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(8.22明镜) 西方已经变得太自负了!美女副外长智斗明镜

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 楼主| 发表于 2011-8-24 07:06 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式







这是同类的中文选择性报道,当然英文的也是选择性报道了。

我选择性地摘取的一些美女金句,不妥望拍!
说的都很睿智,但访问篇幅过长,亮点太多,让我九思仍不明。。。
下面 慢慢 列出 金句:

你们对美国、法国等盟友拥有航母就感到放心,而中国拥有一艘航母你们就感到担心了。

如果你觉得你们的社会足够强大,阿拉伯国家革命不会波及到你们,那你又凭什么认为中国的社会脆弱到会受到影响呢?

有些记者对西藏乃至对中国所作的报道,就好像一个人去参加婚礼,不去关心喜庆的场面,只关注角落里的东西并加以详尽报道。尽管他们的有些报道也许是事实,但却是选择性的事实。

你们德国人知道多少中国艺术家、作家、歌星、影星?但对你们来说,人权似乎只与一些试图颠覆国家和违反法律的个人有关。

当西方政府遇到经济危机时,你们会担心自己的政治制度吗?那我们为什么要这样担心呢?

如果你们认为自己处于世界的中心,认为自己垄断了一切真理、一切正确的理念和价值观,那当你们意识到世界上存在价值观和文化的多样性时就会感到不舒服。

如果你们认为自己赢得了冷战,那冷战已经过去了,结束了,终结了。这是一个崭新的世界,不要再居高临下,也不要试图包办代替,请与我们平等对话,学习去尊重其他人,而不是以冷战方式去臆造一个新对手,让我们一起合作。

别担心中国,没有必要。

=====
德国《明镜》周刊原文如下,希望懂鸡肠的能比较下双方选择性报道的同异,这是我发此贴的目的。

http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,781597,00.html
08/22/2011

Interview with China's Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs
'The West Has Become Very Conceited'


Katharina Hesse/DER SPIEGEL
In a SPIEGEL interview, China's vice minister of foreign affairs, Fu Ying, 58, accuses Europeans and Americans of perpetuating Cold War stereotypes of her country, rejects allegations surrounding the treatment of artist Ai Weiwei and disputes notions that Beijing would like to rule the world.

  
SPIEGEL: Madame Fu Ying, few countries are more interesting to the West right now than China -- and few others alarm the West to the same degree, now that you have launched your first aircraft carrier. Why does China need to arm itself to this extent?

Fu Ying: The first aircraft carrier going to sea is a very exciting event in China. It's something the Chinese people longed for. People think it's a natural step in the growth of the Chinese military -- although this so-called aircraft carrier was really just a framework of a second-hand aircraft carrier that we refitted and will only be used for scientific research and training purposes. It's far, far from being a full-fledged aircraft carrier. In that sense, China is well behind other countries, let alone the United States which has had a mature and highly developed fleet of aircraft carriers for a long time now.
SPIEGEL: Are there not more pressing areas where that money could go rather than towards increasing the military budget?

Fu Ying: A number of areas are given greater priority than the development of our defenses. The greatest emphasis is on economic development, the well-being of the people and the sharing of the wealth. My daughter's generation is the first that never experienced hunger in this country. That is unbelievable progress. Your concern about the Chinese military appears to me to be clouded by stereotypes about China based in the Cold War thinking of the division between us ideologically. You feel comfortable with aircraft carrier ownership by your allies, like the United States and France, but you are more concerned if China also has one.

SPIEGEL: How far will China go in terms of defending its interests? In the dispute over the sovereignty of the South China Sea, the tone can at times be quite sharp.

Fu Ying: We, too, are wondering why there is such strong rhetoric, since the countries involved are already engaged in dialogues on the basis of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea in 2002. But this is a dispute of words, and what matters is that the shipping traffic in the South China Sea remains peaceful and there is no war or conflict going on.

SPIEGEL: The Americans clearly have doubts about your intentions. Pakistan is believed to have provided China with access to the wreckage of the high-tech US helicopter that crashed during the operation against Osama bin Laden. Are you in a position to confirm whether this is true?

Fu Ying: Both China and Pakistan have denied this rumor. I think the most important thing is the question of whether China and the US are enemies. Are we going to be in a war? Are we preparing for a war against each other? We certainly don't see it that way. It is not very friendly that the US maintains a weapons embargo against China. We have no intention to threaten the US, and we don't see the US as a threat to us. The West tends to place China in the framework of the Cold War. This puzzles China a lot.

SPIEGEL: Many Germans, while respecting China's development, see your country more as a rival than a partner. Is that something that you can understand?

Fu Ying: I'm grateful you raised that point because it is something that has been on my mind for a long time. If you fundamentally accept that China's growth has lifted countless people in the country out of poverty, then you also have to agree that China has done things right. One must also accept that there can be a different political system. The countries in the West think they have the only system that works and they have narrowed down "democracy" to a multi-party election system, which works well for some countries, most of the time, but as we are now seeing with the latest financial crisis, they sometimes experience difficulties too. The West has become very conceited. At the end of the day, democracy alone cannot put food on the table. That's the reality.

SPIEGEL: China's decision-making process appears to be shielded with black box secrecy, and even long-time observers are puzzled over how political decisions are taken. Does it really come as a surprise to you that many are wary of China's intentions?

Fu Ying : China's political system is a product of China's history. It is based on the country's own culture and is subject to a constant reform process, which includes the building up of democratic decision-making processes in China. In order to make the right decisions, you have to listen to the people and their criticism. No government can survive if it loses touch with the people and reality. And we have a very critical view of ourselves.

SPIEGEL: The West perceives a lack of transparency and rule of law in the Chinese model.

Fu Ying: I think at the moment it is the Western governments that are having problems. We are observing what is going on in the West. We try to understand why so many governments made so many mistakes. Why do political parties make commitments they cannot fulfill? Why do they spend so much more than they have? Has the West been stagnating since the end of the Cold War? Or has it just become conceited?
SPIEGEL: Democracies are very complicated, and compared to tightly ruled systems, they are at a disadvantage. Do you feel superior?

Fu Ying: Superiority is the not the word we use. The Chinese are very modest. We respect your success and we learn from you. You are in the post-industrialized era. Many of the problems you encounter might occur in China later. So we want to see how you address those problems, and if we can learn from you.

Part 2: 'The Door to Dialogue' with the Dalai Lama 'Is Always Open'

SPIEGEL: The case of recently arrested artist Ai Weiwei, who is well-connected in Berlin, was seen in Germany as a provocation. Was it intentional that he was arrested shortly after German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle attended the opening of an exhibition in Beijing with Chinese officials?

Fu Ying: That's why I say you are conceited. You really take yourself very seriously. Why would a country like China decide on domestic matters and try to make them coincide with a visit by a foreign minister from a European country? I don't see the linkage. The case you are discussing is a legal matter. I am not really interested in this case.

SPIEGEL: If it is a legal case, then why wasn't Ai Weiwei publicly charged? Instead he disappeared for 81 days. The allegations of tax evasion don't appear to be very convincing.

Fu Ying: If you have such great interest in this case and believe there has been a breach of law or rules in his case, you may very well raise it. We can pass it on to the authorities. But how many more Chinese artists, writers, singers and movie stars do Germans know? Your view of China is very narrow and negative, and that's why we don't feel comfortable discussing human rights with you. Our understanding of human rights is based on the UN Charter, which guarantees political rights, the right to life and the right to development. But in your view, human rights seem to concern only some individuals who are subverting the state or are breaching laws.

SPIEGEL: Some of these people symbolically represent hundreds of others.

Fu Ying: But please try to put things into perspective. We have 1.3 billion people living in China. Since day one of our relationship with the West, human rights have been a subject for discussion. Many issues were discussed and solved and the content keeps changing. But today the Western understanding of human rights is used as an instrument against China, regardless of the fact that China has improved very much in this area, and no matter how intensively we are working on the issue.

SPIEGEL: Can you say anything more concrete about the Ai Weiwei case?

Fu Ying: He is being investigated and he has been released after paying bail. I don't have any further comment on him.

SPIEGEL: As one dictator after another was chased out in the Arab world this year, critical journalists, attorneys and human rights activists in China have been experiencing a wave of repression, with some even speaking of a "Chinese Winter". Does China fear a handful of activists?

Fu Ying: What was happening in the Middle East is an event that attracted attention all over the world. We, too, are trying to understand what led to these revolutions. As for China, I don't see any direct linkage. Again, it's the habit of some Western analysts to connect everything bad with China. If you think your society is strong enough to avoid infection by the Arab revolution, what makes you think that the Chinese society is so weak that it has to be infected? Eighty-seven percent of Chinese surveyed in a poll by the Pew Research Center in 2010 said the government is on the right track. In the US, however, recent polls show that a lot of people think the country is not on the right path.

SPIEGEL: China always shows pretty strong reactions when Western leaders meet with the Dalai Lama. You recommend that other countries should solve their disputes through dialogue. Why hasn't China succeeded in reaching an agreement with the Tibetan spiritual leader?

Fu Ying: Our difficulty with the Dalai Lama is his political views and demands for Tibet independence. If you read his website, you will see what he wants. In essence, he wants an independent Tibet.

SPIEGEL: He has explicitly rejected that, saying he doesn't want separation, but instead greater autonomy.

Fu Ying: Tibet is part of China. But, of course, the door to dialogue is always open. Dialogue is always welcome. I am glad more and more people are visiting Tibet, and more and more people understand life in Tibet better now.

SPIEGEL: Unfortunately, journalists are not allowed to access Tibet.

Fu: There is a bit of concern about the intentions and motives of Western journalists. Sometimes it's as if some of them come to a wedding and only want to inspect the contents of a dark corner. They want to show the world there is no smiling bride, there is no groom and no happy friends -- just darkness. They write about it extensively. They may be facts, but they are very selective facts.

SPIEGEL: The Dalai Lama has officially retired from his offices. Is this not a good point in time to seek a peaceful solution?

Fu Ying: The fact that he is withdrawing from his political offices shows that he does regard himself as the king and god in one and is thus the owner of Tibet. But those days are over. Tibet is finally undergoing development, and the region truly is doing better and better. So we will see whether the Dalai Lama can relinquish himself of his political demands.

SPIEGEL: It's not only Tibet which is developing at a fast pace. Lately, the West has been up to its neck in debts, but China has experienced fantastic growth. Has communism ultimately defeated capitalism?

Fu Ying: We are not the Soviet Union. During the entire Cold War, the West and the Soviet Union were at each other's throats. You each wanted to see the other side's demise; that was your strategic objective. But China was not part of your fight and we have always supported Germany's reunification.

Part 3: 'China Has No Intention to Rule the World'

SPIEGEL: As of the end of June, China held US bonds with a total value of $1.165 trillion and European bonds worth $700 billion. Economically, China is already a superpower today. What does that mean for the political balance of power?

Fu Ying: Many say that power is shifting from the West to the East, but we believe that it is a process of diffusion. It used to be within the Western world, but now it is also diffusing to a wider world. There is a need to reform the current world structure, which was built after World War II to the benefit of around 1 billion people of the developed world. China is only one of the newly emerging countries. Brazil is growing. India is growing, as are parts of Africa. In the future, 3 to 4 billion people will be coming into this process of wider industrialization. But that reform needs to be an incremental process that is achieved not through war and not through conflict, but through dialogue.

SPIEGEL: Will the West wind up on the losing side?

Fu Ying: You are currently experiencing difficulties, but you have gone through so many difficulties in the past -- Europe and the US -- and you always bounce back. We are also interdependent, and your loss is not necessarily our gain. We're in one boat. And we indeed worry when Western economies are experiencing difficulties. That's why it is good that German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Nicolas Sarkozy are taking the lead. Very recently, my colleagues and I discussed the future of the European Union. The prevalent view was that if you work together to address the current difficulties, then the EU will go forward to become more integrated. If you do not, the euro zone might collapse.

SPIEGEL: What would it mean for China if the financial crisis in the West extends to other regions?

Fu Ying: Everyone would suffer.

SPIEGEL: Many observers believe that the legitimacy of the Chinese government hinges on its economic success. In the event of an economic crisis, would you need to be worried about your country's stability?

Fu Ying: Do Western governments change their multi-party system during an economic crisis? I don't think so. Why should we be worried? Having said that, our reform is an ongoing process and we will continue to move forward.

SPIEGEL: For a long time, the West believed that the developments in China were a win-win situation for everyone involved. Now, however, the impression is solidifying -- even within international institutions like the World Trade Organization -- that the Chinese want to shift the balance of the global economy to their advantage. The long-term policy of keeping the Renminbi artificially undervalued is just one example of this that is often cited.

Fu Ying: China has no intention to rule the world. But if you continue to see yourself as the center of the world, if you see yourself as the monopoly of all truths, all the right beliefs and all the right values, then you will always find it uncomfortable when you realize that the world is diversified. There are different values and cultures. And if you believe you have won the Cold War, then the Cold War is finished, over, done. We are living in a new world. Get down off your high horse of being on top of the world. Come down to be equals and join us on a level playing field instead of creating a new rival in the style of the Cold War.

SPIEGEL: You maintain very close relations with leaders like Kim Jong Il in North Korea, whose people are starving because he refuses to open up his country, or North Sudan's President Omar al-Bashir, who is being sought for crimes against humanity. What is your philosophy regarding this?

Fu Ying: Our own sufferings in history have taught us that we should never try to impose on other countries or support others to impose. We have a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council; we have hundreds of Chinese UN peacekeepers in Darfur, Sudan. If every time you don't like the leader of a country and then move in and intervene, that would lead to chaos. Think of your own experience in intervention, which is not always successful.

SPIEGEL: You're referring to the military deployment in your neighbor country, Afghanistan.

Fu Ying: You need to reflect on your own experience.

SPIEGEL: China weakens institutions like the United Nations, in particular, because you frequently water down joint resolutions against Iran, North Korea or Syria, whose President Bashar Assad allows the army to fire against his own people, to the point of ineffectiveness. Where are the limits to China's tolerance of human rights violations?

Fu Ying: The case of Iran is part of the whole security situation. That's why we have the five-plus-one discussions on Iran. In the case of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, we have the six-party talks. I believe patient diplomacy will pay off in the end.

SPIEGEL: With regard to Iran, this patience could result in us losing a race against time in the end.

Fu Ying: We don't have a better solution.

SPIEGEL: Given differences of opinion like that, how are powers like China and the USA supposed to cooperate in dealing with global challenges like cyber security, financial stability, food security and nuclear proliferation?

Fu Ying: We need to overcome the wall of distrust. If we only allow ourselves to be led by our own views, our own feeling, our own emotions, even our own values, then we will only create more problems. Be it peacekeeping missions or the protection of shipping channels off the coast of Somalia or climate change, I think you will find China to be an enthusiastic participant in world affairs.

SPIEGEL: How does it feel to be viewed as a new economic superpower?

Fu Ying: It is flattering.

SPIEGEL: Does it make you nervous, as well?

Fu Ying: Not at all. We don't view ourselves as a superpower. You are not going to see a USA or a Soviet Union in China. You are going to see a culturally nourished country with a big population, being more content, being happy, being purposeful -- and it will be a friend to the world. There is no reason to worry about China.

SPIEGEL: Madame Fu Ying, we thank you for this interview.

Interview conducted by Susanne Koelbl in Beijing.

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发表于 2011-8-24 08:44 | 显示全部楼层
不懂鹰文  可怜译文也是选择性的  呵呵
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发表于 2011-8-24 13:44 | 显示全部楼层
外交部网站有全文
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发表于 2011-8-24 20:22 | 显示全部楼层
看不懂啊。求达人翻译
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发表于 2011-8-24 20:39 | 显示全部楼层
第一次用博客,就是针对这个新闻的。我对这个评价就是——有理有据有节,耳光打的啪啪响。
http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_74783ec30100x6vo.html
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发表于 2011-8-24 20:40 | 显示全部楼层
可敬的女人.............................
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发表于 2011-8-24 20:40 | 显示全部楼层
节选几段我很喜欢的内容。

明镜:中国难道没有比增加军费预算更重要的花钱的地方吗?

  傅莹:中国国防力量发展给许多事情让过路。发展经济、提高人民生活水平、实现财富的公平分配仍然是中国的头等要务。我女儿这代人是没有经历过饥饿的第一代中国人,这是非常了不起的进步。你们对中国军力的担心在我看来,是受到陈旧的两大阵营意识形态对立思维的影响。你们对美国、法国等盟友拥有航母就感到放心,而
中国拥有一艘航母你们就感到担心了


明镜:很多德国人虽然对中国的发展感到钦佩,但却将中国视为竞争对手而不是合作伙伴。对此你们能够理解吗?

  傅莹:很高兴你提到这个问题,我对此也一直在思考。如果你们承认中国取得发展,承认在中国有很多百姓脱离贫困,那你们就必须承认中国所做的肯定是正确的,也必须承认存在着不同政治制度。西方国家狭隘地认为只有自己的制度才是唯一可行的。也许在你们自己的国家的确如此,不过正如在最近的金融危机中所显示的,西方体制也会出现问题

明镜:即便长期观察中国的人也无法了解中国是怎样决策的。很多人都对中国的决策和意图心存疑虑,感到不够透明,这让你感觉意外吗?

  傅莹:中国的政治制度产生于它的历史经历,植根于自身的文化,并正在经历持续不断的改革,加强民主决策机制就是改革的内容之一。要确保决策正确,就必须倾听民众的呼声,听取他们的批评。任何政府一旦脱离与群众的联系都难以为继。我们是能够用带有批评性的眼光审视自己的。

  目前倒是西方国家政府遇到了问题。我们正密切关注发生在西方的事情,试图去理解为什么会有这么多政府犯错误?为什么政党会做出无法兑现的承诺?为什么政府会寅吃卯粮?是否你们自冷战结束后开始停滞?变得骄傲自满了?
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发表于 2011-8-24 20:42 | 显示全部楼层
明镜:最近中国艺术家艾未未被捕在德国被视为挑衅行为。他在柏林人脉很广,而且他被捕就发生在德国外长韦斯特维勒访华并在北京出席德国启蒙艺术展之后不久,这是否是有意而为?

  傅莹:所以我说你们很自负嘛,你们确实太看重自己了。中国为什么要将自己在一个内部事务上的处理与某位欧洲国家外长访华联系在一起呢?我看不到二者之间有任何关联。你所提及的这个案子是一起进入司法调查的案件。我对此不感兴趣。

  但我想问的是,你们德国人知道多少中国艺术家、作家、歌星、影星?你们对中国的看法太过狭隘和负面,这也是我们不喜欢和你们讨论人权问题的原因。我们对人权的理解基于《联合国宪章》的原则,包括保障人的政治权利、生存权和发展权等。但对你们来说,人权似乎只与一些试图颠覆国家和违反法律的个人有关。从中国与西方打交道的第一天开始,我们就在谈人权问题,很多议题经过讨论,得到解决,但是你们不断提出新的议题,直至今日,“人权”已经变成了批评中国的工具,不管中国有多大进步,不管我们为此做了多少努力。

明镜:一个强大的中国是否会因为阿拉伯国家一些政权被推翻而害怕几个激进人士?

  傅莹:当前的西亚北非局势引起了全世界的广泛关注,我们也在试图理解引发这些革命的根源。但我并不认为这与中国有什么直接关联,是一些西方分析人士习惯性地把各种各样的问题同中国联系起来。如果你觉得你们的社会足够强大,阿拉伯国家革命不会波及到你们,那你又凭什么认为中国的社会脆弱到会受到影响呢?皮尤研究中心2010年的一项民调显示,超过87%的中国民众认为,中国政府的领导是正确的。在西方国家的民调似乎却不是这样的结果。

明镜:如果经济危机影响扩散到中国,中国是否担心政权稳定?

  傅莹:当西方政府遇到经济危机时,你们会担心自己的政治制度吗?那我们为什么要这样担心呢?当然中国的改革还在进行中,我们将继续前进。

  明镜:很长一段时间里,西方曾认为中国的发展对所有参与者有利。但目前即使在世贸组织这样的国际机构中,人们越来越深刻的印象是,中国要推动国际经济格局向对自己有利的方向发展,长期人为压低人民币汇率就是人们经常提到的例子之一。

  傅莹:中国无意统治世界。如果你们认为自己处于世界的中心,认为自己垄断了一切真理、一切正确的理念和价值观,那当你们意识到世界上存在价值观和文化的多样性时就会感到不舒服。如果你们认为自己赢得了冷战,那冷战已经过去了,结束了,终结了。这是一个崭新的世界,不要再居高临下,也不要试图包办代替,请与我们平等对话,学习去尊重其他人,而不是以冷战方式去臆造一个新对手,让我们一起合作。

  明镜:中国的很多事情对于接受西方教育的人来说难以理解,其中包括中国外交政策的一些做法,例如中国同朝鲜和北苏丹的领导人有交往。中国这么做的指导思想是什么?

  傅莹:中国自身的艰难历史教育我们,不要强加于人,也不要支持别人这样做。中国是联合国安理会成员,我们在苏丹达尔富尔地区有数百名维和人员。如果不喜欢一个国家的领导人,就直接插手其内部事务,只会导致混乱。想想你们自己并不总是成功的干涉经历吧……

明镜:你指的是在阿富汗军事行动?

  傅莹:你们可以反思一下。
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发表于 2011-8-24 22:52 | 显示全部楼层
冷战已经过去,意识形态仍深深根至于西方人的心里。
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发表于 2011-8-25 00:01 | 显示全部楼层
西方历来都是最讲意识形态的,他们从来没有放弃阶级斗争,他们并不是太自负,而是太有危机感,相反,我觉得我们有时才是太自负。
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 楼主| 发表于 2011-8-25 05:22 | 显示全部楼层
这贴发在外文区,是希望懂鸡肠的能比较下双方选择性报道的同异,这是我发此贴的目的。
我其实也不想浪费资源,要中文版的,一楼文字第一行已给出链接。
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发表于 2011-8-25 11:49 | 显示全部楼层
我们外交部就是要这样的外长、大使和参赞!
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发表于 2011-8-25 14:52 | 显示全部楼层
{:soso_e179:}
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发表于 2011-8-25 21:23 | 显示全部楼层
有理、有利!!很好!!
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发表于 2011-8-26 17:14 | 显示全部楼层
diver18 发表于 2011-8-25 05:22
这贴发在外文区,是希望懂鸡肠的能比较下双方选择性报道的同异,这是我发此贴的目的。
我其实也不想浪费资 ...

请明言,这不算浪费资源。
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发表于 2011-8-26 18:37 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 学识1949 于 2011-8-26 18:41 编辑

对比完了,发现外交部网站上的中文版略去了下面内容,其他的都基本一致。

PART2 第2问

明镜:如果这是一桩法律个案,那么为什么艾WW没有被公开起诉,而是失踪了81天?偷税漏税的籍口似乎不能令人信服。
SPIEGEL: If it is a legal case, then why wasn't Ai Weiwei publicly charged? Instead he disappeared for 81 days. The allegations of tax evasion don't appear to be very convincing.

傅莹:如果你们对此案确感兴趣,并且认定其中有违反法律法规之处,那你们可以提出来,我们可以将其呈送有关部门。
Fu Ying: If you have such great interest in this case and believe there has been a breach of law or rules in his case, you may very well raise it. We can pass it on to the authorities.

PART 3 倒数第5、6问


明镜:中国削弱了联合国机制的作用,因为你们经常在针对伊朗、朝鲜和叙利亚问题上淡化联合决议的影响力,叙利亚总统阿萨德允许军队向自己的民众开枪,中国对违反人权行为的容忍度上限在哪里呢?(PS:这段太难译了)
SPIEGEL: China weakens institutions like the United Nations, in particular, because you frequently water down joint resolutions against Iran, North Korea or Syria, whose President Bashar Assad allows the army to fire against his own people, to the point of ineffectiveness. Where are the limits to China's tolerance of human rights violations?


傅莹:伊朗问题关系到整个世界的安全稳定,这也是我们坚持伊朗问题5+1对话机制的原因。朝鲜问题我们仍坚持六方会谈,我相信有耐心的外交对话终能取得成果。
Fu Ying: The case of Iran is part of the whole security situation. That's why we have the five-plus-one discussions on Iran. In the case of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, we have the six-party talks. I believe patient diplomacy will pay off in the end.


明镜:对于伊朗问题,这种忍耐最终将会使我们错失良机。
SPIEGEL: With regard to Iran, this patience could result in us losing a race against time in the end.

傅莹:我们别无他途。
Fu Ying: We don't have a better solution.

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发表于 2011-8-27 10:43 | 显示全部楼层
当你有一艘航母的时候,他们要求你说明用途! 当你有三艘航母的时候 他们说你破坏了地区平衡! 当你有六艘航母的时候他们说你威胁了全世界! 当你有11艘航母的时候, 他们说你是世界和平的保护者!
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 楼主| 发表于 2011-8-27 12:05 | 显示全部楼层
学识1949 发表于 2011-8-26 18:37
对比完了,发现外交部网站上的中文版略去了下面内容,其他的都基本一致。

PART2 第2问

感谢终于有人 能 比较双方选择性报道,尽管就这篇采访来说没有什么较大的选择性分歧。

斑竹 or 更上级 应该给你鼓励的,而我能做的就是 在这里用文字鼓励了!

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 楼主| 发表于 2011-9-1 07:52 | 显示全部楼层
这几天,又有人炒作未删节版了。其实不管是谁,都会有自觉或不自觉的选择性,包括译者本身。
看了一下,没有新亮点。

德文:http://www.spiegel.de/spiegel/0,1518,781403,00.html
中文未删节版?http://article.yeeyan.org/view/231193/214858
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