本帖最后由 vivicat 于 2009-9-1 21:50 编辑
【中文标题】身居海外和围困
【原文标题】Overseas and under siege
【登载媒体】经济学人
【来源地址】http://www.economist.com/agenda/displaystory.cfm?story_id=14207132
【译者】xitaowu
【翻译方式】人工
【声明】本翻译供Anti-CNN使用,未经AC或译者许可,不得转载
【原文库链接】
【译文】
Overseas and under siege
An apparent rise in violence against Chinese labourers working overseas
中国海外劳工受暴力攻击明显上升
Chinese money is helping to drive infrastructure investment in many developing countries, but in its wake has also come a big rise in Chinese immigrants and overseas workers that has proved less popular. As the number of attacks on Chinese citizens and property increases, domestic pressure may grow on China's government to respond assertively, undermining its doctrine of non-intervention in the internal affairs of sovereign states.
中国的资金正在帮助许多发展中国家发展基础设施建设。但也清醒看到随之而来的大量的移民和海外劳工并没有受到同样的欢迎。中国人人身和财产受到攻击的案件在增加,国内的压力也许会使中国政府做出相应的回应,关于不干涉起他主权国家内政的原则将会出现改变。
The last few months have seen another outbreak of anti-Chinese rioting in countries that casual observers might have been surprised to find even had a Chinese minority. In Algeria this August, clashes broke out between Chinese and locals in the capital, Algiers, leaving several people injured and a number of Chinese shops looted. Chinese shops around the capital were closed for the period following the violence, and there were calls from some Algerian traders for the expulsion of all Chinese immigrants from the country. Across the world in Papua New Guinea even more serious violence was witnessed after anti-Chinese rioting, reportedly involving thousands of people, broke out in May. At least one person was killed and Chinese-owned businesses were pillaged in several cities (including the capital, Port Moresby) and towns throughout the country.
在过去几个个月的反中国人的骚乱中有观察家惊讶的发现竟然有一名中国少数民族参与。今年八月在阿尔及利亚首都阿尔及尔中国人和当地人的冲突爆发,骚乱后现场留下几个受伤的人们和许多中国人开的商店被抢劫一空。在骚乱后一段时期首都周围的中国人商店都关门了,同时一些阿尔及利亚商人扬言驱逐所有中国移民。世界的另一边巴布亚新几内亚据目击在今年5月针对中国人的骚乱爆发后更严重的暴力事件发生,据说成千上万的人参与了这一骚乱事件。造成至少1人死亡和好几个城市、乡镇的中国人开的商店被抢劫一空(包括首都莫尔兹比港)
Two outbreaks of violence could be deemed tragic but coincidental. However, the last few years have seen many similar bouts of rioting that have specifically targeted expatriate Chinese communities. The most serious occurred in the Solomon Islands in 2006, when the Chinatown in the capital, Honiara, suffered extensive damage amid riots that drove out much of the country's ethnic Chinese population. These followed an election in which many politicians were accused of having received bribes from Chinese businessmen as China and Taiwan vied for the Islands' diplomatic recognition. The same year saw outbreaks of unrest in the nearby island country of Tonga that also targeted Chinese firms and premises—the unrest erupted as pro-democracy groups accused the government of failing to advance democratic reforms, but rapidly took on anti-immigrant overtones.
这两个暴力事件但愿是可悲的巧合。然而近几年来已经发生许多针对华侨社区的类似骚乱事件。最严重的是2006年发生在所罗门群岛首都中国城霍尼亚拉的骚乱事件,在骚乱中大面积受到损害以致很多华人离开了该国。紧接着的一场选举被指控当中的许多政客们收受中国大陆或台湾商人的贿赂,中国大陆和台湾激烈争夺该国的外交承认。同一年所罗门群岛邻国汤加也发生了针对中国公司及所在建筑的骚乱,该国民主团体指责当局政府未能发展民主改革,但迅速地转向移民政策影射中国侨民和公司。
Africa saw similar riots in 2006 in the Zambian capital, Lusaka, following the election defeat of the opposition's presidential candidate, Michael Sata, who had run a campaign that strongly focused on the negative effects of rising Chinese involvement in the local economy. Zambia has since seen a steady rumbling of anti-China sentiment, mostly in the copper belt where Chinese investment is concentrated—a Chinese copper mine manager was hospitalised in March 2008 after a protest by workers over conditions. Unrest also broke out in 2007 in Lesotho, when local small-scale retailers, angered by a campaign to relocate them to a designated market place away from the city centre, went on a rampage targeting Chinese-owned businesses.
非洲也看到类似的骚乱事件,2006年在赞比亚首都卢萨卡,在反对派总统候选人Michael Sata在选举中失利后也引发了一场骚乱,Michael Sata曾发起运动强烈反对中国人不断上升、过多参与该国的经济。赞比亚国内反对中国人的气氛再上升,在中国投资比较集中的地区copper belt,2008年3月因为工人抗议给于的工作条件引起的骚乱导致一名中国经理被送到医院。莱索托在2007年也爆发冲突,当时因为一些当地的零售商人认为自己被安排他们迁移到一个远离城市中心的市场,发起了一场针对中国人开的公司的骚乱。
Rising resentment
上升的怨恨
Chinese communities abroad have long lived under the threat of persecution. The long-established ethnic-Chinese minorities in South-east Asia have been on the receiving end of some of the worst pogroms, with tens of thousands dying in Indonesia and Malaysian riots in the last century (the most recent violence in Indonesia, in 1998, may have left as many as 1,500 dead). In the decades since 1978, when China began its economic reforms, the number of Chinese who have moved abroad has increased rapidly and their destinations have become more varied. In the last few years China's increasingly open-handed approach to funding overseas infrastructure has heightened this flow of emigration. Developing nations across the world have been keen to accept Chinese financing for their roads, ports and telecommunications networks, but this money usually comes with requirements that foreign governments allow Chinese companies to do the work—and most often with a large number of Chinese labourers.
海外华人社区长期生活在可能遭受迫害的阴影之下。在东南亚长期形成的以中国文化为特征的群体已经成为大屠杀的对象,好几万的人死于上个世纪印尼和马来西亚的骚乱(较近的1998年发生在印尼最大的骚乱发生已经导致1500人死亡)。自1978年的几十年来,当时中国开始进行经济改革,大量的中国人离开本国奔向世界各地,并且人数急速上升。在最近几年中国对海外日益慷慨进行基础设施投资扩大了这种中国人外出的趋势。跨越世界各区域的发展中国家都希望接收投入本国道路、港口和电信网络的资金,但是得到这些资金投入往往要求外国政府允许中国公司做这些项目---通常伴随大量的中国劳动力。
As a result of these trends, Chinese communities across the developing world have expanded explosively. Official data from governments in these countries are wildly contradictory on the exact numbers, but in Algeria, for example, press reports at the time of the recent riots suggested there were between 25,000 and 35,000 Chinese in the country, many working on petrochemical projects associated with Chinese investments. Coupled with this boom in the number of Chinese living abroad has come the impact of country's export juggernaut. Surging Chinese exports, especially to the developed world, have crushed local manufacturing industries in many parts of the developing world, particularly in the textiles trade. Small-scale Chinese retailers have also tended to crowd out local vendors, exploiting their ties to the source of the products now dominating foreign markets. The result can often be rising resentment against expatriate Chinese communities.
在这种趋势下,侨居发展中国家的中国人数迅速膨胀起来。这些国家政府的官方统计数据与准确数据是极为不符的,但比如,在阿尔及利亚,最近骚乱中的新闻报道显示约有25000—35000侨民在该国,许多在伴随中国投资的化工企业工作。伴随这种方式在海外发展兴隆的中国公司也影响了该国的出口贸易。受中国出口影响,尤其是发展中国家,已经击溃了当地的制造业,特别是纺织业贸易。一些小规模的中国零售商也凭着产品所在地的关系,现在也逐步垄断海外市场。这种结果必然导致针对侨民怨意的上升。
Adding to this can be other issues, such as labour incidents and land claims. The recent violence in Papua New Guinea followed an incident in which a Chinese worker driving a tractor at the Ramu nickel mine (which is being developed by a Chinese state enterprise, the China Metallurgical Construction Group) injured a local man. Land owners have also attacked Chinese employees at the mine. The violence in Zambia violence has also been linked to labour conditions in Chinese-owned mines, notably the Chambishi copper mine.
此外,这可能也会因其他问题而产生,如劳工事件和土地要求。最近发生在巴布亚新几内亚的暴力就是紧随一个中国工人驾驶着拖拉机在拉穆镍矿(目前正由国营的中国冶金建设集团开发)撞伤当地一个男子的交通事故后发生的受伤当地男子。土地所有者还袭击了矿场的中国员工。在赞比亚的暴力事件还与中国人开的矿井的劳动条件有关,特别是谦比希铜矿。
An easy target
一个易受攻击的对象
For those who wish to target them, Chinese expatriates and their businesses are easily identifiable, marked by Chinese-language signs and often clustering in Chinatowns—it is notable that almost all anti-Chinese rioting has taken place in city centres, rather than near the infrastructure projects where many Chinese workers are employed. In Chinese areas there is sometimes a sharp cultural divide from the local environment. In Islamic countries there are frequent complaints about the open consumption of alcohol and immodest dress of Chinese businessmen and workers. In some places, such as Afghanistan, Chinese residents have even been linked with prostitution rackets.
对于那些想攻击海外中国人的人来说,中国侨民及他们拥有的生意很容易识别:有中文的标志和经常聚集在中国城---明显地几乎所有针对中国人的骚乱都发生在城市中心,而不是靠近基础建设项目的地方,那里聘用了很多中国劳工。在中国人聚集的地方与当地环境通常有一个很明显习俗、文化的鸿沟。在伊斯兰国家当地人经常抱怨比如销售酒和中国商人、员工不庄重得衣着。在一些地方,比如阿富汗,定居当地的中国人还参与卖淫等非法勾当。
While these factors may explain some of the underlying resentment levelled against Chinese communities overseas, it is probably no coincidence that in the majority of cases to date anti-Chinese rioting has been preceded by domestic political instability in the host country. In places like Tonga, the Solomon Islands and Zambia public anger against the government was already high, and the outbreak of violence against Chinese businesses was partly a result of opposition movements seeking to strengthen their positions.
尽管这些因素可能解释一些针对海外华人怨恨的基本原因,很可能并非巧合,到目前为止,大部分针对中国人的骚乱事件都发生在本国政治不稳定国家。比如汤加、所罗门群岛和赞比亚,公众对政府的愤怒已经很高,则针对中国商业的骚乱事件在一定程度上是反对派为了巩固自己地位的一种运动。
Unusual quiescence
不寻常的沉默
So far the Chinese government has had a curiously muted response to these incidents, confined to organising evacuations and relief. This is surprising given its tendency to react very strongly when it feels its national interest is threatened on issues such as trade or minority regions like Tibet. However, it is in part a reflection of the lessons of history. The Chinese government's strong response to the Indonesian pogroms against that country's ethnic Chinese in the 1960s and 1970s only served to stoke the Indonesian government's mistrust, leading to further persecution.
到目前为止,让人感到好奇的是中国政府对这些事件反应并不强烈,只限于组织疏散和救助。这是非常奇怪的,因为一旦涉及到认为是国家利益受到侵犯比如对外贸易或者比如西藏等少数民族区域,给人印象是反应非常强烈的。尽管如此,某种意义上说这个历史教训的反思。在上世纪60年代和70年代,中国政府对印尼发生针对中国侨民的大屠杀表示强烈抗议,换来只是对方政府的不信任,并导致进一步的迫害。
Despite this, pressures for a more activist position are growing. Within China, there is little distinction between nationality and ethnicity; even when ethnic Chinese hold a foreign passport both the government and the wider public tend to view them as citizens of China. More and more, the domestic media is bringing examples of the abuse of Chinese citizens abroad to public attention, increasing the pressure on the government to act.
尽管这样,有关要求政府持更积极立场的压力在上升。在中国,持中国国籍的人和侨民差别很小;即使侨民持外国护照,政府和公众都更趋向把他们当成中国公民。越来越多地,国内媒体向公众报道了海外中国人遭受不公平对待的例子,要求政府作出行动的压力在不断增加。
For the time being, the Chinese government's main priority will be national strategic interests—be they mining operations (as in Zambia), the diplomatic isolation of Taiwan (a factor in the violence in the Solomon Islands) or the success of multi-billion dollar investments led by its state-owned enterprises (as in Algeria). However, as more Chinese businesses expand overseas and more Chinese live and work abroad, the government will have to put more emphasis on defending the welfare of its nationals. This will introduce yet another complicating factor into Chinese diplomacy.
暂且,中国政府的优先考虑的是国家利益的战略问题—拥有他国的采矿权(比如赞比亚),外交上孤立台湾(所罗门群岛骚乱事件的因素之一)或者国营企业数万亿美元的海外投资(比如阿尔及利亚)。尽管如此,随着中国人的生意在海外不管扩大和更多的中国人在海外工作和生存,政府将不得不将更加强调国民在海外的利益。这个将会给中国外交带来另一个负责的因素。
译后言:作者好能写啊,写这么多,虽然在中国人海外成功的原因或者引起与当地人冲突的原因没有写透,但作为一个非中国人,能把这些观察这么细致,也确实不易。我认为这篇写得很好,这确实是需要思考的一个问题,如何让中国既富有又强大?而不是只富有很弱小。(文章题目我实在不知道怎么翻译比较准确)
1、 不是说要放弃不干涉政策,但是如果只是资金和劳力进去,必然会造成反感,所以发展软实力很重要;
2、 中国人为什么会在海外这么招眼,主要是成功。中国人可以说是世界上最能吃苦耐劳的人了,当地人不愿意吃得苦、不愿意干的活,都是中国人干的,怎么能不成功?但是如何帮助融入是一个很大的课题。
3、 中国商人在海外往往是商政严重分离(比如印尼、泰国等),华人控制各行经济命脉,但却别没有政治代言人,如何帮助这些国家培养一些友好人士也是很大的课题,当然美国靠这种方式采取颜色革命是累试不爽啊
在此抛砖引玉,希望大家各抒己见。 |