, giving them a single-minded driveto succeed. 对四川人来说这尤其正确——一个人来了，紧接着又是一群亲戚，不久之后就是一个大家族控制着一家工厂货一批商店。在大昭寺——西藏最神圣的寺庙——前，一排货摊卖着哈达，一种朝圣者用来祭献的仪式用丝巾。这个工作人们可能会以为都是西藏人在做——就像人们会预期在圣彼得大教堂前卖念珠的都是天主教徒。但一个商贩妇女跟我解释说，所有这些摊点都是成都西面三个小城市来的四川人摆的。总共超过200人——亲戚，亲戚的朋友，朋友的亲戚——他们完全占据了这个商机。有一天我和一个藏族朋友一起走过哈达摊时，他摇了摇头。“那帮人知道怎么做生意，”他说，“我们藏人不知道——我们太老实了。什么东西该是五块钱，我们就说五块钱。可四川人就会说十块钱。”我觉得他说的有点对——汉人在西藏成功的理由和他们在其他地方成功的理由差不多，从东南亚到美国。他们比藏人有更强的商业传统，西藏所有独立的汉族定居者实质上在别的某些地方都失败过，这也给了他们一种奔向成功的单纯冲动。 Consequently, Tibet feels like a classicfrontier region, with typically peculiar demographics. There aredisproportionately few Han children, and almost nobody comes to stay: theintention is invariably to return to the interior. The majority of the Han aremen, including the government-sent workers. Of the Han women I saw in Tibet,more than a few were prostitutes; locals told me that they had come in a wavein 1994 and 1995, after the investments in the sixty-two major projects. OneHan volunteer I spoke with had arrived in a group of thirteen men; one womanhad applied but was rejected because the authorities felt that Tibet was noplace for a young woman. The young man was resigned to finding a wife duringhis three paid trips home. "During vacation I'll be able to look for agirlfriend," he said. "I'll have six months. You can meet one then,and after that you c can write andall when you come back here."There were moments when everything—theethnic tension, the rugged individualism, the hard, bright sun and the high,bare mountains—seemed more like a Jack London story than a real society. 于是，西藏感觉上就像典型的边疆地区，有着特别的人口构成。不成比例少的汉族儿童，几乎没有小孩来这儿：人们总是怀着将来回去内地的愿望。汉人的绝大多数是男人，包括派去的政府职工。我在西藏见过的汉族女人里有着为数不少的妓女。当地人告诉我一大批都是1994,1995年62个大工程投资之后来的。一个和我聊过的汉族志愿者是一批三十个男的一起来的，有个女的申请一起来单被拒了，因为当局觉得西藏不适合年轻女人。这个年轻人第三次带薪休假回家时勉强找了个老婆。“放假的时候我才能去找女朋友，”他说，“我有六个月。可以找个人，搞定一切，然后再回来。”有时候这与其说是现实社会，不如说更像杰克伦敦的小说——族裔紧张，粗犷的个人主义，明亮刺眼的阳光，高耸荒凉的山脉。 One day some American friends and I hired adriver, a twenty-five-year-old Sichuanese named Wei, who was nursing a defeated1991 Volkswagen Santana. He had a two-year-old son at home, and he hoped toearn enough money by carrying passengers—though he wasn't registered to doso—to buy a new car in six months. We agreed to pay him $36 if he drove us toDamxung, five hours north of Lhasa. Drive he did—past the police checkpoint,where he faked his credentials ("It's simpler that way," heexplained), and past a Land Rover full of foreigners driven by a Tibetan, who,realizing our driver wasn't registered, swore he'd turn him in at Damxung."It's because I'm Han," Wei said grimly. "And at Damxung thepolice will be Tibetan." He drove faster and faster, racing ahead of theLand Rover, until finally he hit a bump and ruptured the fuel line.The car eased to a stop in the middle ofnowhere. To the west rose the snow-topped Nyenchen Tanglha Mountains. TheTibetan driver cruised past, glaring. Wei cut a spare hose and patched theleak, and then he addressed the problem of injecting fuel back into thecarburetor. He unhooked the fuel line and sucked out a mouthful of gas. Holdingit in his mouth, he plugged the line back in. Then he walked around the frontof the car and spit the fuel into the carburetor. 有一天一些美国朋友和我雇了个司机，一个25岁的四川人，姓魏，精心摆弄着一辆1991年的大众桑塔纳。他有个两岁的儿子在家，想要半年内搭载游客挣够钱买辆新车——虽然他没登记过。我们同意付他36块载我们去当雄，那是拉萨以北五小时的车程。他一路开车——经过一个警察检查站，他用了假证件（他解释说，这样更简单），又碰到一辆藏族司机开的路虎，满载外国乘客。那个司机认出了我们的非法营运的司机，咒骂着叫他自己到当雄自首。“因为我是汉人，”魏冷着脸的说，“当雄的警察都是藏人。”他开得越来越快，远远跑在那辆路虎前头，直到撞上个土包弄漏了燃油管。车慢慢停下来，不知道这是什么地方。西面是覆盖着积雪的念青唐古拉山。那个藏族司机赶了上了，瞪了两眼扬长而去。魏剪了一段备用管，补上了漏洞，他把燃料注入了汽化器，这样就把问题给解决了。他取下燃油管，吸出了一口油，含在嘴里，又把油管塞了回去。然后他走到车前面，把油又吐进化油器。 The car started. I could see Wei workingthe taste of gasoline around his mouth, and then, a few minutes later, he tookout a cigarette. Everybody in the car held his breath—everybody but Wei, wholit the cigarette and sucked deeply. He did not explode. He stared ahead at thevast emptiness that stood between him and $36, and he kept driving.That was the way a Sichuanese did things inTibet. Gasoline was bitter but he ate it, the same way he ate the altitude andthe weather and the resentment of the locals. None of that mattered. All thatmattered was the work he did, the money he made, and the promise that if he wassuccessful, he'd go home rich. 车启动了。我能感觉到魏正忍着满嘴的汽油味，过了几分钟，他抽了支烟。车里的人都屏住了呼吸——除了魏，他点着了烟，深深地吸了一口。他没爆炸。他盯着车前方横亘在他和36块钱之间的旷野，一直开着车。这就是一个四川人在西藏的活法。汽油很刺鼻但他还是吃了，他也同样咽下了高海拔、坏天气还有当地人的敌意。这些都不重要。只有他的工作，他挣的钱，他挣到钱后荣归故里的承诺，只有这些才最重要。 A House Without Pillars?没有柱子的房子？ Tibet gave rise to exciting stories, but itwas indeed jianku, and the social problems made a hard place even harder. Nearthe end of my trip I ate dumplings at Fei Xiaoyun's restaurant, and as I ate,she complained about her situation. Business was bad, and her life was boring;she worked fifteen-hour days and she had no friends in Lhasa. She missed herson, back in Chengdu, and she probably wouldn't see him until the followingyear. She asked me how long it had been since I'd been home, and I said Ihadn't left China in more than two years. 西藏孕育了许多激动人心的故事，但这里确实艰苦（何伟总用jianku这个词），社会问题又让这个艰苦的地方更加艰苦了。在我的西藏之旅就快结束的时候，我在费晓云的餐馆吃了顿饺子。我吃的时候她就在抱怨她的处境。生意不好，生活无聊，一天干15个钟头，在拉萨一个朋友也没有。她想她留在成都的儿子，很可能得等到第二年回家才能见到他。她问我我离家多久了，我说我一直呆在中国两年多了。 "We're the same," she said."Both of us are a long way from home." I agreed, and she asked if Imissed my family. "Of course I miss them," I said. "But I'll seethem next month, when I go home."It was the wrong thing to say. Her eyeswent empty and then filled with tears. We sat alone in the restaurant. It wasunusual for a Chinese to show emotion in public, and I didn't know what to say.Silently I ate my dumplings while she cried, the late-afternoon sun stirringthe Lhasa flies that were thick about the table.Tibet had started to depress me, and I waslooking forward to leaving. Strangely, it almost seemed worse for not being asbad as I had always heard. There were definite benefits of Chinese support, andI was impressed by the idealism and dedication of some of the young Hanteachers I had met. But at the same time, most efforts to develop the regionwere badly planned, and it was frustrating to see so much money and work investedin a poor country and so much unhappiness returned. And often I felt that thecommon people, who knew little of Tibet's complicated historical and culturalissues, were being manipulated by the government in ways they didn'tunderstand. “我们都一样，”他说，“咱俩离家都这么远。”我表示赞同，她问我想不想家人。“当然想，”我说，“不过我下个月回家就能见到他们了。”这话本不该说的。她的眼神一下子茫然了，泪水充满了眼眶。我们俩独自坐在餐馆里。一个中国人在公开场合流露感情是很不寻常的，我不知道该说些什么。我静静地吃饺子，她一直哭。下午的阳光惊起了桌子周围密集的拉萨苍蝇。西藏开始让我感到沮丧，我盼望着离开。奇怪的是，正因为这里不像我听说的那么糟，反而让它几乎显得更糟。无疑这里受益于中国援助，我对碰到的年轻的汉族教师的理想主义与现身热情留下了深刻的印象，但同时，发展这个地区的大部分努力计划的都不好。在这样一个贫穷的国家，看到这么多的钱和工作投入到这样一个贫穷的乡下地方，这真让人沮丧。而我常常感觉到不了解西藏复杂的历史与文化的普通人，被政府以一种他们不理解的方式操弄着。 But although I was certain that nobody wastruly happy (most of the Han didn't like being there, and most of the Tibetanscertainly weren't happy to have them), I wasn't sure who was pulling thestrings. One could go straight to the top and probably find the samehelplessness, the same strings. It was mostly the irrevocable mistakes ofhistory, but it was also money—simple economic pressure that drove a motheraway from her son to a place where the people did not want her.This was not the first time I'd seensomebody cry in Lhasa. Five days earlier I'd spent the evening in front of theJokhang temple, where I talked with two Tibetans. The first was a doctor whohad done time in prison for writing an article warning Tibetans to protecttheir culture, and the second was a fifty-three-year-old who described himselfas a common worker. Both men were eager to speak with an American, and they hada great deal of faith in America's ability to help solve the Tibet question.That saddened me as well. I wanted to tell them that in America there are manyFREE TIBET bumper stickers, but they sit next to license plates that often bearthe names of forgotten tribes who succumbed to the same forces of expansion andmodernization now threatening Tibet. And the Chinese solution to the Tibetquestion—throwing money at the problem—also seemed very American. But I held mypeace and listened. 但是，虽然我确信没有人真正幸福（大部分汉人都不喜欢呆在这儿，大部分藏人当然也不高兴他们在这儿），我却不清楚是谁在幕后操纵着。即使是那些身处西藏的上层社会人士，你或许也会发现他们很无助并且身不由己。大部分是因为无法挽回的历史错误，还有钱——是单纯的的经济压力驱使着一个母亲离开她的儿子，来到一个不欢迎她的地方。这不是我第一次看到有人在拉萨哭。五天前的晚上我在大昭寺前和两个藏人聊天。一个是医生，因为写书警告同胞保护自己的文化进过牢，另一个53岁的中年人称自己是一个普通工人。两人都急切的想和一个美国人交谈。他们都对美国帮助解决西藏问题的能力有巨大的信心。这让我也感到悲伤。我想告诉他们有很多人在保险杠上贴FREE TIBET，但这些贴纸旁边的牌照就经常顶着一些已经被遗忘的部落的名字——这些部落都屈服于扩张和现代化的力量，而现在这些扩张和现代化正威胁着西藏。而中国对西藏问题的解决——砸钱——看起来也很美国范儿。我只能闭上嘴，默默倾听。 -------------译者：cty5306-审核者：chen_lt------------ "Look at this pillar," the workersaid. He was standing next to the temple entrance, and he rested his hand onthe worn red wood. "If a house doesn't have pillars, or if the pillarsaren't straight, what will happen? It will fall down. It's the same thinghere—our pillars are our history and our politics. If we don't have those, oursociety will collapse, and all of it will be lost—all of our culture." “看这根柱子，”这名工人说道，他站在寺庙的入口旁边，把手放在红漆的柱子上。“如果一个房子没有柱子支撑，或是支撑柱发生弯曲变形，那会发生什么呢？房子就会倒塌。这里的情况是一样的—这些柱子就是我们的历史和政治。如果我们没有这些，我们的社会就会崩溃，所有的一切都会消失，我们所有的文化都将不复存在。 It was dark, and I could barely make outhis face, but I could see there were tears in his eyes. There was no morepolitically sensitive place in Tibet; virtually every major protest hadhappened in front of the Jokhang, and I knew it was unwise to speak so openlyhere. He glanced over his shoulder and continued 天色已黑，我几乎看不清他的脸，但我能看见他的眼中噙满了泪水。“西藏再也没有像这样的政治敏感区了；现在几乎所有主要的行走都在大昭寺前进行，我知道在这里公开说这些是很不明智的，”他瞥了眼身后继续说道。 "You need to tell the people ofAmerica what it's like here," he said. "You need to tell them whatneeds to be done." I nodded and shook his hand, but I realized I had noidea what I would recommend, or what the people of America could do. Perhaps wecould build casinos. “你需要告诉美国人这里的情况，”他说，“你需要告诉他们这里需要哪些改变。”我点了点头并且和他握手，但我意识到自己竟没有什么建议可以给他，也不知道美国人民能做些什么。也许我们可以帮他们建赌场。 以下是网友评论：Mei Tai Baby Carrier•2 years ago−Tibet is a best place to establish abusiness. As far as I know China is one of the countries that has a very largepopulation of millionaires. 西藏是一个最适合建立贸易的地方。据我所知中国是世界上百万富翁最多的国家之一。 lose the baby weight> Mei Tai BabyCarrier•a year agoTibet and China aren't in the top 10according to a annual study. 根据年度研究，那么西藏与中国难道不是排名前10（的最富有国家么？） Pat Bateman•a year ago−This guy nailed the Chinese opinion onTibet. Nice work. 这家伙强化了中国的西藏观。不错的工作！ Terry K Chen•a year ago−As usual, a biased view from a westerner.However, I have to give you credit as most westerners just talk about how Tibetshould be independent without even bothering to check the facts and compared tothem your analysis is pretty objective.1. You talk about how the CCP should teachtibetans about their culture. However, what is there to teach? 95% of tibetanswere just slaves that were treated like animals under the dalai lama. Is thiseven worth teaching. You talk about religion. However, the tibetan form ofbuddhism is a savage one where sacrifices, eye gorging, amputation of limbs,and even skinning were commonplace. This is what you want the CCP to teach thetibetans? (Btw, many western historians confirm these facts, just in caseyou're going to tell me I'm brainwashed by the CCP) -------------译者：zjykn-审核者：tvenana------------ 2. From 1911 to 1951 tibet did not belongto the dalai lama, he was simply a puppet at the time to the warlords whotrully owned the place. During 1911 to 1951 China did not have a true leaderand Mao ze dong unified the country. From 1951 to 1956, Tibet was an autonomousregion where the Dalai Lama had control. The CCP hoped that he would change thesocial structure and liberate the people but he chose to try to overthrow theCCP, leaving the government with no choice but to exile the Dalai Lama. Thedalai lama talks about peace and opression of the tibetans that they face underthe CCP but western media never even bothers to cover how tibet was under hisrule.3. Tibet has been part of China for roughlya thousand years. While it has been a buffer state for much of the time, it WASpart of china the whole time(excluding the time period from 1911 to 1951).While you might not agree this is the right way to govern, this is chineseculture and it has been like this way for thousands of years and no one has toright to criticize a system that has flourished so long. -------------译者：zjykn-审核者：tvenana------------ 4. Do you honestly think the westernleaders who pressure China to make Tibet and taiwan independent give a damnabout the livelihood of the tibetans and taiwanese people? You're probablygoing to say yes for the sake of refuting me. The western leaders are scared ofChina's rise and do all they can to weaken the country. All I can say is thatif Hu Jin tao said one day that he was deeply concerned for the livelihood forblack people in america, I would be the first to call him a hypocrite.5. After the atrocities and exterminationthat the Native Americans experienced, Americans have NO right whatsoever tocritisize what China has done in Tibet. Under the rule of the CCP, the standardof living has increase remarkably for the tibetans and they have many specialbenefits. The one child policy does not apply to them, they free education,free medicare, its easier for them to get into good schools and universities asthey have lower borderline scores than the han chinese, and its also easier forthem to get jobs. There are numerous other special benefits but I think you'llget the point 正如通常那样，这是来自一个西方人士的偏见。无论如何，我还是应该给你鼓励：较之那些只是嚷嚷着要西藏独立而根本未确证事实真相的那些人而言，你的分析已经属于相当地客观了。 1.你谈到中共当如何教育藏民他们的文化。然而，这该如何教育呢？95%的藏民曾经在达赖喇嘛统治下，是被当成牲畜一样对待的奴隶。这是否更加值得教导呢？至于你谈及的宗教问题。藏传佛教统治体系就是个奴隶制体系。在这种体系下肆意剥夺奴隶性命、挖眼、截肢，甚至是剥皮都是普遍的现象。这是中共教育藏民的么？（顺便说一句，这些史实为同样为西方历史学者所公认，免得到时候你说我被中共洗脑了） 2.1911年至1951年西藏并不属于达赖喇嘛，他只是当地军阀的傀儡。1911年至1951年这几年中国并没有领导者，知道毛泽东统一了整个国家。从1951年至1956年，西藏是达赖喇嘛控制的自治区。中共希望达赖喇嘛能够改变西藏的社会结构，解放人民，但他却选择尝试推翻中共，这让当时的政府除了驱逐他之外没有别的办法。达赖喇嘛一直在说西藏的和平和藏人在中共统治下被压迫的事情，但是西方媒体从来都没想过去报道一下西藏在他统治时期是什么样子的。 3.西藏作为中国一部分大概已经有一千年的历史了。虽然大部分时间都是以缓冲地区这一身份存在，但却一直都是中国的一部分（除了1911年至1951年这一段时间）。虽然你可能不同意这是正确的统治方式，但这是中国文化，这已经延续了千百年，而没有人有权力去批评一个发展了这么长时间的制度。 4.你真的认为那些对中国施压要求西藏和台湾独立的西方政客真的在乎西藏人和台湾人的生活状态吗？要是你的答案是“是”的话，那大概你只是为了反驳我而说。这些西方政客害怕中国的崛起，他们会做任何事情去削弱这个国家。我能说的只是如果一天胡锦涛对美国黑人的生活状态表示深深的关心，我会是第一个叫他伪君子的人。 5.在所有针对美洲原住民的暴行和灭绝行为发生后，美国人没有任何权利去批评中国在西藏做的任何事情。在中国共产党的统治之下，西藏人的生活水平有了显著的提高，而他们还有很多特殊权利。计划生育并不适用于藏族人，他们还有免费的教育，免费的医疗，他们比汉族人更容易进入更好的学校和大学因为这些学校对藏族人的分数要求比汉族人低很多，同时他们也更容易找到工作。他们还有更多的特殊权利，但我想上面所举的例子已经足够让你明白了。 -------------译者：heaven0324-审核者：tvenana------------ Zach Jacoby> Terry K Chen•7 months ago−I was born in America. My great grandparents of my fathers side came to this country from out of Germany as Jewishimmigrants and my grandfather grew up in America as an orphan later to fight inWWII. ...My mothers side is mostly german... now I am a jewish german born inAmerica! ...I very much identify with my jewish bloodline and have spent timein Jerusalem volunteering for the elderly disabled to show my love to Israeland support my people though by many i am not recognized as a jew by many basedon the belief of mothers sons rights to claim.Now i am planning to come to Tibet! after a3 month stay in Varanasi India volunteering for street children and a secondstint in Tanzania...I love it there...my impoverish heaven working for theorphans.Now that i've given you an extendeddescription of who I am where I come from and what I do in relation to thistopic I would like to say... FREE TIBET!!!!!!!! -------------译者：冷锋-审核者：chen_lt------------ ...just kidding... i understand this cannot be this way because China has come to take control of the land and thepeople. People who were understandably slaves to the ways of the teachings andmasters that had previously held them and now slaves to the society that hascome to possess them and dictate their mind, body and soul. We even see many ofthese workers who come from China are unhappy to live this way but are directedby the prospect of money. They are willing to force a social culture overanother building concrete structure over natural beauty.Now before you continue to feel pressed bythe things that I am saying...considering I was one to serve a people who intheory also due in reaction to the hostility of all people are in a similarcondition as that of China in their relationship to the remnants of anunrefined country that had been Palestine...let me say I do not favor a manfrom China or Tibet based on intentions of the state of action and affair. I amnot a buddhist nor do I consider myself a capitalist or socialist...in honestyI do not even like to be percieved as a patriotic america. -------------译者：冷锋-审核者：chen_lt------------ When I am in tibet I am wanting to see anatural beauty that still remains for the time and to connect to anunderstanding with the people of Tibet and possibly those from China...but notto serve the purpose of Industrialisation but to make a spiritual and personalconnection to someone who is living in a world that does not love or treat themequally in the way they wish to be treated. Life is not a dream...the pursuit ofhappiness is a conflict to the realisation of our state of existence and to agreater sense our eternal spiritual existence. I am somebody...who has nointention to die to life but to die to the restraint of our process of growthand inner development in a material condition. Here our lesson is withintension and conflict and as violent as it is complicated...the simple answersdo not penetrate the force of change in an immediate schedule to save what wemust lose in our lifetimes. A key to development is not in a hardened soul buta hardened body and the man with strength has the power to imprison or educatethe body and mind of a man without defense. -------------译者：冷锋-审核者：chen_lt------------ What is lasting of our identity is notalways better seen in the remains of poetry and images and not alwaysneccessary in the heart of every other being...what is lasting is who we areand what we have become in the accumulation and detail of our every last wakingmoment to color the dream with which we hold true within our imagination. Tothe other I become a simple dream that intrigues his creativity but within myspirit I alone am free to survive by the guidence of my source and my father inGod. This is reason enough to persevere thehardship and the drought of compassion some are born to endure. We all wish forthe meaning in the answers we are given and in life it is our own response tothe posing questions that give us the answer...be it right or be it wrong.Become the Truth as under a source of understanding and you will become theoasis to the damned and direction to the damning....but you must remain pure asan undiluted river to the truth to become that very truth tomorrow as you hadbeen today...otherwise you will be buying bottled water in Tibet. 我生于美国。我太爷爷是来自德国的犹太移民；我爷爷在美国长大，是一个孤儿，后来参与了二战；我妈妈这边基本上是德国血统。现在我是一个具有犹太血统的美籍德裔。我非常珍视我的犹太血统并且在耶路撒冷从事帮扶老年残疾人的志愿行动以显示我对以色列的热爱与支持，虽然基于母系血统，很多人并不认为我是一个犹太人。在经历了三个月的印度Varanasi市街头流浪儿童救助行动与坦桑尼亚二次拒签后，现在我计划前往西藏！我喜欢这种工作——我愿意为了孤儿而囊空如洗。现在我已经告诉你详细的与该主题相关的信息：我是谁、从哪儿来、做什么……我就想说：自由西藏！！！！ 开个玩笑罢了。我知道这是不会发生的，因为现在这片土地和其上的人民都由中国管辖。在过去，人们由宗教教义和奴隶主所控制，而现在他们是这个占据了他们思想，身体和灵魂的社会的奴隶。我们知道很多中国人虽然不喜欢这种生活方式，却依然受到金钱的驱使。他们愿意把一种社会文化强加在另一种社会文化之上，通过在美丽自然的土地上建立混凝土结构来达成这一目标。 我说这些并非为了使你感到压抑。我曾经也为巴基斯坦的一个民族服务过，这个民族和中国藏族的情况相似，这个民族也遭受了其他民族的仇恨，所以这个民族的表现和藏族的表现非常的相似。我会说我并不赞同那些意图采取行动并制造事端的中国人或西藏人。我不是佛教徒，也非资本主义者或社会主义者。事实上，我甚至不喜欢被人称为爱国的美国人。 当我在西藏的时候，我只是想看看那些已存在了千百万年的美景，并希望可以通过这种方法来了解西藏人民，甚至有可能的话，来了解中国人民。并非以为工业化服务为目的，而是要和那些人建立起一种私人的精神上的关系，这些人受到的待遇往往并非是他们所希望的。 人生并非幻梦。对幸福的追求往往与自我存在的实现以及更强的永恒精神存在感相悖。我并不渴望生活，而渴望了解这个物质世界对我们内在精神成长的制约。而我们从这些紧张冲突以及错综复杂的暴力事件中学到的是一个简单的原理，这个原理就渗透在迅速改变以拯救我们生命中即将逝去的事物的动力中。成长的关键不在于坚定的灵魂而是坚强的肉体，这个人也要具备能够禁锢和训练他人肉体与思想的强大力量。 而我们存在的延续也并非仅体现在诗歌、画作以及他们的回忆中。能够持续存在的是我们是谁，以及通过每一个我们运用自己的想象力使自己的梦想丰富多彩的瞬间所积累起来的成长。对其他人来说，我们成为了能够激发他创造力的幻梦，而在我的精神世界，我会在我的内心和圣父的指引下自由的存在。 这个理由足以使我们在与生俱来的艰难困苦和同情心的缺乏中依然坚持不懈。我们都渴望了解这个世界所给予我们的答案的深刻意义，但在现实生活中，提出与这个答案相应的问题则是我们自己的责任，不论正确与否。当你理解了这一切之后，你就会成为真理，并将成为这个糟糕世界中的绿洲。但是无论何时你必须保持纯粹，并比前一天更加接近真理。如果不能了解这些，那么你到西藏去也只是等于买了瓶水（是说去了也是白去）。 -------------译者：zjykn-审核者：tvenana------------ medusa119•a year ago−I am an American who has studied NativeAmerican culture and is currently studying Tibetan culture and language. While I agree that it seems hypocritical tosupport Tibet as an American, I as an individual have not committed acts ofatrocities towards the Native Americans and I am not committing acts ofatrocities against Tibetans. I also don't think that my nationalityprevents me from having an opinion on issues like this one. There are aspects of my own culture andgovernment that myself (and many others including non-Americans such asyourself) dislike, and there are aspects of Chinese culture and government thatmyself (and many others including Chinese) dislike as well. Your post is an example of the very typicalChinese jargon the article gives examples on . You might say that an American view ofTibet is biased, but how is your obviously Chinese view of Tibet not?If Tibet is "part of China" asyou say, why is it not (and has never been) culturally, linguistically, and topographicallysynonymous with China? Tibet has its own distinct language that isin NO WAY related to Chinese (a phonetically abrasive language I might add). And how is it you can you say that because95% of Tibetans were supposedly "slaves" (a "fact" that iswidely disputed) that they have no culture?Please! Their culture is far morespiritual, interesting, unique and environmentally friendly than theover-populated, government run, materialistic, mindless culture of China. I live in NYC next to one of the manyChinatowns and I can say without a doubt it is overcrowded and dirty and itsinhabitants are rude, loud, cheap, non- English speaking and inhumane in theirselling of live rabbits, chickens, turtles, frogs and crabs on the street. 我是一名美国人，曾经学习美洲原住民文化，现在正在学习西藏文化和语言。虽然我同意作为一名美国人去支持西藏（独立）显得很虚伪，但我作为个人并不应该对美洲原住民遭受的暴行负责，同时我也没有指责你们对西藏人施暴。而且我不认为我的国籍让我不能在这样的事情上持有我自己的观点。 我国家的文化和政府有很多方面我自己并不喜欢（很多其他国家的人也不喜欢，包括你），同时中国文化和政府有些方面也让我不喜欢（包括一些中国人在内很多人也不喜欢）。你的文章是一例非常典型的用中国行话来说“举例说明”的文章。你可能会说美国人看待西藏的时候是带着偏见的，但你那种理所当然的看待西藏的中方观点就不是吗？如果西藏如你所说是“中国的一部分”，那么为什么在文化，语言，地形构造上与中国没有相似的地方？（而且从来没有相似过）西藏拥有自己的明显区别于中文的本土语言（一种在语言学上来说比较原始的语言）。 你又如何能说因为95%的西藏人可能是“奴隶”（一个被广泛争论的“事实”）所以他们没有自己的文化？拜托！他们的文化和人口过剩，政府主导，唯物主义，信仰缺失的中国文化相比，更注重精神，有趣，独一无二以及对环境更友好。我住在纽约，就在一个中国城（很多个当中的一个）旁边，我能毫不犹豫地说那里拥挤，肮脏，里面的居民粗鲁，吵闹，小气，不说英语而且毫无人性因为他们在街边卖活的兔子，鸡，乌龟，青蛙和螃蟹。 -------------译者：zjykn-审核者：tvenana------------ Terry K Chen> medusa119•a year ago−When I talked about abolishing tibetanculture, I only mean abolishing those parts that are evil and are bad to asociety. For example, foot binding was a tradition that HAD TO beabolished.Western civilizations experienced how terrible a theocratic governingwas during the middle ages and it led to a population that only knew about superstitionsand didn't care at all about progress and education. After these theocraticgovernments had been abolished, western civilization also had to abolish mostof the superstitions that the population had during the middle ages. Prior to1959, tibet had been under such a form of governing for centuries.Tibetans have an age old tradition wherethe men like to carry long daggers when they walk around the street as a signof masculinity. In nearly EVERY country, this would be illegal. However, forthe sake of respecting tibetan culture, tibetans are allowed to carry aroundlong daggers when they walk around the road. How much more religious andcultural freedom can you expect?When China took over the lands of others,they granted them autonomy and sought to gradually assimilate the differentcultures. -------------译者：monkbobby-审核者：tvenana------------ When western countries invaded other lands,they exterminated the natives.Imagine how much worse western media would depictChina if the Chinese had done the same. Considering how badly China isslandered for ‘opressing its minorities’, I shudder to imagine such a scenario.Many similarities exist between the way theemperors of old treated minorities inside China and the way the Communistgovernment treats minorities today.The law now applies to all fifty-sixminorities in two areas. The first law is that an elementary education ismandatory for all children. There are no exceptions, and children under sixteenare not allowed to work.The Tibetan minority has problems withthis. Many of the old leaders in exile don’t want mandatory education forTibetan children, because it goes against the way the Buddhist Lamas ruled afeudal Tibet prior to 1951. The National Geographic Magazine for October 1912does an excellent job showing life in Tibet was before Mao’s reoccupation.The second law is that all civil law mustbe obeyed. For example, you cannot destroy the forest or sell your children,which was once part of Chinese culture under the emperors. -------------译者：monkbobby-审核者：tvenana------------ China’s government provides financialsupport to minorities under certain circumstances. Money goes toward developingthe tourist potential in the minority areas and some minority people are paid astipend to continue living in their traditional lifestyle as long as it doesnot violate Chinese civil laws. Tibet gets the biggest slice of this financialpie.If a minority person decides to leave anautonomous region, he receives monthly food coupons to help maintain a decentlifestyle. If a minority person wants to attend college, she is allowed entryover better-qualified Han Chinese students and receives financial support tosucceed.The mainstream western media seldom reportsthese facts about China. We mostly hear bad news and accusations without muchevidence to support the claims. A recent series of pieces in American magazinesreveals the real China.I suggest you read the May/June 2008 issueof Good magazine; the May/June 2008 issue of Poets and Writers Magazine’s“Beijing Book Report”, and the May 2008 issue of National Geographic Magazine.A recent book by American photojournalistTom Carter, China: Portrait of a People, captures the heart and soul China. Hespent two years walking thousands of miles through much of China to discoverthe real China—not what most in the West have heard. -------------译者：monkbobby-审核者：tvenana------------ It is always good to have the facts beforejumping to conclusions." If Tibet is "part ofChina" as you say, why is it not (and has never been) culturally,linguistically, and topographically synonymous with China? Tibet has its owndistinct language that is in NO WAY related to Chinese (a phonetically abrasivelanguage I might add). And how is it you can you say that because 95% ofTibetans were supposedly "slaves" (a "fact" that is widelydisputed) that they have no culture? Please! Their culture is far morespiritual, interesting, unique and environmentally friendly than theover-populated, government run, materialistic, mindless culture of China."What rubbish is this? China is aMULTI-CULTURAL country and tibetan culture is only one of the many manycultures that it consists of. It's obvious that you have never been to China ifyou think that they have a materialistic, mindless culture. Wow, who's talkingabout disrespect?What next? Telling me you're opposed to China beingmulti-cultural? Well, let me tell you, there are a lot of multi-culturalcountries. India is WAY MORE multi-cultural than China is. Each state in Indiahas its unique culture and language and english is the national language. Areyou going to advocate splitting up India as well? GOOD LUCK WITH YOURSEPARATIST IDEOLOGIES!!! 当我说要废除西藏的文化的时候，我的意思是废除那些对社会来说是邪恶而且无益的部分。举例来说，缠足就是一种必须被废除的传统。西方文明在中世纪时经历过神权统治的恐怖，神权统治让人民只知道迷信而不在乎进步和教育。在这种神权统治被废除后，西方文明还必须祛除民众心中的迷信。在1959年之前，西藏就被这样的神权政府所统治。西藏人有一个流传很久的传统，男人走在街上时喜欢随身携带长匕首以显示他们的男人气概。在几乎任何国家，这都是非法的。但是，为了尊重西藏文化，西藏人允许在出门时随身携带长匕首。你还想要多少宗教和文化自由？ 当中国接受其他人的土地时，他们同意当地自治，并且试图渐渐消除文化之间的隔膜。西方国家入侵别国时，会将当地人斩尽杀绝。而中国要是这样干了，猜猜西方媒体会怎么去抹黑中国。联想到现在中国被诋毁成“压迫少数民族”的样子，真是让人不寒而栗。现在共产党对待少数民族的方式与以前各朝代有很多类似之处。56个民族在法律面前是平等的。体现在两个方面。首先是儿童的基础教育是义务的。这是强制性的。16岁以下儿童禁止工作。而藏族在这方面有些问题。许多流亡的旧地主不希望藏族儿童接受义务教育，因为这有悖于1951年前达赖喇嘛统治下的西藏的封建制度。《国家地理》杂志1912年10月刊就很好地展示了在毛泽东收复西藏前的生活方式。 第二个方面是必须遵守所有民法。例如，不能毁林和卖儿女。在旧朝代这也是中国文化的一部分。中国政府在某些方面向少数民族提供财政支持。投资开发具有旅游潜力的少数民族地区。在不违反中国民法的前提下，向一些少数民族提供补贴以维持他们传统的生活方式。西藏在财政支持的总盘子里占了很大的比重。如果要离开所在的自治区，少数民族每个月还可以领生活补贴来维持生活。如果要去读大学，少数民族可以以比汉族学生更低的分数入学，还可以得到财政资助继续学业。而西方主流媒体很少报导上述的事实。。我们主要听到的是缺乏事实根据的坏消息还有指责。近来有些美国杂志发表了一系列的文章来展示真实的中国。。建议你读一读2008年5/6月刊的《真好杂志》，2008年5/6月刊《诗人与作家》里的《北京读书报告》，已经2008年5月刊的《国家地理》杂志。 还有美国摄影记者Tom Carter最近出版的《中国：人物肖像》。这本书反映了一个真实的中国。他花了2年时间在中国走了几千英里，发现了一个异于大部分西方人所了解的不一样的中国。没有事实根据就别妄下定论。 "如果像你说的西藏是“中国的一部分”，为什么现在（从来）文化上、语言上以及地形上与中国不一样？西藏有自己独特的语言，跟中文完全无关（语音学上属于原始的语言)。你怎么能说因为95%的西藏人可能是“奴隶”（这是一个很有争议的“事实”），所以他们没有自己的文化?得了吧！与中国人口过多、政府包办、物质至上、愚昧无知的文化相比，他们的文化更超越世俗、趣味十足、独一无二，更加有利于环境保护。" （译注：此段为引用楼上的话） 说的都是些什么垃圾啊?中国是一个多元文化的国家。藏族文化只是中国许许多多的文化中的一个。你说中国文化是物质至上、愚昧无知，很明显你从没到过中国。哇，是谁说过藐视这样的话?接下来你又会说什么?说你反对中国的多元文化?好，告诉你，世界上多元文化的国家多得去了。印度的文化更是比中国多。印度每个邦都有自己独特的文化和语言，英语是全国通用的语言。你是不是也要蛊惑印度分裂啊?分裂主义思想很严重哦，你好自为之吧!!! -------------译者：monkbobby-审核者：tvenana------------ medusa119> Terry K Chen•11 months ago−Here's the thing, the fundamental thingthat everyone is arguing about: what constitutes a country? Who was where firstand who "owns" what land? I've never heard of (and if there areinstances of this happening currently please inform me) any particular regionof India disagreeing with being apart of India, or trying to concede from Indiaor saying that they never were, aren't and don't want to be governed byforeigners, or other regions surrounding them. Yes, China is a multi culturalcountry, but for the most part, and I believe, Chinese is the official languageand it is what is taught in schools. I don't advocate "separatistideologies" like you say, I simply believe that the Tibetan people (whichyou can't deny are different than Chinese) have as much a right to distinguishthemselves and govern themselves as the Chinese. The history here is disputed,just like in the case of Israel Palestine, Kashmir, etc. Its not something ascut and dry as what happened in the Americas: people there came over and tookover (and even that is not 100% accurate some say because of pre-Columbianevidence of Europeans coming over.) Here you have, as far as I know, an entiregroup of people with a distinct language, religion, DNA profile (its true,Tibetans are a different ethnicity than Chinese) saying that they are aseparate entity. Is any other minority saying that in China?? （回复Terry K Chen11）大家所有的讨论归根结底就是:国家是由什么构成的?谁先来到这块土地，又是谁“拥有”这块土地?我从未听闻（如近来有发生过，请告知）印度有哪个地方不承认自己是印度的一部分；或者打算从印度分离出去；或者说以前不想，现在也不想，将来也不想让外国人或周边地区的人来统治他们。（译注：这段话有些语无伦次了，最后一个分号后的内容应该是相反的意思）不错，中国是一个多元文化的国家。不过我相信，对大部分人来说，汉语是官方语言，学校教的也是汉语。我不是你所说的在鼓吹“分裂主义思想”。我仅仅是觉得西藏人民（你不能否认他们跟汉族是不同的）应该享有像汉族人一样的权利，自立自治。那里的历史是有争议的，就如同以色列、巴勒斯坦、克什米尔等地区。它不像美洲历史那样铁板钉钉：西方的人去那里直接就霸占了。（这也不是百分百的正确。因为有些人说有证据证明在哥伦比亚之前就有欧洲人去过那里了）据我所知，在西藏，那里的整个族群有自己独特的语言、宗教、DNA特征（这是真的，西藏人是和中国人不一样的种族）。中国其他民族有这种说法么?? -------------译者：monkbobby-审核者：tvenana------------ Terry K Chen> medusa119•6 months ago−The ultimate point is that law is abouthistory, not how one feels.I may feel like I should be a rich man, but if myancestors didn’t save for my education and my inheritance, then I must live inrelative poverty.We all live with the consequences of our ancestors’ actions.And Sovereignty is precisely our inheritance as People.Some are born in richcountries, some are born in poor countries. That may not be fair, but life isnot fair.We don’t go around and say, “Hey, I feel that my culture is unique,therefore, to protect my culture, the land I live on is now a sovereignnation”.Such notions are against the very idea of “sovereignty” as aninheritance of national identity.History has its consequences. Americansinherited US, because of all the colonial conquests. They may not like how theygot it, but they won’t hesitate to fight to maintain their inheritance.Chinesewill do the same, and frankly, Chinese have better historical claims on Tibetas a territory, than Americans on their own land.So, it really doesn’t matterhow we “feel” about the past, the present, or the future. -------------译者：flyingpig-审核者：tvenana------------ Tibet is part of China as inheritance toall Chinese people, and it is our legal right to maintain our sovereigninheritance.If some people say, they don’t “feel” like they are Chinese, thenthat’s their own problem, they can give up their inheritance claim on allChinese territories if they so choose and move else where. That has NO bearingon the inheritance of all Chinese peopleAnd besides, who says that the majority ofTibetans want independence?In this survey(http://www.cecc.gov/pages/roun... conducted in 2000 by the renownedTibetologists Melvyn Goldstein, Cynthia Beall, Ben Jiao and Phuntsog Tsering,they asked a sample of Tibetans from across the TAR whether their lives arebetter than that of their parents (“Do You Have a Better Life Now Than YourParents Did?”). One of the cohorts of that sample (N=150) is the age groupbetween 60-79. In 2000, that means that they were born roughly between1920-1940. That means that almost all of their parents lived entirely beforeChinese policies were instituted after 1959. -------------译者：flyingpig-审核者：tvenana------------ An astounding ~90% answered “Yes,” that is,their lives are indeed better than that of their parents.So it would appearthat the Dalai Lama’s claim (which the west no doubt accepts unquestioningly)that China had turned Tibetan “heaven on earth” to a “hell on earth” is, likemany other claims about China and Tibet in the west, absolute bullshit.But what about the question ofindependence? Well, that study did not directly question Tibetans on thatthorny issue but one study (http://memoriesofmoving.wordpr... conductedsecretly by the Tibetan Government in Exile did shortly after the 08 Marchriots. Here, it looks that Tibetans inside Tibet who want independence (renzig)are in the minority (29% or about 5,000 out of a total sample of about 17,000).This survey was likely crucial in getting the TGIE to stick with the so-called“middle way approach” after the riots when they actively questioned thatapproach and contemplated seeking independence. Keep in mind that this studywas conducted by the TGIE and so questions of pro-China bias is out the window.Also, more importantly, keep in mind that this study was done soon after the 08riots when tempers were flaring and the desire for independence was likely atits zenith inside Tibet. So if only 29% of Tibetans want independence, at mostshortly after the Tibetan riots, that figure could be much lower today.Here aselsewhere, the opinions of people actually part of the issue is dropped fromthe discussion in the west’s narrative. -------------译者：code_forever-审核者：chen_lt------------ It is only their (white folks’) opinionsthat count speaking on behalf of everyone else. Sure the evidence is sparsefrom only two studies but studies like this are still better than conjecture,anecdote and mere bullshitting. I wonder what you’d find if you polled NativeHawaiians or the Lakota Indians for their views on whether they want theirterritories to be an independent state from the US? （回复medusa119）最重要的一点就是：现实是历史造成的，而不是凭个人感觉来定的。我可以觉得我应该是个有钱人。但如果我的祖先没为我存钱供我上学，没给我留下遗产，那我就会比别人过得穷。祖先福荫，惠及后代。主权及其人民，则是我们从祖先继承的遗产。有人生在富国，有人生在穷国。这可能很不公平，但生活本来就是不公平的。我们不会到处说：“喂，我觉得我的文化与众不同，因此，我住的这个地方现在就是个主权国家了”。这种想法就和”主权“的基本涵义相悖了。主权就是对民族认同感的一种继承。历史都有其因果。美国人继承了美国，用的是殖民占领的手段。他们可以对得来的手段嗤之以鼻，但为了维护其继承来的东西会毫不犹豫地奋起抗争。中国人也会像美国人一样。实际上，中国人对西藏的领土主张，比美国人对自己的领土主张有更多的历史依据。因此，在历史因果的现实面前，我们对过去，对现在，或者是对未来如何”感觉“是无关紧要的。 西藏是全中国人民的遗产，我们来继承主权是完全合法的。如果有人说，他们并不觉得自己是中国人，这是他们自己的问题，他们可以放弃他们对所以中国领土的继承要求，如果他们这么选择，就搬到别处去。对于继承领土方面的问题，中国人持零容忍态度。此外，谁说大部分西藏人希望独立？ 由著名藏学家Tibetologists Melvyn Goldstein, Cynthia Beall, Ben Jiao and PhuntsogTsering等于2000年进行了一项调查，在该项调查中，他们问了各地藏人，他们的生活是否比父辈过的好，得到的答案是肯定的，在样品中的部分人（n=150）在60~79岁之间，这意味着他们生于1920~1940年。这说明，他们父辈时代的政策制定完全落后于1959年之后。一个惊人的事情---有90%的人回答＂是＂，说的就是他们生活的确实比他们的父辈生活得好。如此看来，达赖喇嘛的说法（西方毫无疑问地接受了的），中国将西藏从＂人间天堂＂变为＂人间地狱＂，就像其他许多在西方所说的中国与西藏一样，完全都是胡说八道 但是独立问题呢？这个调查没有直接去询问藏人这个麻烦的问题。在2008年3月突然进行的骚乱，就是由西藏流亡政府（以下简称藏独分子）秘密领导的。在这里，看样子只有少数藏人希望独立（约为29%，调查17000人中5000同意）。这项调查对于骚乱后质疑这种办法并重新考虑牟取独立的藏独分子坚持所谓的＂中间路线＂可能有重要作用。记住，这个调查是藏独分子作的，一些亲华的内容都被删掉了 当然，更重要的是，记住这个调查是在骚乱后不久进行的，当时人们的怒火被点燃，因此希望独立的愿望是历年中最强烈的。所以，如果当时有29%的人要独立，这个数字现在低得多。像其他地方一样，在这里的西方人的讨论中，人们的意见，事实上部分问题已经放弃了 只有他们白人才愿意乱代表别人发言。从上述仅仅两个研究中获得的证据的确不多，但像这样的研究仍要比臆测、传闻和单纯的胡说八道靠谱多了。我很想知道要是你们让夏威夷原住民或是拉科塔族印第安人进行独立公投会有啥结果？【注意：目前西藏流亡政府的调查发现绝大多数人（大约8000人，约占样本量的47%）希望走“中间路线”——西藏仍作为中国的一部分但享有有限的“真正的自治权”。（样本中剩下的4000人要么希望保持现状要么没有意见）然而你们要知道中国政府早在上世纪八十年代初就曾向达赖喇嘛提供过中间道路选项，也就是赋予西藏自治区更大自治权，但由于达赖提出的无理要求，即将甘肃省、青海省、四川省和其他传统多民族省份的部分地区划归“大藏区”，谈判失败了。】 -------------译者：疯坦克-审核者：chen_lt------------ Tiffany Suydam> Terry K Chen•10 monthsago−I happen to be native american and amcurrently working to revive the culture and language (partially because thelanguage is linguistically fascinating and useful). The points you stated in this post and theone after are ... very similar to the points stated by the US in their attemptto "develop" the native american lands. The public enforced education by non-nativepeoples was the major thing which destroyed our culture, though the US was farmore aggressive, in that the US schools had a policy of beating anyone whospoke their native language. But, regardless of that, the use ofeducation to spread ideals is very common in colonial structures to subjugate aminority.Also, as to your arguments about the abjectpoverty:It wasn't just warlords who fought overTibet during the early 1900s, but also the british and the chinese led by theQing rulers who squabbled over it and signed treaties without the recognitionof Tibetan sovereignty. Part of that poverty is due to these otherpowers. Tibet really hasn't been given a chance todevelop *itself*, and if the chinese government really wishes for Tibet to bedeveloped, then it should stop using Machiavellian tactics to subjugate theregion. It's harder, but in the long run, there'smore pay-off. China has done little - in the eyes of the Tibetan people - tocreate an incentive the development. -------------译者：疯坦克-审核者：chen_lt------------ It's just another reason why the Chinesegovernment is having so many problems with Tibet; it hasn't bothered to understandthe Tibetans or create the dialogue between the two parties. Instead, it enforces its desire fordevelopment on the Tibetans. Furthermore, the tactics to 'develop' theregion are quite Machiavellian in that it still creates an elite ruling class ofnon-Tibetan people from various regions in geographical China. How is this different from the wealthyland-owner class that existed before? Because the power-holders have less moneythan the wealthy land-owners that came before? I'm pretty sure that many Tibetans wouldstill prefer to be self-governed or governed by nationals who were of their ownethnic group. As for your India argument, I've not delvedinto Indian politics, but I haven't heard of any of the ethnic groups wantingto break off from india other than Pakistan, and i'm sure you know whathappened there.And your comments about multi-culturalismagainst Medusa 119 constitute nothing more than a straw man argument which youthen turn into an Ad Hominem argument against her. It detracts from the conversation anddoesn't really address the issue that the people consider themselves ethnicallydistinct in a way that makes it undesirable for them to join the main body ofChina. 我碰巧是美国印第安人而且我目前正在努力振兴我们的文化和语言（部分原因是因为语言是沟通的工具，迷人并且有用的）。 你在这个评论中所表达的观点以及后面一个观点和美国政府在“开发”印第安土地上的所表达的观点很相像。 非本地居民的强迫教育主要的作用就是摧毁我们的文化，虽然美国的在这方面的政策更加的残酷，美国的学校里有一个政策，要是谁在学校里面讲本族语言，那么这个人就得接受挨打。但是，无论如何，在殖民结构中教育很常见的作用就是对被征服的少数传播理念。 另外，如你所说的赤贫指数：这不仅仅是二十世纪初西藏军阀们的争斗，而且英国和中国的清朝统治者也争论不休并制定条约，但没有承认西藏主权。贫穷的部分原因正是由于这些权力造成的。西藏从来没有得到一个机会来发展自己，如果中国政府真的希望西藏可以获得发展，那么中国政府就应该停止使用马基雅维利式的策略来征服西藏。这很难，但是长远来看，会有更多的回报。在西藏人的眼中，中国在激励发展的措施上做的还不够。这只是中国政府有西藏问题的另一个原因，它并没有费心了解藏族并建立两者之间的对话。相反，它对藏人强制执行它的发展期望。 此外，对“发展”区域的策略相当的玩弄权术，它仍然创造了一个从中国各地而来的非藏族人的统治阶级。这根以前富有的土地拥有者有什么不同？因为当前的权力拥有者比以前富有的的土地拥有者有更少的钱？我非常确认藏人希望能够由他们自己族群的人进行自己管理。至于印度问题，我没有深入的研究印度政治，我没有听说过任何族裔试图打破印度的管理，除了巴基斯坦外。我敢肯定，你知道那里发生了什么。你从多文化的角度来反对美杜莎，你的这些观点一点意义也没有，然后你又把这些观点转变为对她的人身攻击。它削弱了沟通，所以西藏人依然觉得自己在种族上具有独特性，所以他们并不急切的想加入中国这个主体 -------------译者：北极燕鸥-审核者：tvenana------------ Dingdu Yang> Tiffany Suydam•6 monthsago−Go to the primary schools in Tibet. Youwill see students have more classes on the Tibetan language than mandarin. 去看看西藏的小学吧。你会发现学生们的藏语课要多于汉语课。 Nelson Sim> medusa119•a year ago−If Tibet is "part of China" asyou say, why is it not (and has never been) culturally, linguistically, andtopographically synonymous with China? China is a nation made up of 56minorities with different languages, dialects and culture. If you think thatChinatowns are dirty, have you thought of ghettoes and slums in the backyard ofmost American cities where you may not have live frogs, turtles or crabs butdrugs and crime instead? 如果西藏如你所说是“中国的一部分”，那为什么它在文化、语言和地形方面与中国不同（而且从来都不一样）？因为中国是一个由56个拥有不同的语言、音调和文化的民族组成的国家。如果你认为中国城很脏，那么你有没有想过在大多数美国城市后院的犹太人社区和贫民窟，虽然没有活青蛙、海龟或者螃蟹但是却充斥着毒品和犯罪。 Nelson Sim> medusa119•a year ago−Actually if you agree that Tibet shouldkick out China, then I think the native Indians in America and the aboriginesin Australia should dumped the whites. In both instances, their language andculture are worst off than the Tibetans. 事实上如果你认同西藏应当从中国独立，那么我想美国的印第安原住民和澳大利亚的原著民也应当把白人踹出去。在这两个例子中，他们的语言和文化的境遇比西藏差得多。 -------------译者：roc-审核者：chen_lt------------ Emily He> medusa119•11 months ago−I see your argument here and I nodded myhead in agreement until you began insulting Chinese people, a hypocritical acton your part I must say. You can't begin to defend one culture, be it Tibetan,African American, Native American, and insult another. You've made grandoverstatements that are entirely based on your anger towards the Chinesegovernment in how they have treated Tibet. I, too, have MANY issues with theChinese government, but I will NOT insult an entire people just like I will NOTinsult whatever cultural/national/ethnic group you identify with. 我看了你的评论，前面一直很赞同，直到你开始侮辱中国人民，我必须说这个行为太虚伪了。你不能捍卫一种文化（无论是是西藏，非洲裔，印第安人）却去侮辱另一种。你的夸夸其词只是完全基于你对中国政府处理西藏问题的愤怒。我也对中国政府有很多疑问，但是我不会侮辱所有人民，就像我不会侮辱你所属的任何国家、民族和文化一样。 Emily He> medusa119•11 months ago−I see your argument here and I nodded myhead in agreement until you began insulting Chinese people, a hypocritical acton your part I must say. You can't begin to defend one culture, be it Tibetan,African American, Native American, and insult another. You've made grandoverstatements that are entirely based on your anger towards the Chinesegovernment in how they have treated Tibet. I, too, have MANY issues with theChinese government, but I will NOT insult an entire people just like I will NOTinsult whatever cultural/national/ethnic group you identify with. 我看了你的评论，前面一直很赞同，直到你开始侮辱中国人民，我必须说这个行为太虚伪了。你不能捍卫一种文化（无论是是西藏，非洲裔，印第安人）却去侮辱另一种。你的诸多夸夸其词只是完全基于你对中国政府处理西藏问题的愤怒。我也对中国政府有很多疑问，但是我不会侮辱所有人民，就像我不会侮辱你所属的任何国家、民族和文化一样。 medusa119> Emily He•11 months ago−You have a point Miss He. But you see it ishard to defend one culture without in someway at least insinuating that theother, or offending culture, is wrong in some way. I do not happen toappreciate certain things about Chinese language, culture, and mentality. Do Ihave all Chinese? No, I do not know every Chinese person and there are things Ican and do appreciate about their culture. But I felt that in the tone of whatI was responding too there was a disrespect/lack of appreciation of Tibetanculture, (saying what was wrong with it, etc.) so I decided to give a littlebit back, helping this person to understand what I interpret to be faultswithin his culture. Disagree all you want, that is how I feel. He小姐，你说的也有几分道理。你也知道如果想要捍卫一种文化的花就必须在某种形式上说另外一种文化的坏话。对中国语言、文化和思想中存在的一些东西我并不是很欣赏。我认识所有的中国人吗？不，我并不知道所有的中国人，但是我对中国的文化又很欣赏。但是基于我之前的语气中缺乏对西藏文化的尊重和欣赏，（比如我说了一些西藏文化存在问题的地方等等）所以我决定让让步，帮助那个人理解我认为的存在于他文化中的错误。和你想象的不同，这就是我的想法。 -------------译者：不来C-审核者：chen_lt------------ Miriam Liu> medusa119•8 months ago−While your post has merit, you lost most ofmy respect when you called Chinese "a phonetically abrasivelanguage," and you lost all of it when you called Chinese culture"over-populated, government run, materialistic, mindless." We get it,you don't like Chinese or the Chinese people. But you have no right to judge orinsult the language, especially when you obviously don't speak it yourself.Chinese is a beautiful language with roots far older than the English youspeak, and again, you have NO RIGHT to insult it and especially to present yourinsult as fact. And if you have any clue to Chinese culture, you'll know it isevery bit as vibrant and diverse as your American one. We have 56 ethnicities,for goodness's sake. Your insults to the Chinese inhabitants ofNYC are plain illogical. First of all, people like this exist everywhere. You'djust as soon find it with Americans of all ethnicities as with Han Chinese. Andas rude as they were, you comments just show that the Chinese are exhibitingthe fighting spirit you Americans so prize in "oppressed minorities." -------------译者：code_forever-审核者：chen_lt------------ They refuse to assimilate, holdingstubbornly on to their own culture. If you can support this in cultures underChinese rule, what makes these Chinese under American rule so different? Infact, you should congratulate your government on having such a lenient policythat allows the Chinese to practice whatever they want, for isn't that justwhat you're advocating for Tibetans? You also must have a peculiar definition of"humane." I have never once heard selling food on the street beingcalled inhumane. Do you consider it more humane to buy meat from a supermarket,all nicely killed and sliced up for you? Because that's all it is, it's movingthe meat market from indoors to outdoors. How is selling live food anymoreinhumane than selling dead food? You do realize the meat you eat (and in caseyou're vegetarian, the meat nearly everyone else in the world eats) had to bekilled at some point, don't you?As for your passionate assertions (evenusing science, gasp!) that Tibetans and Chinese are not one ethnicity, first ofall, I couldn't agree with you more. We never considered ourselves oneethnicity and never will. Second, you just lumped 55 ethnicities under"Chinese." Congrats on accomplishing something even the Chinesegovernment had never thought of doing. Hypocrite much? We are one country, yes,but in no way does that mean we are one ethnicity. -------------译者：chen_lt-审核者：chen_lt------------ And if you're thinking, well, that provesyour point that Tibet shouldn't be part of China simply because of geographicalcloseness, then you are saying every ethnicity in the world should have its owncountry. Many countries in the world would be divided into hundreds of smallnations. Don't deny it, this is exactly what you are saying. And wouldn't thatbe great? Every people in the world get to govern themselves exactly how theywant to! Well, the sad truth is, the world doesn't work that way. And even ifit did, let's face it: there is no way in the world that Tibet could supportitself. In this modern world, without the CCP's help, Tibet's infrastructurewould collapse immediately. And don't even suggest that the Americans would dotheir bit, because America would never support Tibet like the CCP does. Therest of the world would love to see Tibet break off from China for variouspolitical and economic reasons, but they certainly don't care about theTibetans' well being enough to take up the task the CCP has performed for solong (for as much as any hotheaded separatists want to believe, mostself-interested governments don't actually like using their own money to takeon charity cases). Yes, I agree that there are certainly things the CCP couldimprove on in terms of accommodating Tibetan culture, but for it to let go ofTibet's hand would be the biggest mistake, the direct victim of which would beTibet itself. 你的文章或许有可取之处，但当你称中文是“一种粗鲁的语言”时已经失去我对你的大部分尊重，当您形容中国文化是“人口过度，政府控制，物质的，愚蠢的”时已经让我失去了对你所有的尊重。我们知道，你不喜欢中文或者是中国人。但你没有权利去评判和侮辱这个语言，尤其是你自个儿都明显不会说中文。中文是一种比你说的英语还要历史悠久的美丽语言。还是那句话，你无权侮辱她，特别是作为一种事实来表达你的无礼的辱骂。另外，如果你对中国文化有一点了解，你就会知道她和美国一样，都是充满活力和多样化的。我们有56的民族，感谢额滴神啊。 你对纽约的华人居民的侮辱是不合逻辑的。首先，像这样的人随处可见。你会很快发现汉族的这个特点在美国所有民族身上都有。正如那些粗鲁的行为一样，你的评论只不过展示了中国人表现的反抗精神，而这种反抗精神正是你们美国人所赞赏的“受压迫少数民族”所表现出来的精神。 这些华人在固守自己的民族文化，拒绝被同化。如果你们支持中国的少数民族这么做，那为啥美国的华人就不行了？实际上你们应该明白是联邦政府宽松的政策让这些华人可以为所欲为，而这不正是你们为藏族人所争取的权利吗？ 你们对“人道”的定义也相当奇怪。我之前从来没听说过在街上卖食物是一种不人道的行为。难道你们认为从超市里买那些精心宰杀并切好的肉就更加人道吗？这不过是把肉市从室内搬到室外罢了。凭啥说现宰现卖不如卖尸肉人道？你们难道意识不到自己吃的肉（如果你是素食主义者，那么就是其他几乎世界上所有人吃的肉）也是宰杀动物得来的吗？ 至于你们关于藏族人和中国人不是一个民族的狂热主张（甚至用到了科学手段），首先，我非常赞成。我们从来没有也绝不会认为我们是一个民族。其次，你们把55个不同民族全归类为“中国人”了，祝贺你们完成了甚至连中国政府都不敢奢望的统战工作。能更装B点么你们？我们是一个国家，这没错，但这绝不意味着中国人都是一个民族。 如果你觉得那证明了你的观点，也就是说西藏不能仅仅因为在地理接近中国就属于中国的一部分的话，那么你的意思其实就是在说这个世界上的每个民族都应该成立一个自己的国家。那么世界的很多国家都会被分裂成几百个的小国。不要否认了，这就是你所要表达的意思。而且那有什么不好的？因为世界上的每个人都可以根据自己的意愿来统治自己了！好吧，令人悲伤的是世界并不会以这种方式来运作。即使真的是以这种方式运作的话，我们就要面对一个事实：那就是西藏靠自己的能力是无法立足于世界民族之林的。在如今的这个世界上，如果没有中共的支持，西藏的基础设施马上就会崩溃。不要说美国会来帮忙了，因为美国绝对不会像中共那样给予西藏那么大的支持。整个世界都想看到因为政治和经济上的种种原因西藏从中国分裂出来，但是他们绝对不会像中共那样关心西藏的，他们绝对不会愿意承担帮助西藏的任务的（根本就不像那些头脑发热的分裂主义者所想象的那样，西方根本就不喜欢把钱花在救助被人身上）。是的，我同意中共在保护西藏文化上还有待提高，但是为了要保护西藏文化而把西藏分裂出去的话，那将是一个巨大的错误，直接的受害者将是西藏自己。 medusa119> Miriam Liu•7 months ago−I believe it was Ghandi who said that"I assure you a people would prefer their own bad gov't to a foreign onethat is forced upon them." Your post has merit as well, however you provethat you are exactly the type of person that this article is talking about:someone who doesn't believe that Tibet could or should survive without China.And Miss Liu, do you live in NYC? Frequent the Chinatowns there? I assure youthat my "insults" are derived from observation, fact and sharedopinions (even amoung other Asians such as Tawainese and Chinese people fromdifferent areas of China then the current immigrants) in regards to the stateof Chinatowns. I do not eat meat, (only fish) so seeing live animals likerabbits, chickens, turtles, crabs still ALIVE and being sold on the streets ispretty unsanitary, repulsive, sympathy-inducing and culturally unnacceptable tome in the United States. Your defense of Chinese "Americans" notassimilating is pretty laughable- why do they come here if they simply want tolive as though they are in China? I do not understand that and never will.I apologize if I have offended you. Chineseis a very old culture with much tradition. But as far as my opinion on yourlanguage, you are a hypocrite yourself for responding to me in English and thenasserting that Chinese is far better. Nope, sorry, there is nothing you can doto show or prove to me that Chinese is a beautiful language. -------------译者：chen_lt-审核者：chen_lt------------ I hear it spoken EVERYDAY and I am unableto appreciate it. Grammatically there might be some interesting aspects, but Ido not wish to learn or speak it, although many people tell me I should becauseit is the #1 spoken language (which scares me). I enjoy bubble teas and Jade,but that is about as far as I go. 我相信是甘地说了这句话“我可以向你肯定，如果在本族坏政府和外族强迫政府之间做选择的话，一个民族更愿意被本族的坏政府统治。”你的观点也是有道理的，但是你所说的这些话也证明了你就是这篇文章所指的那种人：觉得如果没有中国的支持，那么西藏就无法或者不应该存在下去。还有刘女士，你生活在纽约市吗？常常来这儿的唐人街吗？我敢肯定的和你说，我的这些“侮辱行为”都是基于有关唐人街地位的观察、事实以及和别人共同拥有的观点上的（包括台湾人以及来自中国不同地方的中国人以及目前的移民的观点）。我不吃肉，（只吃鱼）所以看到那些被拿到街上叫卖的活物，比如兔子，鸡，乌龟和螃蟹等，对于在美国的我来说，还是会觉得很不卫生、令人厌恶以及会让我产生同情心和不可接受的。你说在美国的这些中国人并不想被同化，我觉得你的这一说法真的好好笑，如果他们想过中国式的日子了，那他们为什么还要来美国呢？我真的不明白这一点，以后我也不明白。 如果的言论侵犯了你，那么我道歉。中文是一种具有许多传统的古老文化。但是就我对中文的看法而言，你是一个伪君子，因为你用英文来回答我的问题，并且还说中文比英文要好很多。不，很抱歉，你根本就无法向我证明中文是一种美丽的语言。 我每天都在听人们讲中文，但是我还是无法欣赏这种语言。中文在语法上或许有一些有趣的地方，但是我不想学习或者讲中文，虽然有很多人告诉我应该去学习这种语言，因为这是拥有第一人口的语言（这吓到我了）。我喜欢泡沫茶和翡翠，但也仅此而已。 Dingdu Yang> medusa119•6 months agoYour comment is discriminating. Pleaseunderstand the Chinese are only one generation from extreme poverty (from 1959to 1961 more than 60 million people died from hunger). It is hard for affluentwesterners to understand the anxiety and insecurity of Chinese, but do notassume that the Chinese culture is vulgar and inferior. It is only recoveringfrom trauma. 你的评论带有歧视性。请记住中国才刚刚从极度贫困中拜托出来（在1959年到1961年期间，一共有6000万人死于饥荒）。所以对于富有的西方人来说，中国人的这种焦虑和不安全感是他们无法理解的，但是不要认为中国的文化就是粗糙和下等的。中国文化才刚刚从创伤中恢复过来。 Nelson Sim•a year ago"But Tibetans feel that there is anoveremphasis on Chinese, especially at the higher levels, which threatens theirlanguage and culture. All the classes taught by Han teachers are in Chinese orEnglish, and most of the Tibetan teachers in the middle and high schools aresupposed to use Mandarin......." That was what you wrote. My question:Where the F is today about the native Indians, Cherokee, Apache, Cheyenne,Sioux and Navajo tribes in America???? “但是西藏人觉得人们过度的关注中文了，特别是政府高层在不断的强调，这对西藏的语言和文化造成了威胁。汉人老师教授的所有课程都是用中文或者是英文来授课。而中学的大多数西藏教师都应该使用普通话来授课。。。”这就是你所写的评论。我的问题：在有关印第安人，彻罗基族人（北美印第安人之一族），阿帕切族（美洲印第安部族），夏安族，苏族和纳瓦霍族等等美国的少数族群部落的F都到哪去了？？？ Peter Terpstra•a year agoLike the article but one remark; the writerrefers to TAR which is not Tibet, Tibet is more than twice the size of TAR andconsists out of Utsang, Amdo and Kham and has in total 5 to 6 million Tibetans. 喜欢这篇文章，但是有一个想法：作者提到了TAR，这不是西藏的意思。西藏的面积比TAR的两倍还大，由卫藏，安多和康区组成，并且拥有500到600万的人口。 转自龙腾网

hhang58 发表于 2012-12-25 14:41

嗯，只说一句话，西藏是中国的！！！！！！！！！！！！

lasd 发表于 2012-12-26 15:05

中国语言地方方言那也上万种吧。美国人外国人可能是无法理解的。

lasd 发表于 2012-12-26 15:11

中国语言地方方言那也上万种吧。美国人外国人可能是无法理解的。

生于1973 发表于 2012-12-28 10:58

这种傻逼言论跟本不值得一驳！

查看完整版本: 大西洋月刊：中国人眼中的西藏