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本帖最后由 小明啊 于 2011-11-8 15:55 编辑
Meet Global Times, the angry Chinese government mouthpiece that makes Bill O'Reilly seem fair and balanced.
与中国的官方喉舌——《环球时报》一比，连比尔·奥雷利都显得公平和公正了。
http://www.ltaaa.com 翻译：寒灯，菊花，katherine，citylurker, trytrytry
BY CHRISTINA LARSON | OCTOBER 31, 2011
作者： CHRISTINA LARSON 发表于2011年10月31日
BEIJING – On most mornings, the senior editorial staffers at China's hyper-nationalistic Global Times newspaper flash their identification badges at the uniformed guard outside their compound in eastern Beijing and roll into the office between 9 and 10 a.m. They leave around midnight. In the hectic intervening 14 hours, they commission and edit articles and editorials on topics ranging from asserting China's unassailable claims to the South China Sea to the United States' nefarious role in the global financial crisis to the mind-boggling liquor bills of China's state-owned enterprises, to assemble a slim, 16-page tabloid with a crimson banner and eye-popping headlines. In the late afternoon, staffers propose topics for the all-important lead editorial to editor-in-chief Hu Xijin, who makes all final decisions and has an instinct for the jugular.
北京消息–在几乎每天早上早上九点到十点之间，有强烈爱国主义环球时报的北京东区分部，中国资深编辑们向身着制服的警卫示出辨识证，依序鱼贯进入办公室。他们会在午夜时分离开这里。令人头昏脑胀的十四小时中间，他们依照上级指示办事、在各类主题编辑文章和撰写评论，范围从中国对南海无可争辩的主权声明、美国在全球金融危机恶化所扮演的角色、到渲染中国国企酒类法案，集合成一篇流畅，配有鲜红醒目头条16页新闻。近傍晚时，工作人员对所有重要议题向总编辑胡锡进讨论，他有着了解对手弱点直觉的能力，并可以负责作出最后决定。
Take last Tuesday's saber-rattling editorial, printed with only slight variations in the Chinese and English editions, which duly unnerved many overseas readers. "Recently, both the Philippines and South Korean authorities have detained fishing boats from China, and some of those boats haven't been returned," the editorial fumed. "If these countries don't want to change their ways with China, they will need to prepare for the sounds of cannons." The war-mongering language was meant to attract attention, and that it did, with Reuters, Manila Times, Jakarta Globe, The West Australian, Taipei Times, and other overseas media referencing it in news articles. The bellicose editorial was certainly newsworthy, assuming that the paper on some level is a mouthpiece for China's rulers. But whose views, exactly, does Global Times really represent?
来看看上星期二具有威吓意味的评论，在中文和英文版本上仅只有些微的差异，这种方式正恰如其分让海外的读者感到不安。“最近，菲律宾和韩国扣留我方渔船，而部分没有归还，”评论火药味十足的说，“若这些国家不想改变对中国的态度，他们将准备在炮火声下度日。”这种挑起战端的言论意图吸引注意，而且他们确实做到了——路透社、马尼拉时报、雅加达全球、西澳大利亚、台北时报，和其他主流海外媒体都引述了这段新闻。好战的言论当然很有报导价值，这是这份报纸是基于中国统治者下的传声筒的推论。但是他们的观点，真的如其环球时报之名吗？
Its offices are located within the sprawling Haiwaiban campus of the People's Daily, the stodgy old organ of the Chinese Communist Party, founded in 1948. The People's Daily is renowned for its mastery of bore-you-to-tears bureaucratese; its turgid official profiles induce slumber in general audiences but nonetheless signal, to those in the know, whose career is on the make and whose will soon be in tatters. But while the People's Daily is the parent publishing organization of Global Times, the two newspapers have remarkably different missions. Global Times is unequivocally a state-owned paper subject to the same censorship regime, but since its founding in 1993 it has evolved a more populist function -- a mandate to attract and actually engage readers, rather than to telegraph coded intentions of the Foreign Ministry or the Organization Department, which determines all senior personnel appointments.
环球时报的办公室，绵延分布于人民日报的海外版区，人民日报是中国共产党组织中的老骨干，成立于1948年。人民日报以掌握能左右情绪的宣传机器出名;
那浮肿、引一般大众入睡的官方宣传形象，仍然透漏出从政者的生涯是一飞冲天还是变得一文不值的讯息。但当人民日报旗下环球时报出版时，这两份报纸有着截然不同的任务。环球时报无非是有着审查管制下的国有报纸，但从1993年成立以来有了更民粹的功能—去吸引接触读者，而不是像前者报导外交部或组织部那些决定高层人士的决定。
The dress code at the office is casual, even bedraggled; there's an air of anti-authoritarianism reminiscent of a college newspaper. The conference room is bare of decoration but for an overly ornate chandelier collecting dust. There's a feeling of chaotic energy, quite distinct from most of China's state-run newspapers, which seem indistinguishable from sleepy and polished government offices.
在办公室服装规定比较轻松，甚至随便;那里有一种带有怀旧的、反权威的校园办报气氛。会议室没有什么装饰，除了一盏过分华丽的吊灯悬着灰尘。充满了冲劲，与一般国营报纸那苍白的办公室，与沈闷的气息有着明显的区别。
No one embodies the difference more than the man in charge. At 51, Hu wears his longish hair brushed forward in a vaguely hipster look; he is wiry and frenetic.
没有什么更能从主事者的不同显现出来。在51号，胡锡进梳着略长的浏海，赶时髦的外观;他外型瘦而结实又带有狂热。
When a large group is assembled, he does most of the talking. He speaks quickly, emphatically, and chooses his words like daggers. "We call a spade as a spade," he told me when I visited recently as part of a delegation of American editors and academics. "And we are not afraid to upset you."
当一大群人聚集起来时，他不太会说话。他讲话速度快捷、用字直接了当。“打开天窗说亮话，”当我最近以委任编辑兼学者和他碰面时和我提到。“我们不怕得罪你们。”
In China, top editors at state-sponsored newspapers are appointed officials. Quite often, they have never worked as journalists and have no interest in media (an editorship may be a stepping-stone to becoming a vice-mayor or other municipal official). Hu, however, breaks the mold in nearly every way but one: his devotion to the party. He is a former war correspondent and a maniacal editorial micromanager who insists on co-writing every lead editorial because, as one Global Times staffer put it, "He has a need to write … that's very interesting and unusual. He very much enjoys writing opinion pieces."
在中国，国营报纸的首席编辑们是由官方指派的。通常他们没有从事记者的资历，也没有和媒体有利害关系（主编资格是成为地方政府二把手或其他市政府的垫脚石）然而胡锡进是为一彻底打破了这个惯例：因为他对党的贡献。他是一个前战地新闻特派员，狂热的事务主管，坚持共同撰写主要社论，身为一个环球时报的工作者表示“他有渴求着报导…那种兴趣与不寻常。他非常享受着写社评这一块。”
Most of China's media bureaucrats are befuddled by social media, but Hu posts obsessively to his account on Weibo, the Chinese version of Twitter, and has nearly 1.4 million followers. (Shortly after September's Shanghai subway crash, he wrote at 9:24 p.m.: "The subway and high speed train system fall into a bad cycle like the coal mine accidents … and there will be an editorial in GT.") Rather than ignore China's "netizens," he is obsessed with tracking public opinion and debate, if often to refute it.
大部分的中国媒体体制在社会交流上显得胡涂，但是胡锡进会贴在自己微博上，微博是中国版的推特，有一千四百万的追踪他的微博。（像不久前九月上海地铁事件，他在晚间9：24分留下的微博：“地铁、动车这些快速交通系统决不可陷入类似煤矿事故屡抓屡犯的低级循环…明天环球时报社评”）不是忽略中国的『网民』，他着迷于追踪公众意见并且参与辩论，通常是去驳倒对方。
Hu relishes in mentioning lightning-rod topics that most state outlets simply avoid as too sensitive, including the 1989 Tiananmen massacre and this spring's detention of artist Ai Weiwei, if only to reinforce a party-friendly line. If the de facto stance of China's state-run media is to avoid controversy, Hu actively courts it.
胡锡进像避雷针润饰官方通常避讳的敏感主题，包含1989年的天氨们事件，和拘留艺术家艾XX的事情，除非强化对党友善的言论。若中国国营媒体需要适时上的避免这些争议，胡锡进会积极去处理。
He also likes to pick popular targets, and tear them down. Take the widespread admiration in Chinese social media of U.S. Vice President Joe Biden's thrifty restaurant choices on his recent Beijing visit, and Ambassador Gary Locke's habit of traveling coach. Global Times attacked the Americans as being hypocrites and only symbolically thrifty, as a Sept. 22, 2011 editorial noted wryly: "It costs much more in security for Biden to eat a bowl of noodles in a street restaurant than for him to dine at Diaoyutai State Guesthouse."
他也喜欢选择一些热议的目标，然后撕咬个破烂。广为人知中国社会媒体所赞许的两件事，即美国副总统拜登最近来访北京选择简约餐厅，和大使骆家辉个人低调赴任。环球时报抨击美国人只是伪君子，仅仅是象征性的表现简朴，如在2011年9月22号所挖苦的：“拜登在街头吃一碗面，其所花费的安保成本员远比在钓鱼台国宾馆来得高。”
Although Hu is an avid Weibo user, Global Times has also been out in front of criticizing the widely popular social-media site for spreading rumors and poisoning public opinion, as a July 13 editorial argued: "New media was once held up as a model for freedom of speech in China. But in reality, a lack of censorship leads to rumors growing more rapidly."
虽然胡锡进是个活跃的微博使用者，环球时报也批评网络媒体散播谣言，和侵蚀大众意见，如八月十三号的社论提到：“新兴媒体成为一个中国言论自由的示范。但是事实上缺乏管制导致谣言飞速传播。”
To what extent does Global Times in fact shape, distort, or find itself chasing public opinion in China? "I always say what I mean," Hu told the delegation. But some are skeptical. "Frankly, I think its position is to make money -- nationalism is Global Times' positioning in the market," Michael Anti, a well-known Chinese writer and international-affairs commentator, told me. "It's like any Rupert Murdoch publication; it's Fox News, essentially."
那么实际上，环球时报形塑、扭曲、或是吸引中国人的公众意见，程度上有多少呢？胡锡进是这样说的“我总是说我想说的”，但是一些就值得怀疑了。“坦白说，我干这职位是为了赚钱，--爱国主义是环球时报在市场上的定位。”赵静，一位知名的中国作家、国际评论员这么对我说，“这就像是默多克的媒体集团；实际上，就和福克斯新闻一样。”
Global Times is by circulation the third-largest newspaper in China, with a daily print readership of 2.4 million, according to the Sobao Advertising Agency, and reported web readership of 10 million. Even if those numbers are inflated (statistics in China are hard to verify), it's still formidable -- by comparison, in 2011 the Washington Post's average daily print circulation was 550,821.
《环球时报》是中国发行量排行首位的报纸，根据搜吧广告公司提供的数据，每日购买《环球时报》的读者有二百四十万之多。即使这些数字可能会有些水分（在中国，验证统计数据是十分困难的），这样的数字已足够令人咋舌了。相比之下，华盛顿邮报2011年日发行仅有550，821份而已。
"Why is Global Times popular? Different people in China have different answers," says Wang Wen, chief op-eds page editor and editorial writer. He has a cherubic face and big brown eyes, and despite working slavishly long hours, radiates a sense of exuberance uncommon in China's newsrooms. "The liberals say it is because GT promotes and sells Chinese nationalism. The others say it is because GT is very sharp and we dare to touch the sensitive issues."
“《环球时报》为何如此受欢迎？”，作为《环球时报》社论版编辑，同时也是社论作家的王文先生说道。他有一张天真可爱的脸，长着大大的棕色眼睛。尽管已经奋战了数个小时，但他仍给人一种充满活力、精力充沛之感。这时其他人回答道，这时因为《环球时报》言辞尖锐犀利，往往敢于挑战社会上敏感热点的话题。
The current incarnation of Global Times is the brainchild of Wang's boss, Mr. Hu. Born in Beijing in 1960 and a teenager during China's Cultural Revolution, Hu studied at Nanjing Military International Relations University and then received an M.A. in Russian Literature and Language from Beijing Foreign Studies University in 1989. That year marked a traumatic turning point in China: The momentum of a decade of optimism and liberalizing thought was gunned down in Tiananmen Square, and a new era of conservatism and patriotic education was anxiously shepherded in by President Jiang Zemin. In 1989, Hu joined the People's Daily as a reporter; from 1993-1996 he was a correspondent in Yugoslavia covering the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. He returned to Beijing in 1996, and at age 36 joined the new Global Times newspaper as deputy editor.
最能代表《环球时报》的人物当属王文的老板，胡锡进先生。胡先生在20世纪60年代出生于北京，在少年时参加了中国的文化大革命。曾就读于南京解放军国际关系学院，后就读于北京外国语大学，于1989年获俄罗斯文学硕士学位。就在那一年，中国发生了一次历史性的转折：人们出于自由和乐观主义而提出了10条思想，却在天安门广场上遭到了武力镇压。此后，在国家主席江泽民的领导下，中国人走入了一个保守主义与爱国主义教育的新时代。1989年，胡锡进以一名记者的身份进入了《人民日报》；在1993至1996年间，他成为了《人民日报》常驻南斯拉夫记者，深入报道了波黑战争。胡锡进于1996年回到北京，并担任了《环球时报》的副主编，时年36岁。
Global Times's rising profile over the past two decades owes to new forces in the shifting Chinese media landscape. The Chinese edition of the paper, as its name indicates, focuses on international news. Back when China was primarily inward looking and struggling recover from a Maoist economy, that seemed a backwater beat. "But Global Times has been increasingly relevant since 1999," says Anti, "since the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Yugoslavia." -- i.e., the accidental bombing of the Chinese embassy by U.S. and NATO forces, which stirred conspiracy theories in China and happened to take place in Hu's old reporting stomping grounds.
《环球时报》在过去的二十年里声名鹊起，这要归功于中国媒体大环境的转变。《环球时报》正如它的名字一般，专注于国际新闻。而考虑到中国刚刚开始反省自身，并且正努力从毛泽东时代的计划经济中恢复过来，搞国际新闻几乎毫无前景。“但是到了1999年，《环球时报》开始变得举足轻重，” Michael Anti说道，“自从中国驻南斯拉夫大使馆被轰炸之后。”——即中国大使馆被美国及北约军队误伤的那起意外事故。此事在当时的中国掀起了一场围绕阴谋论的轩然大波，而过去从未受过重视的国际新闻立时成为了众人关注的焦点。
As Chinese readers have begun to increasingly look outward, Global Times has delivered on that hunger for international coverage, albeit often with a claustrophobic worldview that presents China, arguably the world's second-most powerful country, as a besieged underdog. A sample of front-page headlines from October 2011: "Attacking China becomes a new vogue for Washington DC"; "The Senates vote menaces China"; and "India and Vietnam signing contracts provokes China." (As Jeffrey Wasserstrom, a professor of history of the University of California, Irvine, explains this disconnect, "It's linked to the Communist Party's shift in the story it tells about its past. … There's less attention in official historical accounts on the party's role as a promoter of social equality and more on its role in ending the "100 years of humiliation" -- the stock phrase for the foreign incursions of the 1840s through 1940s, the Opium War through the Japanese invasions.")
中国的读者们正在将目光投向国外。为满足中国读者的这种渴求，《环球时报》正努力为人们提供更多的讯息；然而，他们对待这种新闻又抱有一种幽闭恐惧症患者般的世界观：尽管中国已成为实至名归的世界第二强国，但他们总爱把自己打扮成强敌环伺，受人包围算计的样子。正如图片所示，《环球时报》2011年10月刊的头条上赫然印着：“攻击中国成华盛顿时髦”；“国会主张威胁中国”；还有“印度和越南签署和约激怒中国”等等。（正如加州大学尔湾分校教授Jeffrey Wasserstrom所言，“这反映了中国共产党对自己历史形象定位的变化…它曾努力将自己打造成提高了社会平等的党派，现在则更多的将自己描述为终结了中国“百年屈辱”之人——这个短语指的是中国从19世纪40年代到20世纪40年代，接连遭受从鸦片战争到日本侵华战争等多长侵略战争的历史。
Global Times's aggressive editorial style is the product of two intersecting trend lines, says Jeremy Goldkorn, an expert on Chinese media and the founder of the Danwei.org website -- Jiang's introduction of "patriotic education" into Chinese schools and a concurrent push for newspapers to make money from subscriptions and advertising, as the government limited or withdrew funding. Hu's contribution was in realizing that these two forces could go together. Over the last decade, as they were forced to commercialize, China's newspapers and magazines adopted a variety of approaches in fighting for readers: Some veered liberal and muckraking, including Hu Shuli's Caijing and now Caixin magazines; others focused on celebrity news. "But the Global Times had a different strategy -- a more nationalistic, jingoistic tone," as Goldkorn puts it. "Chinese nationalism is not exactly new. But what they've done is they've packaged it in a more contemporary way."
“《环球时报》那咄咄逼人的的行文风格是两种趋势的产物，”中国媒体专家，Danwei.org网站的创始人Jeremy Goldkorn说道，“江泽民倡导‘爱国主义教育’，与此同时，由于政府取消掉了对报纸的资金支持，这些报纸不得不开始靠广告和销量取得收入”。胡锡进的贡献在于认识到他们可以讲这两者结合起来。在过去的十年中，这些媒体不得不采取了商业化，为吸引读者，一些报纸和杂志转而投身丑闻的揭发，并主张新闻自由，包括胡舒立的《财经》杂志、现在的《财新》杂志；其他的则注重于名人新闻。“但《环球时报》有他自己的战略——一条更为民族主义，拥护强硬外交的路线。”正如Goldkorn所说，“中国的民族主义并不新鲜。他们今天的所作所为，不过是以一个更为现代的方式对其进行包装罢了。”
None of this attracted much notice in the West until 2009, when, in the midst of surging overseas interest in China following the 2008 Beijing Olympics, Hu founded Global Times's English edition. Some of the news articles are translated directly from the Chinese edition, but most are distinct, with a focus on interpreting China's domestic affairs. "Because many readers are foreigners, we have news about what happens in China," Hu says. The English edition is somewhat tamer than the Chinese edition, but still more nationalistic than China Daily, the country's other state-run national English language paper, founded in 1981. (Consider these recent headlines from China Daily: "China sticks to peaceful development"; "Experts vow to boost mutual trust between China, Japan"; and "China reaffirms commitment to ties with India.")
在2009年以前，西方市场并未受到《环球时报》的重视。而在2009后，由于中国在举办过08年奥运会后海外利益不断飙升，胡锡进创办了《环球时报》英文版。一些新的文章直接翻译自中文版本，但大多数都有明显的修改，并着重于解释国内事件。“因为许多读者是外国人，我们的新闻是发生在国内的。”胡锡进说。英文版与中文版相比要枯燥一些，但仍然比另一家创国营英文报纸——创立于1981年的《中国日报》民族主义得多。（《中国日报》的标题大多是“中国坚持和平发展”；“专家志愿促进中日互信”；以及“中国重申与印度的承诺”这样的）
But what Global Times is today best known for is not news, but its chest-pumping editorials, such as the recent "sounds of cannons" essay. The topic and slant of the lead editorial is the same in both editions, with some slight textual variance in translation. Mr. Hu, who in interviews alternates between speaking in English and in Chinese through a translator, personally labors over each one, usually in the late evening or wee morning hours. As he explains the process: "In the evening, me and another reporter will together write the editorial. I am always included in the writing process. Then we will call or fax about three professors to know their opinion about what we write. … But in the last, I decide whether we will use their opinion, or we will not use their opinion." (Hu downplays the fact that, like all Chinese newspapers, Global Times is subject to government review before publication.)
然而，《环球时报》最出名的还不是它的新闻，而是他的社论，比如最近的“大炮声”社论。中英文版版本的标题和方向几乎一致，只在一些细节处有轻微差别。胡锡进通过翻译能用中英两种语言进行采访，并且还会亲自撰写和修改两个版本的文章，常常奋斗到在深夜乃至凌晨。他如此解释他们的工作流程：“在晚上，我和另一位记者会在一起写社论。我会从头到尾一直参与。然后我们会发传真或打电话给3位教授，听取他们对我们作品的意见…但到最后，还是由我来决定是否采纳他们的意见，如果我不同意就不用。”（实际上，包括《环球时报》在内的所有中国报纸都要受政府的控制，而胡锡进将这一点轻描淡写的带过了）
One common theme is to criticize the perfidy of the West, in particular accusing the United States of hypocrisy and attacking American values on the grounds they are not always upheld in America. One example of an anti-Western screed, from July 28, 2011, took a shot at Foreign Policy's own Failed States Index: "The 2011 Failed State Index, an annual ranking jointly conducted by the Fund for Peace and Foreign Policy magazine in the US … ranked 177 countries using 12 different indicator s . And to no one's surprise, most of the countries that topped the list are from Africa, ravaged by civil war, poverty, and natural disasters." The editorial continued: "But it is necessary to ask a question: What and who failed them? … Their formal colonizers, who now dominate the world market, told them exporting raw materials and opening up their markets to Western goods was the quickest path to prosperity. But most of their revenues ended up in the pocket of international corporations." 对西方背信弃义的批判是他们共同的主题，出于反美情节，他们对美国虚伪的指责和对美国价值观的抨击尤为严重。举例而言，在2011年7月28日，他们曾针对《外交政策》发布的失败国家指数发表评论：“这份失败国家指数报告，是由和平基金会与《外交政策》杂志联合研究而成的，共评价了177个国家，并使用了12项指标。榜首的几个国家毫无悬念的全部来自非洲，他们饱受内扎、贫穷和自然灾害之苦。”评论员续道，“但是我们要问问：到底是谁让他们如此变成这样的？…是他们从前的殖民者，是那些统治了世界市场，告诉他们出口原材料、向西方开放国内市场是最好的致富途径的西方人。然而，他们收益中的大部分最终还是落入了跨国公司的口袋中。”
Another now-infamous Global Times editorial ran on April 6, 2011. While most of China's state-run media initially kept mum on the uncomfortable fact of artist Ai Weiwei's detention, Global Times jumped in to argue that Ai had brought it upon himself by crossing a red line: "History will make its own judgment of such a person as Ai Weiwei. But before this happens, they will sometimes pay a price for their own peculiar decisions, as happens in any society." And the kicker: "No one person has the right to make our entire people accommodate their personal views of what is right and wrong."
环球时报另一篇声明狼藉的社论发表与2011年4月6日。当中国官方媒体对艺术家艾xx被拘留一事保持沉默时，《环球时报》曾跳出来讨戈艾未未，称后者“越过了底线“：”历史自会对艾XX这样的人作出判断。但在它的判断到来之前，他们将会为自己的决定付出代价，这样的事情在哪个社会都会发生。”结语：“没有人有权利让所有人都认同他的是非观。”
Given how much of what Global Times prints is obvious anathema to liberal Western readers, it's worth noting that another recurring topic is criticism of China's own culture of official corruption (so long as no Western government is allowed to look good by comparison). In April, the paper blew open a salacious story about the inhuman liquor bill of an official at Sinopec, China's state-owned petroleum giant, in a smart investigative piece cited by the New Yorker's Evan Osnos on his blog. A team of Global Times reporters confronted the general manager of Sinopec's Guangdong branch, Lu Guangyu, about whether he had really purchased 480 bottles of vintage Moutai and 696 bottles of red wine for personal consumption (total cost: $243,604), as his expense reports indicated. Might not the money have been spent instead on gifts, banquets, or bribes? Lu claimed he had drunk every last drop. "But there's mass public scepticism about Sinopec's claims that one man was responsible for its booze bill," an April 27 Global Times article duly noted. "Many believe that the case reflects rampant abuse of power and public funds among State-owned enterprises."
《环球时报》所发布的内容无疑对于自由的西方读者来说是令人厌恶的，对于反反复复那么几个抨击中国官方腐败的报道来说，简直是毫无价值的新闻。（没有关于西方政府正面报道的内容作为对比）。四月，这份报纸鼓吹了一个淫荡的故事，这个故事是关于中石化---国有石油巨人---里面一个官员的一份奇葩的烈酒订单。当时《纽约客》的一个博客作者Evan Osnos在他的博客里发表了一个醒目的调查文章。随后一个《环球时报》的记者团立刻质问了中石化在广东分公司的总经理卢广宇，问他是否真的如同报道声称的，购买了480瓶茅台和696瓶红酒用于私人消费（总价243604美元）难道这些钱没有被挪作他用，比如送礼，宴请，或者贿赂？卢广宇声称他全部用于自己喝了。一份四月二十七日的《环球时报》文章适时地发布了，声称“有许多公众怀疑中石化发布的关于一个人购买了如此多数量的酒只是用于暴饮的言论，但这个案例也表明了公众对于国有企业滥用职权和资产的愤怒。”
How does fear-mongering about foreign policy mix with muckraking about outrageous official behavior? "I think Hu is opportunistic and trying to be sensational … in the vein of the New York Post," says Richard Burger, a former PR professional based in China and former editor at Global Times's English edition. According to Burger, shortly after the English edition launched, Hu announced in an editorial meeting that he was determined to publish an article at least referencing the June 4, 1989 massacre -- a date on which, according to China's official media, nothing happened. Global Times did manage to twice break that taboo, albeit in passing references in articles devoted to the development of Chinese intellectual thought. "He's out to win attention for his newspaper," says Burger, "he relishes controversy."
如何利用民众对于外国政策的恐惧心理再混以政府官员的一些丑闻来达到稳定暴政的行为？Richard Burger，原中国人力资源教授，原《环球时报》英文版编辑说道：“我认为在纽约这篇文章发布时，胡的倾向是机会主义者和官能主义者”根据Burger所说，在英文版开始出版后不久，胡就在一次编辑会议上声明，他决定出版一篇关于审查某事件的文章，在官方媒体报道中，其实当天并不存在这一事件。《环球时报》打算再次打破禁忌，文章致力于表明中国理智思考的进步。“他懂得如何为自己的报纸吸引眼球” Burger说，“他享受争论。”
Hu Xijin's freewheeling tendencies probably represent the most energetic effort in China to actually win readers for party papers. Of course, Global Times's rising profile may also be the product of limited alternatives: Beijing allows no national newspaper devoted to international news to publish on the opposite end of the political spectrum, with a more liberal slant. As a former reporter at Beijing Youth Daily told me: "Why do people read Global Times? There are few options … there's no real news in China. We have such limited choices."
胡锡进随心所欲的性情也许代表了他为党报赢取读者的最积极的努力。当然《环球时报》的崛起也是有限选择权下的产物：北京不允许任何本国报纸带有自由主义倾向，去报道国际新闻，并发表对立政治言论。一个前《北京青年报》的记者告诉我：“为什么人们读《环球时报》？因为没什么别的选择···在中国没什么真实新闻。我们的选择很有限。”
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发表于 2011-11-8 09:35
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