本帖最后由 武大郎 于 2011-12-6 21:50 编辑
【中文标题】全球最有影响力的100位思想家
【原文标题】The FP Top 100 Global Thinkers
【登载媒体】外交政策
【来源地址】http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/11/28/the_fp_top_100_global_thinkers
【译 者】武大郎
【翻译方式】人工
【声 明】欢迎转载，请务必注明译者和出处 bbs.m4.cn。
【译 文】
Foreign Policy presents a unique portrait of 2011's global marketplace of ideas and the thinkers who make them. 外交政策从一个独特角度展示了2011年有关全球市场的想法以及想法的来源。 【第十名】周小川：http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/11/28/the_fp_top_100_global_thinkers?page=0,9#thinker10
With smoke still rising from the wreckage of the world's financial system, it's up to three wise men to salvage what's left. And with their eyes on the villainized central bankers of the 1930s, each has tried to avoid the currency wars and protectionism that plagued the world during the Great Depression, aiming instead to steer a calm path through the rubble, above the daily fray of politics and name-calling. 世界金融系统的废墟上仍然硝烟不断，且看三位智者如何拯救乾坤。以上世纪30年代那些可憎的央行行长作为前车之鉴，他们每个人都在努力避免大萧条时期肆虐全球的货币战争和保护主义，并于每天的政治摩擦和口水战之上的荆棘之中，走出一条平静安全的道路。 People's Bank of China Governor Zhou Xiaochuan, whose country owns a whopping $1.14 trillion in U.S. debt, has been forced to cope with the unpleasant fact that China's entanglement with U.S. and European markets makes it dependent on the health of Western economies. To that end, he has pursued a course of letting the yuan gradually appreciate, in a bid to slowly build up domestic consumption and decrease China's reliance on foreign markets. 中国人民银行行长周小川，他的国家拥有高达1.14万亿美元的美国国债，而他本人不得不面对这样一个无法令人高兴的事实：中国与欧美市场的缠结导致中国同西方经济的健康息息相关。为此，他一直奉行让人民币逐步升值的政策，以逐步增加内需并减少中国对国外市场的依赖。 Ben Bernanke, who has become a political punching bag in the U.S. presidential campaign, has had a tougher job. The Federal Reserve chairman's efforts to spur bank lending by expanding the monetary supply were described as almost "treasonous" by Texas Gov. Rick Perry, while candidate Newt Gingrich promised to fire him. Bernanke has nevertheless pressed forward with his plans to keep the Fed's benchmark interest rate near zero to encourage investment and has nudged Congress to get its act together as he warned that America's recovery is "close to faltering." 本·伯南克，在美国总统竞选中已经成为政治集火目标的他，有一份更加艰辛的工作。这位美联储主席通过扩大货币供应量来刺激银行借贷的做法被德州州长里克·派瑞称为“叛国行为”，同时总统候选人纽特·金里奇也承诺当选后会炒掉伯南克。尽管如此，他仍然继续推行自己的计划，把美联储的基准利率维持在接近零的水平以鼓励投资,还一再劝说国会统一行动因为他认为目前美国经济的恢复“步履蹒跚”。 But the problems of Bernanke and Zhou paled in comparison with those of Jean-Claude Trichet, who as European Central Bank chief faced a full-blown debt crisis in Greece and the potential for a slow-motion fiscal collapse in Italy, Spain, and possibly even France. Trichet, who retired at the end of October, did his best to calm the crisis threatening the euro he helped create, pledging unlimited cash to eurozone banks and buying up the bonds of financially distressed countries. His mounting frustration spilled over during a news conference in September: "We are in the worst crisis since World War II.… We do our job. It is not an easy job." We all feel their pain. 但是伯南克和周小川所面临的困境同欧洲中央银行行长让·克洛德·特里谢相比，那就是小巫见大巫了。特里谢在今年11月底退休，作为欧元的创造者之一，他竭尽全力来平息这场足以威胁到欧元的危机，并许诺会有不受限制的资金流入欧元区银行并购买陷入经济困境国家的债券，尽管如此他还是面临着希腊全面爆发的债务危机以及可能在意大利，西班牙甚至法国出现的缓慢财政崩溃。他内心的阵阵沮丧也在九月份的一场新闻发布会上显露无疑：“我们遇到了二战以来最严峻的危机…我们在竭尽所能，不过这项工作并不轻松。” 对此，我们身同感受。 今年8月五号，一条四字短语出现在中国艺术家艾未未的推特上：“问个好吧”.这样的状态本来不值一提，不过在此却有两个意义：这是艾未未三个月牢狱之灾后的第一条状态，也是对中国政府要求其缄口的回击。
Ai's arrest on April 3, putatively on charges of tax evasion, was probably inevitable. The son of a famous poet who was forced into internal exile during the Cultural Revolution, the avant-gardist known for his confrontational nude self-portraits has dissidence in his DNA. A vocal democracy advocate since the 1990s, Ai infuriated the Chinese Communist Party by disavowing the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, for which he had helped design the iconic Bird's Nest stadium, and pushing for an investigation into Sichuan earthquake deaths later that year. Throwing Ai in jail put a famous face on a worrying trend: Since this spring, the number of human rights activists, lawyers, artists, and other dissidents vanishing into government custody without explanation has quietly but sharply spiked in China. Now Ai has taken up their cause, railing against this state of affairs -- in open violation of the terms of his release. "[T]here are many hidden spots where they put people without identity," he wrote in a searing Newsweek essay. "With no name, just a number.… Only your family is crying out that you're missing." 今年4月3日，艾未未因为被认定有逃税行为而被指控和逮捕，这样的结果很可能是不可避免的。他是一位文革时期曾被流放国内的著名诗人的儿子，作为一位因裸体自画像而闻名的艺术前卫主义者，他天生就有一种与众不同的基因。从上世纪90年代，艾未未就是民主的提倡者，他因为宣称不愿意与08年奥运会有关系以及在当年汶川地震中推动死亡人数的调查，激怒了中国共产党，而在这之前他还曾参与标致性建筑鸟巢的设计。艾未未入狱这件事凸显了一种令人担忧的趋势：从今年春天开始，没有任何理由就突然被中国政府监押的人权活动家、律师、艺术家以及其它反对者的数量在悄无声息的迅猛增加。在破例释放之后，艾未未接过了这些人的事业，继续对这种情况进行指责。在新闻周刊上，他在一篇言辞尖刻的文章里写道“他们有很多关押犯人的隐藏地点，被关押的人没有身份也没有名字，只有一个编号……只有你的家人在疾呼你的失踪”。
【十九名】贺卫方和俞可平 http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/11/28/the_fp_top_100_global_thinkers?page=0,18#thinker19
A nervous Beijing has cracked down viciously on dissidents this year, jailing dozens of lawyers and human rights supporters and placing scores under enforced supervision or house arrest. Yet among the many activists keeping hopes for reform alive, two stand out. One surprising advocate from inside the system is Yu Keping, a bureaucrat and head of the government-advising China Center for Comparative Politics and Economics, whom the New York Times has described as a "mild-mannered policy wonk" and a proponent of slow but steady change. His straight forwardly titled essay, "Democracy Is a Good Thing," insists that China can transition into a democracy that works for the Chinese. In a China Daily op-ed this summer titled "Reform Must Be Incremental," Yu wrote that though the go-slow approach has been on balance good for China, "The country still lacks a mechanism to counter the selfish behavior of the bureaucracy, corruption is still rampant and public service rendered by the government is far from enough." He Weifang, meanwhile, is an outspoken critic of the Chinese legal system who was sent to internal exile in Xinjiang for signing the Charter 08 manifesto against the government in 2008 and then was told last year that he couldn't leave the country. For He, a Peking University law professor and longtime writer on judicial abuses who says he sees China growing more repressive over time, reform cannot come fast enough. And if the Communist Party doesn't adapt, he has warned, "then that process of transformation will not occur peacefully, and if the extreme violence comes, then there will be no Communist Party. It is a case of adapt or die." So will it be Yu's way or He's? 今年，已经草木皆兵的北京方面不停的严惩反对者，关押了许多律师、人权支持者并为强制监督和软禁划分等级。但在这些仍活着并期望改革的活动家之中，有两位站了出来。其中一位让人惊讶的倡导者是来自体制内的俞可平，他是中央编译局比较政治与经济研究中心主任，被纽约时报称为“温和派政策研究者”以及缓慢坚实改变的支持者。他在文章《民主是个好东西》里直截了当的说道中国可以转变成中国人民的民主国家。这个夏天，在中国日报的一篇名为《改革必须循序渐进》的专栏文章中，俞可平写道，渐变的方法从稳定角度来说对中国是有好处的，但“我们国家仍然缺少反腐机制，腐败现象十分猖獗，由政府主导的公共服务也还远远不够”。与之对应，贺卫方则是一位中国法制系统的公开批判者，在08年，由于签署反zf的零八县长宣言，他被发配至新疆，然后在去年，他又被告知不准许出国。作为一位北大法律系教授和司法滥用问题上的长期作家，他说他看到中国正变的越来越残暴，改革已经迫在眉睫。他警告道，若中共不懂得改变，那“转变的过程就不会和平发生，并且，若是有极端的暴力发生，那共产党将不复存在。改变还是灭亡，这是一个问题”。俞可平还是贺卫方，中国将走谁的路？
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