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看看dl对西藏暴乱的英文描述(补)

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发表于 2008-4-5 18:03 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
英文表述:


Today, I extend heartfelt greetings to my Chinese brothers and sisters around the world, particularly to those in the People’s Republic of China. In the light of the recent developments in Tibet, I would like to share with you my thoughts concerning relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples, and make a personal appeal to all of you.

I am deeply saddened by the loss of life in the recent tragic events in Tibet. I am aware that some Chinese have also died. I feel for the victims and their families and pray for them. The recent unrest has clearly demonstrated the gravity of the situation in Tibet and the urgent need to seek a peaceful and mutually beneficial solution through dialogue. Even at this juncture I have expressed my willingness to the Chinese authorities to work together to bring about peace and stability.

Chinese brothers and sisters, I assure you I have no desire to seek Tibet’s separation. Nor do I have any wish to drive a wedge between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. On the contrary my commitment has always been to find a genuine solution to the problem of Tibet that ensures the long-term interests of both Chinese and Tibetans. My primary concern, as I have repeated time and again, is to ensure the survival of the Tibetan people’s distinctive culture, language and identity. As a simple monk who strives to live his daily life according to Buddhist precepts, I assure you of the sincerity of my personal motivation.

I have appealed to the leadership of the PRC to clearly understand my position and work to resolve these problems by “seeking truth from facts.” I urge the Chinese leadership to exercise wisdom and to initiate a meaningful dialogue with the Tibetan people. I also appeal to them to make sincere efforts to contribute to the stability and harmony of the PRC and avoid creating rifts between the nationalities. The state media’s portrayal of the recent events in Tibet, using deceit and distorted images, could sow the seeds of racial tension with unpredictable long-term consequences. This is of grave concern to me. Similarly, despite my repeated support for the Beijing Olympics, the Chinese authorities, with the intention of creating a rift between the Chinese people and myself, the Chinese authorities assert that I am trying to sabotage the games. I am encouraged, however, that several Chinese intellectuals and scholars have also expressed their strong concern about the Chinese leadership’s actions and the potential for adverse long-term consequences, particularly on relations among different nationalities.

Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbors. In the two thousand year old recorded history of our peoples, we have at times developed friendly relations, even entering into matrimonial alliances, while at others we fought each other. However, since Buddhism flourished in China first before it arrived in Tibet from India, we Tibetans have historically accorded the Chinese people the respect and affection due to elder Dharma brothers and sisters. This is something well known to members of the Chinese community living outside China, some of whom have attended my Buddhist lectures, as well as pilgrims from mainland China, whom I have had the privilege to meet. I take heart from these meetings and feel they may contribute to a better understanding between our two peoples.

The twentieth century witnessed enormous changes in many parts of the world and Tibet too was caught up in this turbulence. Soon after the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the People’s Liberation Army entered Tibet finally resulting in the 17-point Agreement concluded between China and Tibet in May 1951. When I was in Beijing in 1954/55, attending the National People’s Congress, I had the opportunity to meet and develop a personal friendship with many senior leaders, including Chairman Mao himself. In fact, Chairman Mao gave me advice on numerous issues, as well as personal assurances with regard to the future of Tibet. Encouraged by these assurances, and inspired by the dedication of many of China’s revolutionary leaders of the time, I returned to Tibet full of confidence and optimism. Some Tibetan members of the Chinese Communist Party also had such a hope. After my return to Lhasa, I made every possible effort to seek genuine regional autonomy for Tibet within the family of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). I believed that this would best serve the long-term interests of both the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.

Unfortunately, tensions, which began to escalate in Tibet from around 1956, eventually led to the peaceful uprising of March 10, 1959, in Lhasa and my eventual escape into exile. Although many positive developments have taken place in Tibet under the PRC’s rule, these developments, as the previous Panchen Lama pointed out in January 1989, were overshadowed by immense suffering and extensive destruction. Tibetans were compelled to live in a state of constant fear, while the Chinese government remained suspicious of them. However, instead of cultivating enmity towards the Chinese leaders responsible for the ruthless suppression of the Tibetan people, I prayed for them to become friends, which I expressed in the following lines in a prayer I composed in 1960, a year after I arrived in India: “May they attain the wisdom eye discerning right and wrong, And may they abide in the glory of friendship and love.” Many Tibetans, school children among them, recite these lines in their daily prayers.

In 1974, following serious discussions with my Kashag (cabinet), as well as the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of the then Assembly of the Tibetan People’s Deputies, we decided to find a Middle Way that would seek not to separate Tibet from China, but would facilitate the peaceful development of Tibet. Although we had no contact at the time with the PRC – which was in the midst of the Cultural Revolution – we had already recognized that, sooner or later, we would have to resolve the question of Tibet through negotiations. We also acknowledged that, at least with regard to modernization and economic development, it would greatly benefit Tibet if it remained within the PRC. Although Tibet has a rich and ancient cultural heritage, it is materially undeveloped.

Situated on the roof of the world, Tibet is the source of many of Asia’s major rivers; therefore, protection of the environment on the Tibetan plateau is of supreme importance. Since our utmost concern is to safeguard Tibetan Buddhist culture – rooted as it is in the values of universal compassion – as well as the Tibetan language and the unique Tibetan identity, we have worked whole-heartedly towards achieving meaningful self-rule for all Tibetans. The PRC’s constitution provides the right for nationalities such as the Tibetans to do this.

In 1979, the then Chinese paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping assured my personal emissary that “except for the independence of Tibet, all other questions can be negotiated.” Since we had already formulated our approach to seeking a solution to the Tibetan issue within the constitution of the PRC, we found ourselves well placed to respond to this new opportunity. My representatives met many times with officials of the PRC. Since renewing our contacts in 2002, we have had six rounds of talks. However, on the fundamental issue, there has been no concrete result at all. Nevertheless, as I have declared many times, I remain firmly committed to the Middle Way approach and reiterate here my willingness to continue to pursue the process of dialogue.

This year, the Chinese people are proudly and eagerly awaiting the opening of the Olympic Games. I have, from the start, supported Beijing’s being awarded the opportunity to host the Games. My position remains unchanged. China has the world’s largest population, a long history and an extremely rich civilization. Today, due to her impressive economic progress, she is emerging as a great power. This is certainly to be welcomed. But China also needs to earn the respect and esteem of the global community through the establishment of an open and harmonious society based on the principles of transparency, freedom, and the rule of law. For example, to this day victims of the Tiananmen Square tragedy that adversely affected the lives of so many Chinese citizens have received neither just redress nor any official response. Similarly, when thousands of ordinary Chinese in rural areas suffer injustice at the hands of exploitative and corrupt local officials, their legitimate complaints are either ignored or met with aggression. I express these concerns both as a fellow human being and as someone who is prepared to consider himself a member of the large family that is the People’s Republic of China. In this respect, I appreciate and support President Hu Jintao’s policy of creating a “harmonious society”, but this can only arise on the basis of mutual trust and an atmosphere of freedom, including freedom of speech and the rule of law. I strongly believe that if these values are embraced, many important problems relating to minority nationalities can be resolved, such as the issue of Tibet, as well as Eastern Turkistan, and Inner Mongolia, where the native people now constitute only 20% of a total population of 24 million.


 楼主| 发表于 2008-4-5 18:03 | 显示全部楼层
接上内容
I had hoped President Hu Jintao’s recent statement that the stability and safety of Tibet concerns the stability and safety of the country might herald the dawning of a new era for the resolution of the problem of Tibet. It is unfortunate that despite my sincere efforts not to separate Tibet from China, the leaders of the PRC continue to accuse me of being a “separatist”. Similarly, when Tibetans in Lhasa and many other areas spontaneously protested to express their deep-rooted resentment, the Chinese authorities immediately accused me of having orchestrated their demonstrations. I have called for a thorough investigation by a respected body to look into this allegation. Chinese brothers and sisters – wherever you may be – with deep concern I appeal to you to help dispel the misunderstandings between our two communities. Moreover, I appeal to you to help us find a peaceful, lasting solution to the problem of Tibet through dialogue in the spirit of understanding and accommodation. With my prayers, The Dalai Lama March 28, 2008 若看英文版较费神,请直接看本主题(一)中的内容。
发表于 2008-4-5 18:05 | 显示全部楼层
滿江紅——故唐再來

  

小小环球,有跳梁小丑狂吠。汪汪叫,狰狞凄厉,四处贱泣。魑魅魂附旧帝国,魍魉蛊惑谈何易。正盛世东风回长安,展红旗!

家国事,从来急;燃豆萁,何其迫!笑垂暮不久,挣扎朝夕。四海五十六族怒,五洲炎黄檄羽激。践几只伪善骷髅虫,众生喜!
发表于 2008-4-7 02:43 | 显示全部楼层

胡.佳给德国总理墨克尔的信

胡.佳给德国总理墨克尔的信

尊敬的德意志联邦共和国总理安哥拉默克尔女士:世作为一名中国公民和虔诚的佛教徒,我非常感激您和贵国政府对和平主义者dl喇嘛的支持。

als Bürger Chinas und als treugl?ubiger Buddhist m?chte ich Ihnen und der Regierung Ihres gesch?tzten Landes sehr herzlich für Ihre Unterstützungdes Dalie Lamur, eines Pazifisten, danken.

中国是国际上人权状况最恶劣的国家之一,联邦德国对推动改进中国人权状况非常重视。我认识贵国政府在北京的人权官员舒海云女士,她及她所在的机构对中国人权捍卫者非常关注并给予了许多帮助。最近获悉中国政府因对您会见dl喇嘛一事不满,而取消两项中德间的政府活动,其中包括中德人权对话。这令人非常遗憾,但我们认为您会见dl喇嘛已经是一项最有价值的人权表达。

China ist eines der L?nder mit der schlimmsten Menschenrechtssituation, und der Bundesrepublik Deutschland ist die Verbesserung der Menschenrechtssituation in China sehr wichtig. Ich kenne die für Menschenrechtsfragen zust?n dige Frau Shu Haiyun (Ingrid Jung), die als Beamtin Ihrer gesch?tzten Regierung in Peking t?tig ist. Sie und die Regierungseinrichtung, in der sie arbeitet, nehmen tiefen Anteil an dem Schutz der Menschenrechte in China , und Sie haben in dieser Hinsicht auch gro?e Hilfe geleistet. In letzter Zeit wurde bekannt, dass die chinesische Regierung unzufrieden darüber war, dass Sie den Dalie Lamur trafen, und dass sie aus diesem Grunde zwei geplante Veransta ltungen zwischen den beiden Regierungen, einschlie?lich eines Treffens im Rahmen des deutsch-chinesischen Menschenrechtsdialoges, absagte. Das ist sehrbedauerlich. Trotzdem denken wir, dass Ihr Treffen mit dem Dalie Lamur für die Menschenrechte ein Zeichen von gr??ter Bedeutung gesetzt hat.

dl喇嘛是世界广受尊敬的宗教领袖,也是我们中国佛教徒最敬仰的老师之一。尽管中国政府用近50年的时间诋毁dl喇嘛,但我确信,迎接dl喇嘛回中国的意愿,不仅仅包含在600万国内藏人心中,也包含在几亿中国佛教信徒和其他公众当中。这远远超过7000多万中共党员的意愿。

Der Dalie Lamur ist ein auf der ganzen Welt verehrtes religi?ses Oberhaupt. Er ist auch unter uns chinesischen Buddhisten ein tief verehrter und geachteter religi?ser Lehrer. Obwohl die chinesische Regierung über beinahe fün fzig Jahre hin versucht hat, den Dalie Lamur zu verleumden, bin ich doch ganzsicher, dass nicht nur die 6 Millionen T.i.b.e.ter im chinesischen Teil von T.i.b.e.t, sondern auch viele hundert Millionen chinesischer buddhistischer und anderer chinesischer Bürger die Rückkehr des Dalie Lamur nach T.i.b.e.t willkommenhei?en würden. Das sind viel mehr Menschen, als die Kommunistische ParteiChinas Mitglieder hat.

在我的国家,执政党是用谎言、恐怖和暴力来维持统治,像您曾经生活过的民主德国那样。所以在中国国内敢于公开表达对dl喇嘛支持的人还很少。中共十七大召开,当局对民众的镇压达到了一个新的高峰。我和妻子也被非法限制离境,并被拘禁在北京家里5个月了。而北京是明年要举办奥运会的城市。但我们还是幸运的,比那些远在青藏高原的藏族佛教信徒要幸运得多。他们如果公开表达对dl喇嘛的尊敬,就会被威胁、压制、殴打,大部分人被投入监狱。dl喇嘛曾经选定的班禅喇嘛,年幼时就成为宗教政治犯,现在依然不知下落。佛教是和平的宗教,dl喇嘛是和平与和解的倡导者,所以受到压迫的藏民族以非暴力的方式生存着,努力争取尊严和自由。

In meinem Land h?lt sich die regierende Partei mit Lügen, Terror und Gewalt an der Macht, ?hnlich wie in der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, in der Sie früher lebten. Deshalb wagen es nur wenige innerhalb Chinas, ihre Unterstützung für den Dalie Lamur zum Ausdruck zu bringen. Die Veranstaltung des Siebzehnten Parteikongresses hat zu einer neuen Welle der Repression gegen die Bev?lkerung geführt. Meine Frau und ich werden illegal daran gehindert, das Land zu verlassen, und wir sind au?erdem seit fünf Monaten auch inunserer Wohnung festgehalten worden. Und in Beijing werden im n?chsten Jahr die Olympischen Spiele stattfinden! Dabei haben wir noch Glück, viel mehrGlück als die T.i.b.e.tischen Buddhisten in den Hochebenen von T.i.b.e.t und [der Provinz] Qinghai. Wenn sie ?ffentlich ihre Verehrung für den Dalie Lamur zum Ausdruck bringen, werden sie bedroht, unterdrückt, geschlagen und zum Gro?teil auch noch ins Gef?ngnis geworfen. Der vom Dalie Lamur auserw?hlte PanchenLama wurde in jungen Jahren schon zum politischen Verbrecher gemacht und bis heute ist nichts über seinen Verbleib bekannt. Der Buddhismus ist eine friedliche Religion und der Dalie Lamur ist ein Advokat für Frieden und Vers?hnung, deshalb versuchen die unterdrückten T.i.b.e.ter, ohne Gewalt ein Leben in Würde und Freiheit zu erringen.

正如dl喇嘛倡导的,西藏及大藏区属于中国,但这块土地首先属于藏民族。只有dl喇嘛回来,才能保护好藏区的自然、文化和信仰,而这些在过去50 年中已经受到了极大的破坏。只有dl喇嘛回来,才能带来藏族和汉族的民族和解。现在中国信仰藏传佛教的汉族人越来越多,我妻子曾金燕也是dl喇嘛的信徒,她曾经前往印度拜见尊敬的dl喇嘛。越来越多的汉族人热切地期望dl喇嘛回到中国。

Gerade wie es vom Dalie Lamur vertreten wird, geh?ren T.i.b.e.t und die gr??ere Region der T.i.b.e.tischen Bezirke [in umliegenden chinesischen Provinzen] zu China, aber dieses Land geh?rt doch zuerst einmal der T.i.b.e.tischen Volksgruppe. Erst wenn der Dalie Lamur zurückkehrt, k?nnen die Natur, die Kultur und der Glaube der T.i.b.e.ter, die in den zurückliegenden 50 Jahren in gro?em Ausma? der Zerst?rung ausgesetzt waren, wirkungsvoll geschützt werden. Erst wenn der Dalie Lamur zurückkehrt, kann eine Auss?hnung zwischen der T.i.b.e.tischen und der Han-Nationalit?t versucht werden. Die Zahl der der T.i.b.e.tischen Glaubensrichtung des Buddhismus zugeh?rigen Han-Chinesen nimmt fortw?hrend, zu; meine Frau ist auch eine Anh?ngerin des Dalie Lamur und sie hat einmal die Reise nach Indien gemacht, um den verehrten Dalie Lamur mit eigenen Augen zu sehen. Immer mehr Han-Chinesen hoffen inst?ndig darauf, dass der Dalie Lamur nach China zurückkehre.
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