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本帖最后由 yqh 于 2010-3-6 18:50 编辑
【10.03.01 纽约时报】中国社论攻击一项政府制度
【原文标题】Chinese Editorials Assail a Government System
【中文标题】中国社论攻击一项政府制度
【来源网址】http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/02/world/asia/02china.html
【原文库链接】http://bbs.m4.cn/thread-226821-1-1.html
【译者】Zhongdong_Wang
【翻译方式】人工翻译
【特别声明】本翻译供Anti-CNN使用，未经AC或译者许可，不得转载
【译文】
BEIJING — In a country where the press is tightly managed by the state, the identical editorials that appeared Monday in more than a dozen publications calling for reform of China’s onerous household registration system were noteworthy.
北京——在一个新闻业受到国家严密管制的国度，周一出现在10多家出版物上内容完全相同要求改革具有法律效益的户籍登记制度的这些社论值得关注。
“China has suffered for a long time under the hukou system!” the editorials declared, using the Chinese term for the residency permits that tie government benefits to a person’s registered hometown. “We believe in people born to be free and people possessing the right to migrate freely!”
使用这些将政府福利和登记的个人居住地捆绑在一起的居住许可条款，“中国长期遭受户口制度之苦！”这些社论宣布，“我们信仰人们生来自由并且拥有自由迁移的权利！”
But a few hours later, the editorials had largely vanished from the Internet, presumably erased by a government that is wary of abandoning a 50-year-old system that many critics say has fed the surging gap between China’s urban and rural population.
但是几小时后，这些社论大部分在互联网上消失了，估计是被担心废除一项50年之久制度的某个政府删除了，这项制度很多批评家表示已经喂养了浪涛汹涌般的城乡人口差距。
The short-lived proclamations, published by a mix of 13 big-city newspapers, financial publications and regional dailies, were a coordinated act of bravado on an issue that has bedeviled the Communist Party since Mao established the hukou system to prevent famine-stricken peasants from flooding the wealthier cities.
这些短命的宣言，是由13家纠结在一起的大城市报纸发布的，这其中有金融出版物和地区日报，是一次协调一致后虚张声势的针对自从毛泽东建立户口制度防止受饥饿侵袭的农民洪水般涌入相对富裕的城市以来折磨着共产党的一个问题的冒险行动。
The system, though much relaxed in recent years, ties people to their parents’ hometown, where their birth has to be registered. Many government services, like schooling and police protection, are tied to people’s hukou, and the rules for shifting a hukou from one place to another are highly restrictive.
这项制度，尽管近些年来放松了许多，把人们和他们父辈的居住地捆绑在一起，在他们父辈的居住地他们的出生需得接受登记。许多政府提供的服务项目，像就校读书和警察保护，都是和人们的户口捆绑在一起的，而且把户口从一个地方迁移到另一个地方的条规极其严格的。
Despite the rules, hundreds of millions of the rural poor have migrated to cities to build the highways and office towers that have transformed China. But they do not have the same rights as local residents, and they have difficulty putting their children in schools or getting medical care. If they lose their jobs, the police often pressure them to return to their hometowns.
尽管有这些条规，但是成百上千的农村穷人已经迁移到城市里建造改变了中国的高速公路和高塔般的办公楼群。但是他们却没有和当地居民们一样的权利，并且他们在让子女入学和接受医疗护理上却遭遇困境。如果他们失去工作岗位，警方通常是迫使他们返回他们的家乡。
The educated and the rich have found ways to circumvent the restrictions. An advanced degree can lead to a coveted urban permit. When all else fails, a large sum of cash in the right pocket will do the trick.
受教育者和富人们已经找到方法规避这些限制。一个高级学位可以带来梦寐以求的城市许可证。当所有其他途径都失败时，大笔的金钱疏通关节的花招可以实现这种梦想。
The problem was highlighted last month in Beijing when education officials announced that 30 “unauthorized” schools serving about 20,000 migrant children would have to give way for redevelopment. Experts estimate that as many as 250,000 children born in the capital in recent years have no legal right to a public education.
上个月当教育部门官员宣布30家招收了2万移民子女的未经授权的学校必须为再发展让路时这个问题在北京成为了亮点。专家们估计多达25万近些年在首都出生的儿童没有接受公共教育的合法权利。
The editorials were published just days before the start of China’s annual legislative and advisory sessions, where significant reforms favored by the party hierarchy are often discussed. While overhauling the country’s household registration system is often debated — and the system has been watered down substantially since Mao’s day — it remains formally on the books.
这些社论发布时正逢中国的年度立法和咨询会议即将开始的日子，会上通常讨论受益于党派等级制度的重大改革事项。针对国家户籍制度的重大修改常常展开辩论——而这项户籍制度从毛泽东时代以来实际上已经淡化了——但却都是流于形式纸上谈兵。
Fei-Ling Wang, a professor at the Georgia Institute of Technology who has studied the hukou system, expressed doubt that it would change anytime soon. Stability-minded officials are reluctant to give up a powerful mechanism of control, he said, and even if they enjoy the low-cost labor, urban elites are wary of sharing their cities with millions of peasants.
乔治亚理工大学的教授Fei-Ling Wang研究户口制度多年，表示怀疑该制度会很快改变。满脑子稳定意识的官员们不会甘心情愿地放弃一种用来控制的权力机制的，他说，尽管他们受益于廉价的劳动力，城市精英们要防备他们和成百万的农民们分享他们的城市。
Government officials frequently credit the household permit system with keeping China free of the urban slums that plague other developing countries.
政府官员们频繁地用可以保持中国没有城市贫民区来表达对户籍许可制度的认同，而城市贫民区是困扰其他发展中国家的问题。
“There’s a strong push for reform, but there’s also a tremendous resistance among vested interests,” Mr. Wang said. “To change it would directly impact on the ruling foundation of the Chinese Communist Party.”
“有要求改革的强大推进力，但也有既得利益阶层的巨大阻力，”王先生说。“改变这项制度会直接冲击中国共产党的统治基础。”
But those same leaders, he points out, recognize that the growing inequalities fueled by the system could one day lead to public unrest.
但也同样是那些领导人，他指出，认识到由这项制度助燃的不断增长的不平等或许有一天会导致公众的骚乱。
The editorials seemed to suggest as much with language redolent of China’s revolutionary past. “The system is anachronistic and troubling our great masses to this day,” they said. “It has reached a point that people’s anger cannot be quelled unless there is reform of the system.”
这些社论似乎在尽量用语言暗示人们去联想中国往昔充满革命气息的岁月。“这项制度是时代的错误并一直困扰着我们广大民众到今天，”他们说。“人们的愤怒已经到了无法平息的地步除非改革这项制度。” |
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