设为首页收藏本站

四月青年社区

 找回密码
 注册会员

QQ登录

只需一步,快速开始

搜索
查看: 5865|回复: 22

[原创] 从围攻谩骂俄国看当今国共内战的新特点!

[复制链接]
 楼主| 发表于 2011-12-3 16:23 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
分享到:
俄使馆开微博 中国网友要求“把党带回去,把领土还回来” [复制链接]
http://www.canyu.org/n35696c6.aspx

( 参与2011年12月2日讯 )12月1日,俄罗斯驻华大使馆在新浪开微博,遭到中国网友的围观,要求“把党带回去,把领土还回来”。
一位名为“海涛1975”的网友说:“请把共产党带回去,把我们的领土还回来。”网友:“秋蚂蚱”留言:“给@俄罗斯驻华大使馆 :我没有一丝仇恨地说:就像你们是波兰人心中永远的痛一样,你们从来就没有给中国普罗大众带来过福音。你们就是一只永远觊觎着我们的嗜血的北极熊。在绝大多数多中国人眼里,你们是只会带来坏运的盘旋在我们头顶上的寒鸦。现代中国的灾难深重,你们是始作俑者。”
记者陈宝成说:“我不喜欢俄国,第一夺我国土,第二屠我同胞,第三祸害至今!@俄罗斯驻华大使馆 请你正视一个普通中国人的声音。”



以我多年网龄的经验,这些谩骂者就是当今中国的反对派(又叫自由派民主派)。他们其实是两岸的蓝党。
不排除是台蓝网军跨海来代表我们反G反俄。所以查一下他们的IP就能知晓是否又是台“友人”在伪造民意发动舆论战了。
但既使有台湾人参与也可以肯定确有很多大陆自由派的参与。
这些右陆就是和G有仇的蓝党遗老遗少和被镇压的右派及其后代和亲美民运等三大群体所组成。
他们认为G是俄国扶起来的,没有俄国G也起不来,所以也疯狂反俄。
通过此事可看出国共内战实际上根本没有结束,还在激烈进行中。斗争只不过由以前的刀抢变成了笔战和舆论战,即争夺正统和争夺民心之战!既当年老毛说的:带枪的敌人被消灭了但不带枪的敌人仍在搞破坏在用笔战斗。这斗争只有到分出胜负,一方被打倒消灭为止!
所以把当今中国的政争放到国共之争的大背景下分析一切就霍然开朗了!

发表于 2011-12-3 16:28 | 显示全部楼层
美国养的苍蝇在离间中俄关系而已

那些王八蛋应该看看1946年垃圾国民党蒋介石和美国鬼子签订的《中美友好通商条约》,垃圾国民党蒋介石是把全中国卖给美国鬼子了的
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

发表于 2011-12-4 09:17 | 显示全部楼层
:@:@!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

 楼主| 发表于 2011-12-5 09:58 | 显示全部楼层
要打击台毒啊!!!
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

 楼主| 发表于 2011-12-5 16:09 | 显示全部楼层
:(:(!!!!!!!!
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

 楼主| 发表于 2011-12-6 09:47 | 显示全部楼层
:(:(!!!!!!!!!!!!!
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

发表于 2011-12-6 10:19 | 显示全部楼层
双方各操对方的主子
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

发表于 2011-12-6 12:06 | 显示全部楼层
追求公平 发表于 2011-12-6 10:19
双方各操对方的主子

美国是台湾的主子这个毋庸置疑,说俄罗斯是中国的主子,这个太扯淡了吧,从60年代末中苏交恶后,就形同陌路人了。苏联解体后中国与俄罗斯的关系不管从哪里看都看不出来俄罗斯是中国的主子。
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

发表于 2011-12-6 12:38 | 显示全部楼层
脑子不清醒,历史不及格才会认为俄罗斯(苏联)是中国的老大

这世界上有中国这样处处与“老大”过不去的“小弟”?
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

 楼主| 发表于 2011-12-6 15:49 | 显示全部楼层
蓝党活在梦里。
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

发表于 2011-12-6 16:00 | 显示全部楼层
国民党是接受了苏联的援助才发展起来,包括黄埔军校都是苏联援建,所以蒋经国才出卖了外蒙古,甚至东北的铁路特权、旅大港口,直到新中国后才收回来。现在这些y粪们混淆视听,挑拨中俄关系,为美国控制、扳倒中国创造条件,险恶用心与秦桧汪精卫不差上下。
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

发表于 2011-12-6 18:55 | 显示全部楼层
"他们认为G是俄国扶起来的,没有俄国G也起不来,所以也疯狂反俄。"




--------


http://www.chinashakestheworldbook.com/TextFrameset.htm



第十二章 独夫单挑人民
       

CHAPTER XII

DICTATOR VS. PEOPLE
第五十二节 满洲遭到劫掠
       
52. Loot of Manchuria
  我刚到满洲,就遇到了一位西方的情报官员。他给我讲了一件事,这是我在中国东北之行所听到的唯一的趣闻。这件事在满洲的外交人士中广为流传,饶有趣味,因为它集中说明了蒋介石的官员当时使用了什么手段来证明关外的中共部队里有俄国士兵参加作战。

  事情是这样的:在苏联红军撤离满洲时,一个掉队的俄国兵同部队失去了联系,给蒋介石的军队抓了起来。我的朋友——那位外国情报官——听到这个消息,就设法前去采访,同这个俄国兵进行了长谈。

  这个兵是个挺讨人喜欢的家伙,他承认他被国民党收容后受到良好的待遇,但是他们的一些做法使他莫明其妙。他对这位外国人说,“请您告诉我,为什么中国人要照那么多的相呢?有一天,他们硬叫我站在战壕里,给了我一支冲锋枪,从各种不同的角度给我照了十几张相。第二天,他们让我穿上中国军服,给了我一支步枪,又给我照了十几个镜头。有时候,他们还叫一些俄国平民躺在地上照相。我不明白这是怎么回事。”

  这位外国人听了俄国兵的叙述,也不明白此中的奥妙,便记在心里,以便将来弄清。过了些时候,驻东北的蒋介石军队代表给了他一套照片,据说拍的是在国共两军一次交战中击毙的苏联人。他一看,在这些所谓阵亡的军人中,有一些是他本人认识的白俄平民。他正想指出这一点的时候,人家又给他看了一张照片原来就是他以前与之谈过话的那个俄国兵。照片中那个俄国兵手持冲锋枪站在战这里,与前进的情况一模一样。还有其他一些镜头,照的是他身穿中共军服,拿着中国步枪。

  国民党官员煞费苦心地解释说,这些照片是几天前才从这个士兵尸体的衣袋里找出来的。

  他们带着爱国的义愤说:“这是一个俄国人!”

  这位外国人实在忍不住了。他说:“我知道,前两天找还同他谈过话呢!”

        ONE of the first men I met in Manchuria was a Western intelligence officer who told me the only funny story I heard during my entire stay in China's northeast. This story which was well known in diplomatic circles in Manchuria had peculiar interest because it symbolized the techniques that a few of Chiang Kai-shek's officials were then using to prove that Russian soldiers were fighting in the ranks of the Chinese Communists beyond the Great Wall.

  According to this story, during the withdrawal of the Soviet Union's Red Army from Manchuria, a Russian straggler was cut off from his units and captured by Chiang Kai-shek's troops. My friend, the foreign officer, hearing of his capture, was able to interview the soldier and had quite a long conversation with him.

  The soldier, an affable fellow, admitted his Kuomintang hosts were treating him well, but expressed bewilderment at Chinese habits. "Tell me," he said to the foreigner, "why do Chinese take so many pictures? One day, they stick me in a trench, hand me a tommy gun and photograph me from a dozen different angles. The next day, they dress me in Chinese uniform, give me a rifle and take a dozen more pictures. Then, sometimes, they get Russian civilians to lie down on the ground and they take their pictures, too. I don't understand it."

  The foreigner was nonplussed by the soldier's story, but filed it away in his mind for future reference. Some time later, representatives of Chiang Kai-shek's army in the Northeast presented him with a set of pictures they had taken of Soviet nationals that had allegedly been killed by Kuomintang troops in a fight with Chinese Communists. Among these supposedly dead warriors, the foreigner noted some white Russian civilians with whom he was personally acquainted. He was about to mention this when he was handed a photograph of the Russian soldier with whom he had previously spoken. There, just as he had described himself, was the soldier in a trench with a tommy gun. There he was again, in various other pictures, in Chinese Communist uniform and with a Chinese rifle.

  The Kuomintang officials carefully explained they had taken the pictures from the dead soldier's pockets, just a few days before.

  "He was a Russian," they said, with patriotic indignation.

  "I know," said the foreigner, no longer able to control himself. I talked with him the other day."

  他们这才罢休,不再硬要这位西方人相信,满洲的中共部队里有俄国人参加作战。然而,美国干涉派的某些人和为数不多的一些蒋介石官员仍继续企图使外界相信,共产党得势主要是因为俄国干预了中国内战。

  此辈老是宣传俄国插手中国内战,其主要原因大概就在于满洲的军事形势。一九四七年初以来,蒋在东北就一直处于守势。共军控制了满洲十分之九的地区,三分之二的铁路,绝大部分的大豆和高梁产地和几乎所有的木材。而没有木材就无法修复铁路。最重要的是,满洲人民虽然开始还有些勉强,但后来渐渐越来越拥护中共。蒋介石只控制大城市和工业。但是,这里的工业已经不再具有重要意义,因为经过俄国人洗劫后,即使还有什么机器残存下来,蒋介石也没有能力把它们开动起来。

  关外的这种严重不利局面,对关内产生了深远影响。到一九四七年,国民党的许多高级官员已经断定,他们单靠自己是不可能在满洲打败共产党了。他们既没有战胜共产党人的力量,也对怨气冲天的满洲人的忠诚不抱什么幻想。于是他们就挖空心思发动一场宣传战,想使本国老百姓和外界都相信,历史上的匈奴、蒙古和鞑靼等蛮族又卷土重来了,这就是苏联。在这场宣传战中,美国的干涉派自然是很得力的盟友。

  然而,没有一个中立的观察家相信俄国进行了这种干涉。我在华北共产党地区逗留了好几个月,也没见到过这方面的证据。我在满洲也没有见闻到多少证据。中国共产党人将来显然会同苏联紧密地联系在一起。尽管如此,要说俄国在中国内战中给了中共什么帮助的话,充其量也许是让其所缴获的一部分日本武器落入八路军的手里。但是,在日本人投降的时候,蒋介石所收缴的武器,比共产党所拿到的要多得多。此外,可能是有这么一回事,一九四八年时俄国人用一些卡车与共军交换满洲的物产。但是,共军所缴获的美国车辆,可要比俄国人给他们的多得多。因此,想把蒋介石的失败归咎于罗斯福和俄国人是办不到的。
       

  That ended the attempt to convince this particular Westerner that Russians were fighting on the Chinese Communist side in Manchuria. It did not, however, end the attempts of some of the American interventionists or a few (not many) of Chiang Kai-shek's officials to convince the outside world that Communist successes were primarily due to Russian interference in China's civil war.

  The chief factor in causing some of these men to harp on Russian influence in the Chinese war was probably the military situation in Manchuria itself. Since the beginning of 1947, Chiang had been on the defensive in the northeast. The Communists controlled 90 percent of Manchuria, two-thirds of the railways, the majority of the soy bean and kaoliang lands, nearly all the timber without which the railways could not be rebuilt and, most important of all, the grudging, but growing respect of the Manchurian people. The only thing Chiang Kai-shek controlled was the big cities and industry, and this last was losing its importance, for what the Russians hadn't looted, Chiang was unable to get going.

  Such a colossal failure outside the Great Wall had profound repercussions inside China proper. Many high Kuomintang officials by 1947 had concluded they could not beat the Communists in Manchuria by themselves. Lacking the power to overcome the Communists and harboring few illusions about the loyalty of the Manchurians, who had already become disaffected, these men were waging a war of wits to convince both their own subjects and the outside world that the historic Hun, Mongol and Tartar barbarians had risen again in the person ot the Soviet Union. In such a propaganda war, American interventionists, of course, became a useful ally.

  Yet no neutral observer believed in this Russian interference. In many months in Communist North China I had seen no evidence of it. Nor did I hear much evidence of it in Manchuria. Although it seems obvious that the Chinese Communists will be closely linked to the Soviet Union in the future, the most that could be said about Russian help to the Communists in the midst of China's civil war was that part of the Japanese arms captured by the Russians might have fallen into the hands of the 8th Route Army. But Chiang Kai-shek had captured far more arms from the surrendering Japanese than the Communists ever did. It is also probably true that in 1948 the Russians gave the troops of Communist General Lin Piao some trucks in exchange for Manchurian products. The Communists, however, got far more transport from America than they ever got from the Russians. This attempt to blame Chiang Kai-shek's defeat on Roosevelt and the Russians won't do.
  那么,到底为什么共产党在满洲节节胜利,而蒋介石却连连败退呢?原因是多方面的。但是,首先需要简单地回顾一下历史。一九三一年日本入侵满洲的时候,蒋介石不仅丢下满洲人民不管他们死活,而且在关内镇压一切爱国示威查禁一切抗日书报,甚至还禁唱中国最流行的、纪念一九三一年沈阳事变的《义勇军进行曲》。因此他就为许多满洲人所唾弃。

  尽管中国的统治者把满洲人丢下不管,但是有一些比较勇敢的满洲人开始组织起抗日队伍,号称东北义勇军。即使在各国纷纷承认日本对满洲国所拥有的权利,蒋介石也默认日本统治满洲的那些岁月里,这些小股游击队也一直在同日本人作战。游击队的领导人大部分都牺牲了,最后这些游击队只剩下人数很少的小部队坚持斗争。然而到一九四五年八月,苏联红军赶走日本人的时候,东北义勇军又重新出现,并且迅速发展起来。当俄国人占领铁路线和大城市的时候,义勇军接管了农村地区,缴获了一部分日军武器。与此同时,在南满作战的几支八路军正规部队向北挺进,同义勇军会合。不久以后,关内的八路军挥戈北上,关外各支部队进行了合编。共产党在当地的正规军人数最初可能只有五万。

  在此期间,美国用军舰和飞机把近二十万蒋军赶运到满洲。蒋的文武官员们,本来大可像共产党人那样去同义勇军联系,把他们争取到自己一边。可是他们却反其道而行之,去找那些给日本人当了十四年汉奸的地主,把他们组成武装的队伍,去打义勇军和共产党。换句话说,国民党出于其半封建的本性,同满洲人民深恶痛绝的分子联合了起来,从而奠定了一场阶级战争的基础。这就给共产党人赢得满洲农村创造了机会,他们以前正是这样赢得华北农村的。

  说也奇怪,俄国人这时候帮的是蒋介石而不是中共。一方面义勇军和八路军接管农村,另一方面苏联红军却让蒋介石官员接收满洲所有的城市,并保护了他们好几个月。与此同时,蒋介石正式要求苏军在满洲比原定计划多呆一些时候,使他可以有更多的时间用美国的运输工具把部队运来。于是俄国人和美国都帮了蒋介石的忙。后来俄国人撤离哈尔滨和北满其它城市时,还应蒋的要求,带走了他委派管理这些城市的所有官员。这就搭救了这批官员,使他们没落到满洲人民手里,并且把他们平平安安地送还给蒋。蒋介石如此既依靠俄国、又依靠美国,也就无异承认,他离开了外国的武装援助,就不能控制满洲。

  俄国人撤走的时侯,蒋介石已经有美械装备的五个军在南满,他们向北大举进攻,在四平街受到阻击,进行了一场血战,最后总算进了长春城。这时,根据马歇尔停战协定的规定,蒋军停止了推进。有一些人,特别是那些有意搞臭马歇尔和杜鲁门政府的人,认为就是由于这个停战协定才使蒋未能征服满洲。但是,难道可以设想,战线已经拉得很长的蒋军,还能继续向前推进数百英里去占领靠近苏联边境的哈尔滨和齐齐哈尔吗?即使假设蒋军居然做到这一点,必然也将以惨败告终。因为那样一来,蒋军的供应线就会拉得更长,而当时他连南满的那一段供应线也颇难维持。
       

  Just why, then, were the Communists winning in Manchuria and Chiang Kai-shek losing? There were many reasons. But first it is necessary briefly to examine a few facts of history. When the Japanese invaded Manchuria in 1931, Chiang Kai-shek not only left the Manchurians entirely to their own fate, but at the same time he squashed all patriotic demonstrations inside the Great Wall, censored all books dealing with anti-Japanese sentiments and even banned the singing of China's most popular song, "Arise," which was written in commemoration of the Mukden incident of 1931 This alienated many Manchurians.

  Although they had been deserted by China's ruler, some of the more daring Manchurians began to organize resistance bands which became known as the Manchurian Volunteers. All through those years when every foreign nation was recognizing Japan's right to Manchukuo and when Chiang Kai-shek accepted Japanese sovereignty over Manchuria, these small guerrilla bands fought the Japanese. Most of the leaders were killed and in the end the bands could survive only in small numbers.

  However, when the Russian Red Army drove out the Japanese in August 1945, the Manchurian Volunteers appeared again and grew swiftly. They took over the rural areas and captured some Japanese arms, while the Russians were taking the railways and the big cities. At the same time a few regular Communist 8th Route Army troops already fighting in southern Manchuria drove north and contacted the Volunteers. A little later, forces of the 8th Route Army operating inside the Great Wall also drove north under Communist general Lin Piao who amalgamated all these elements. There were in the beginning perhaps only fifty thousand regular Communist troops.

  While this was going on, the United States rushed nearly two hundred thousand of Chiang's troops into Manchuria by ship and plane. Chiang's officials and officers might have contacted the Volunteers as did the Communists and won them over. However, they adopted just the opposite course. They contacted landlords who had been agents for the Japanese for fourteen years and organized them into armed bands to fight the Volunteers and the Communists. In other words, the Kuomintang, true to its own semifeudal nature, allied itself with the most hated elements in Manchuria and thus laid a basis for a class war. This gave the Communists an opportunity to win rural Manchuria, as they won rural North China.

  Strangely enough, the Russians at this time helped Chiang Kai-shek and not the Chinese Communists. For while the Volunteers and General Lin Piao's bands were taking oyer the countryside, the Russian Red Army installed Chiang's officials in all the Manchurian cities and protected them for many months. At the same time, Chiang officially asked the Soviet Union to stay in Manchuria longer than originally scheduled so that he could have more time to bring in troops by American transport. Both the Russians and the United States, therefore, helped the generalissimo. Later when the Russians evacuated Harbin and other north Manchurian cities they took with them, at Chang's request, all the officials whom the generalissimo had appointed to rule those cities. They saved these officials from the Manchurian people and returned them safely to Chiang. In thus relying on both the Russians and the United States, Chiang Kai-shek admitted that he could not control Manchuria without foreign armed help.

  With the evacuation of the Russians, Chiang Kai-shek, now having five American-equipped armies in southern Manchuria, began a drive to the north. Held up by a bloody battle at Szepingkai, he managed at last to reach the city of Changchun where his march came to a halt under the terms of the Marshall truce agreements. It has been assumed by some people, especially those with an interest in discrediting George Marshall and the Truman administration, that this truce prevented Chiang from conquering Manchuria. But there is not the slightest evidence to suppose that Chiang's troops, already spread thin, could have continued on for hundreds of more miles and captured Harbin and Tsitsihar on the borders of the Soviet Union. Even supposing they could have, such an operation would have resulted in ultimate disaster, for it would have put Chiang at the end of an even longer supply line than the one he unsuccessfully tried to support in southern Manchuria.

  姑且不论蒋介石曾经在一九三一年把满洲人民丢下不管,姑且不论他所联合的是汉奸地主而不是义勇军,也不论俄国人让他的官员接收各大城市——姑且撇开这一切不管,而且还假设俄国人确实在满洲帮助了共产党人。即使如此,我仍然觉得蒋介石在东北失败的原因,是同俄国的插手毫无关系的。

  请蒲立特以及共和党领导人和某些民主党议员好好想一想:台湾是中国本部以外的另一个地区,日本人在那里惨淡经营了多年,国民党在满洲也建立了一套军事、经济和政治体系,但事实证明中国的独裁政权完全不能建设国家,而只能把国家毁掉。

  一九四七年夏,正当某些人叫嚷什么满洲被出卖给斯大林的时候,国民党可以炫耀自己在东北取得了以下三大成就:

  一、它已经把美国所训练和装备的七个军的兵力至少断送了一半,并且还大大削弱了剩下部队的战斗力。

  二、它继俄国人的洗劫之后,进一步把日本人遗留下来的强大的工农业经济破坏殆尽。

  三、它丧失了许多满洲人的好感,这些满洲人并未像台湾人那样起来造蒋介石的反,而是倒向共产党那边去了。
       

  Suppose for a moment we forget that Chiang deserted the Manchurians in 1931, forget that he allied himself with puppet landlords and not the Volunteers, forget that the Russians installed his officials in the cities - forget all this and suppose for a moment that the Russians did help the Communists in Manchuria. Even taking all these assumptions for granted, I found that Chiang Kai-shek had been defeated in the Northeast for reasons entirely unconnected with Russian help.

  As in Formosa, another area outside of China proper that was highly developed by the Japanese, the Kuomintang in Manchuria had established a military, economic and political structure that Bullitt, Republican party leaders and some Democratic congressmen, would have done well to study since it indicated that the regime of China's dictator was quite incapable of adding to the substance of a country, but was only capable of devouring it.

  By the summer of 1947, when some quarters were proclaiming that Manchuria was being betrayed to Stalin, the Kuomintang could point to three major accomplishments itt the Northeast.

  It had destroyed at least half of the forces and a good part of the effectiveness of seven armies, trained and equipped for them by the Americans.

  It had ruined, with the aid of prior Russian looting, a powerful agrarian and industrial economy bequeathed it by the Japanese.

  It had lost the good will of many Manchurians who, instead of revolting against Chiang Kai-shek as did the Formosans, had gone over to the Communists.

  国民党军队经过满洲内战的严重消耗,已经减员到同共军的人数相等。他们不是中国旧式的杂牌军,而是蒋介石历来最精锐的部队,肯定也是中国历史上装备最精良的部队。他们体现了史迪成将军在一九四二年凄然撤离缅甸时所憧憬的最高理想。当时由于不能把美国的武器装备空运到中国来,所以史迪威决定把中国士兵空运到印度去,用存在那里的美国武器装备起来,编成一支部队,举行反攻,夺回缅甸。他实现了装备中国军队的计划。但他很快就意识到,他所训练的这支部队不会在抗战期间用来打日本,却会在抗战结束后用来打中共。他为此而反对蒋介石,结果斗争失败,回美国后郁郁而死。既然史迪威将军生前就看出蒋介石已经失去民心,因此无权再统治中国,那么,要是他能亲眼看到国民党军队在满洲每况愈下,从政治上说他可能会感到高兴的。但是作为一个军人,如果他亲眼看到,这些久经疆场的作战部队竟然降低到宪兵队或城防部队的水平,一定会感到伤心的。

  国民党军队不但实力每况愈下,士气也一路不振。东北剿总司令杜聿明将军和孙立人将军之间发生了争吵。孙是美国弗吉尼亚军事学院的毕业生。当年在缅甸作战的时候,杜未按照美国人的命令发动进攻,所以美国人就一直不喜欢他。他们给孙撑腰,想方设法要把杜搞掉。最后终于以杜孙二人双双解职了事。

  将帅易人并没有能使情况有什么起色。任人唯亲和贿赂成风已经败坏了先前以纪律严明著称的部队的素质。我认识一个上校,他本来有希望当团长,但是由于没钱为此孝敬上司,结果只好靠边站。他负责一个团的运输队,不得不把全部汽油的七分之一留给军需仓库主任,他的顶头上司还要再拿走七分之一以饱私囊。为了不使他的汽车停驶,他只好把润滑油脂拿到黑市出卖,然后再买进汽油。吃空饷的风气,当年在印度的时候,曾给美国人杜绝了,后来却又死灰复燃。结果,当一个师投入战斗时,兵员往往只有原定编制的百分之六十。更糟糕的是,军饷经常拖欠不发,结果士兵只好靠任意抢老百姓的东西捞点外快。

  由于最高统帅部一味防御的变态心理,部队都留驻在城市里,军官们早已厌倦艰苦的戎马生活,现在无所事事,便沉溺于女色,借以消愁解闷。蒋军军官们金屋藏娇,逼良为娼,就这样糟蹋了一批本应遣送回国的日本妇女。不光可以在城里看到日本女郎同国民党军官鬼混,还可以在军运列车上看到她们给中尉、上尉们作伴。这些女郎站在货车车厢的门口,穿着东洋和服,里面显然是一丝不挂。对于风尘仆仆的军官们来说,这些女郎团可增添乐趣,可是她们究竟能对打败共产党作出什么贡献,那就只有天知道了。
       

  The Kuomintang armies that had been bled white in the civil war in Manchuria and cut down to Communist size were not traditional Chinese rabble troops. They were among the best units Chiang Kai-shek ever had, certainly the best-equipped armies in Chinese history. They represented the culmination of a dream General Joseph W. Stilwell had when he was making his forlorn retreat out of Burma in 1942. He could not fly American equipment to China, so he decided to fly Chinese soldiers to American equipment in India, build up an army and retake Burma. This he successfully did. But he soon thought that he was building an army that was going to fight the Chinese Communists after the war and not the Japanese during the war. On this ground, he opposed Chiang Kai-shek, lost out, went home and died a brokenhearted man. Since General Stilwell before his death believed Chiang Kai-shek had lost the mandate of the people and no longer had the right to rule China, he would perhaps from a political standpoint have been happy to see how Kuomintang troops in Manchuria had deteriorated. As an army officer, however, he would have been saddened by the sight of well-tempered combat units that had become little better than gendarmes and garrison troops.

  Not only bad the army deteriorated physically, but its morale was completely shot. A squabble had broken out between General Tu Liming, commander in chief in Manchuria, and General Sun Li-jen, a graduate of Virginia Military Institute. The Americans, who had disliked Tu ever since his failure to launch an attack in Burma in accordance with American orders, sided with Sun and tried to get Tu relieved. In the end, both were relieved.

  Changes in command produced no improvement. Nepotism and bribery had rotted the moral fiber of units once famous for their discipline. A colonel I knew had a chance to become a battalion commander, but had to step aside when he could not pay his superiors for the job. Put in charge of a regimental transport unit, be was forced to give the supply depot officer one-seventh of all his gasoline. His superiors took another seventh for their personal graft. He only kept his vehicles rolling by selling lubricants and grease on the black market and buying gasoline. Padding of pay rolls, ended by the Americans in India, had begun again. As a result, when a division went into combat, it often had only 60 per cent of its supposed strength. Worse than that, pay was often not forthcoming and soldiers had to indulge in petty looting.

  Garrisoned in towns because of the high command's defensive complex, idle officers were turning to the charms of feminine companionship as a surcease from the rigors of war of which they had long become tired. Chiang's officers kept some Japanese girls who were supposed to be repatriated to Japan locked up in their rooms and forced others into prostitution. Not only in towns did one see Japanese girls consorting with Kuomintang officers, but also riding on supply trains in the company of lieutenants and captains. Standing at the doors of freight cars dressed in foreign-style kimonos, under which they apparently wore nothing, these girls spiced up the scenery for a jaded traveler, but what they contributed to beating the Communists was a mystery.

  东北蒋军实力和士气每况愈下的情况,与共产党将领林彪所领导的东北民主联军日益壮大的光景,形成奇妙的对照。

  一九四五年和一九四六车间,美国的军舰和飞机把国民党部队源源运到东北。共产党却须穿过长城的关隘长途行军,那时他们只有一些零散的部队,总计四、五万人。到了一九四七年,共军的兵力已经发展到近三十万人,其中至少有十二万人组成了六个纵队的主力部队,每个纵队有三个师。我当时曾写到,显然,“共军最后一定会把蒋军赶出满洲或就地歼灭”。在国民党的手里,美国给他们运来的军队很快被消耗了,而日本人给他们留下的强大的满洲经济,更是被他们破坏殆尽。当时,蒋军控制了整个东北工业的百分之八十,但只有百分之十开工。当然大部分可以归咎于俄国的劫掠,一部分可以归咎于战争,但主要的原因还是国民党的腐败无能。

  我在满洲各地看到了这方面的许多例证,但是在这里我只想谈一下当时抚顺煤矿的情形。抚顺拥有世界上最大的露天煤矿之一,日本人把这一地区建成了一个小匹兹堡,生产页岩油、煤气、石蜡、汽油、焦炭、沥青、高碳钢、水泥等产品的各种辅助工业一应俱全,还有多种小型工业。日本人时代,这里煤的日产量最高曾达到两万吨。俄国人接管后,最高曾达五千吨,但现在已降到不足两千吨。主要原因是军队的干扰。他们抓走了一万名工人及—万八干名民夫去构筑防御工事,既不给饭吃也不发工资。就是这样,工人们也还可以忍受,但使他们极为反感的是,蒋军军官以修工事为名,从矿上搞走的框架、钢条、贵重的钒、不锈钢和木材,很少真正用于构筑工事,而是装上大车拉到沈阳去卖钱。

  蒋军官兵在抚顺飞扬跋扈。他们未经许可就征用房子、建筑物和材料。他们有时在深夜砸破煤矿经理住宅的玻璃窗,爬进屋去把经理赶到外面来。

  在抚顺时,我住在为工人免费治病的煤矿附属医院里,医院旁边有一个护士宿舍。国民党兵奉命拆毁了这个宿舍的一部分,取砖修工事。但只有很少一点砖真正用于砌碉堡,绝大部分都进了黑市。

  我见到一位在德国留过学的中国医生,他说:“真是腐败透顶!宪兵到我们医院里来随便拿东西,甚至把药品也拿了去,到黑市卖钱。他们才不管人民死活呢。”

  我去看望了当时负责煤矿的一位副经理,他曾在美国留过学,是工程师,也是个实业家。

  他说:“蒋介石的宪兵对我们说,他们是来保护我们的,以免共产党夺走我们的矿山和家产。但是,让蒋介石拿走跟让共产党拿走有什么两样呢?我们还不照样丢了!”

  矿上的一位职员说得更尖刻:“共产党用不着来了,早就什么都共了产了!”


       

  The slow physical and moral disintegration of Chiang Kai-shek's Manchurian army was a strange contrast to the ever-growing strength of the Northeast United Democratic Army run by the Communist commander Lin Piao.

  In 1945 and 1946, while American ships and planes were transporting Kuomintang troops to the Northeast, the Communists who were marching overland through the Great Wall passes had only scattered bands of troops, numbering from forty thousand to fifty thousand men. By 1947 this force had grown to nearly three hundred thousand men, of which at least one hundred twenty thousand men were organized into a striking force of six corps of three divisions each. It was very obvious, as I wrote at the time, "Communist forces will eventually drive Chiang's forces out of Manchuria or annihilate them where they stand."

  While the Kuornintang was rapidly blunting the edge of the army delivered to them by the Americans, it was at the same time doing even worse damage to the powerful Manchurian economy left them by the Japanese. Chiang's forces then controlled 80 percent of the industry in the Northeast, but they had only io per cent going. Much of this could be put down to Russian looting and some to the war, but a great deal of it could be put down to Kuomintang corruption and inefficiency.

  I gained numerous examples of this all over Manchuria, but here I shall only mention the conditions obtaining in the Fuhsun coal mines. About Fuhsun, where was located one of the biggest open coalpits in the world, the Japanese had built a miniature Pittsburgh, with subsidiary industries in shale oil, gas, paraffin, mobile oil, coke, asphalt, high carbon steels, cements and various smaller industries. At the height of their production, the Japanese had mined twenty thousand tons of coal a day. The Chinese had got it up to five thousand, but now it had fallen back below two thousand principally because of army interference in the mine. Ten thousand workers had been conscripted along with eighteen thousand civilians to build defense works. None of these workers were fed or paid by the army. The miners could stand that but they hated the fact that frameworks, steel rods, valuable vanadium, rust-resisting steels and timber supposedly taken from the mines for defense works, seldom went into defense works but went by cart to Mukden for sale.

  Chiang's officers and soldiers in Fuhsun city were very arrogant. They requisitioned houses and buildings and materials without orders. Sometimes they broke the windows of mine managers' homes in the middle of the night, crawled into the houses and threw the managers out.

  While I was in Fuhsun, I stayed at the mine hospital which provided free medical treatment to its workers. Alongside the hospital was a nurses' home. Soldiers, under orders, tore some of it down to get bricks for defense works. A few bricks went into pillboxes but most into the black market.

  I met a Chinese doctor who had been educated in Germany. "Everything is rotten," he said. "Gendarmes come into our hospital, take what they please, even our medicines and sell it on the black market. They don't give a damn for anybody."

  I went to see one of the assistant managers who was then in charge of the mine - a man who had been educated in America, an engineer and also a businessman.

  "Chiang's gendarmes," he said, "tell us they are here to protect us from the Communists who would take our mines and homes from us, but what's the difference if we lose jhem to Chiang or the Communists, we lose them anyway."

  An even more embittered mine staff member said: "The Communists don't need to come here, everything is divided already."

  农业的情况比工业稍好一点。但即使在这方面,国民党也把它在关内的那些作法搬到关外来了。大豆一向是满洲最大宗的出口商品,但是现在对当地人来说,它已经不再是一个财源了。东北剿总下令,大豆出口贸易只准由政府专卖机构中央信托局和军队经营。中央信托局出售大豆定价每磅十美分,而它向农民收购的牌价却是每磅三美分。农民交售大豆所得到的价款被七捐八扣,给地方保安队买枪和制服,所剩无几。

  战争,运输工具短缺,尔虞我诈的积弊,这一切使满洲整个出口贸易陷入绝境。满洲没有一家银行获准经营外汇,当地商行又都不准从事对外贸易。南京中央政府不给东北分配进口份额,进口商品都得从关内口岸转运来,要多付很大一笔转运费。以上这两项规定就足以使当地的商行倒闭。满洲商人为此忿忿不平,他们说制订这两项规定完全是为了上海各贸易公司的利益,因为蒋的文武官员们在那些公司里都有投资。

  官府的繁文缛节,也妨碍贸易活动的开展,并且为关内来的官员向满洲小商人敲诈勒索开了方便之门。谁要想从满洲出口商品,就必须取得对外贸易委员会的许可证。衣着破旧的小商人,要是不花钱买通门卫,连贸委会的大楼都甭想跨进一步。即使进了大楼,也还得先贿赂办事员,方才见得着有权颁发许可证的官。结果,走投无路的小商人只好通过掮客出钱购买许可证,或者通过走私从关内进货。
          Somewhat better than conditions in industry were those existing in agriculture. But even here, the same Kuomintang tactics, practiced in China proper had been exported beyond the Great Wall. Soy beans, which were once the greatest export product of Manchuria, were no longer a source of wealth to the natives. The Northeast China Command had dictated that soy beans could only be exported by the Central Trust, a government monopoly, or the army. Though the Central Trust was getting ten cents a pound for its product, the farmer who sold to the trust was getting only three cents a pound. Of this he was allowed to keep little as he was forced to contribute most of his sale money to equipping and clothing local defense units.

  Due to lack of transport, v ar and old-fashioned skullduggery, Manchuria's whole export trade was in bad shape. No banks in Manchuria were allowed to deal in foreign exchange and it was impossible for local firms to do any foreign trade. The central government at Nanking had allowed the Northeast no import quotas and all produce came from ports below the Wall with consequent high extra transport charges. These two regulations were enough to ruin any local firm. Angry Manchurian businessmen said they were made purposely to favor Shanghai trading companies in which Chiang's officers and officials had invested.

  Red tape was also stifling trade and giving southern officials a chance to squeeze small Manchurian merchants. No merchants could export goods from Manchuria without a permit from the Foreign Trade Commission. But small, poorly dressed merchants could not even get in the building harboring the trade commission without paying a bribe to the guard at the door. Once in the building the clerks had to be bribed before one could even talk to someone who was empowered to issue a permit. As a result, desperate small traders were buying permits through brokers or trying to smuggle goods through the Great Wall.

  不光是满洲人民,就连蒋介石政府里的许多官员也都怨气冲天。我遇到一位在沈阳贸易局供职的会说英语的官员。他对我说:“我们的政府腐败,而在东北的更加腐败。跟我一个办公室的同事,全都是又偷又抢。我对敲诈勒索的行为只好睁一眼闭一眼。我厌恶我的职务。我忍受不下去了。我要辞职离开这里。”

  经过日本人的十几年统治,满洲人对一切已习惯于逆来顺受。但是,同所有的大资本家一样,日本人在对一个国家进行掠夺的同时总还要给这个国家一点东西。满洲人叫苦说,国民党却是一味往外拿,一点建设也没有。

  满洲人觉得,即使日本人的效能为国民党的腐败所取代,但只要他们摆脱日本人的奴役之后,在国民党统治下能获得自由,倒也罢了。然而,在政治方面满洲人从国民党那里得到的却是一党专政、军事管制和秘密警察。

  国民党侈谈民主,尤其使满洲人感到厌恶。为了听取“民众呼声“,国民党在几个省设立了国民参政会,这只是个咨询机构,没有任何立法、行政和司法权。沈阳的十七位参政员是用这样的办法产生的:国民党把空白选票发到各个选区的负责人手里,再由这些负责人把选票发给老百姓,叫大家在上面签名盖章。等到选票收上来以后,才由地方国民党党部填上内定的人选。有的地方根本不把选票发下去,索性把商人们的图章收上来,由选区负责人在选票上一盖了事。很多人不知道为什么要把他们的图章收去,甚至根本不知道他们已经算是投过票了。省参政会也是用这种方式“选举”出来的。

  在东北,没有自由的问题比没有民主的问题更为严重。甚至连表面的出版自由、集会自由和言论自由都没有。在沈阳,我发现所有的报纸都是军方或其特务机关办的,只有一家报纸除外,但就是这家报纸也是拿军方和党部津贴的。由于军方管制了全部的印刷所,私人言论根本就得不到刊印的机会。全城最自由的出版物要算美国新闻处的新闻简报,它转载美国报刊文章,其中有些是评论中国时事的文章。蒋的特务人员常常不喜欢这些文章,为此亲自到美国新闻处交涉,提出强烈抗议。有一回在他们的严厉威胁下,美国新闻处负责人只好用美国军用飞机把一名中国职员秘密送往上海。可是,后来中共在北平也用了同样不恰当的手段来对美国新闻处进行威胁。

  国民党在东北的特务机关主要由戴笠系统的人员掌握。戴笠是蒋介石的秘密警察头子,人虽已死,淫威犹存。这些特务都来自西安,长期以来西安一直是针对延安的反共活动大本营。表面上他们的任务是搜捕共产党,实际上他们干的却是压制一切对政府的批评,因为他们把所有批评政府的人都打成共产党。据满洲人说,尤其恶劣的是,特务们对银行家、商人、地主和伪满的高级官员进行敲诈勒索,大发横财。他们还用从汉奸及与其有牵连的阔佬那里搜刮来的钱,开设小百货店、饭馆、进出口公司,并且在地下室秘密开设舞厅。
       

  It was not only Manchurians who were disgusted, but even many officials in Chiang Kai-shek's own government. I met an English-speaking official in the Trade Bureau in Mukden. "Our government," he told me, "is corrupt, but in the Northeast it's specially corrupt. Everyone around me in my office is robbing and stealing. I have to connive at extortion. I have come to hate my work. I can't stand any more. I'm going to resign and get out of here."

  A decade of Japanese rule had inured Macchurians to most anything. But the Japanese, like all capitalist barons, put something into the country at the same time they were robbing it. The Kuomintang, the Manchurians complained, took, but put nothing back.

  This trade of Japanese efficiency for Kuomintang corruption wouldn't have been so bad, the Manchurians felt, if at the same time, they had traded in their slavery under the Japanese for freedom under the Kuomintang. However, all the Manchurians received in a political way from the Kuomintang was one-party rule, military law and the secret police.

  The lip service the Kuomintang paid to democracy particularly nauseated the Manchurians. People's Political Councils which were merely advisory and had no legislative, executive or judicial functions had been organized in several provinces so that the "Voice of the people" could be heard. In Mukden, seventeen councilors were elected in the following fashion. Blank ballots were distributed to Kuomintang district and ward leaders, who handed them out to the people to sign and/or "chop"
with their seals. When the ballots were returned, the local party headquarters then filled in the names of the men they wanted elected. In some cases, the ballots were not even distributed. The ward leaders merely collected merchants' seals and stamped the ballots themselves. Many people did not know why their seals were collected and did not even know they were supposed to have voted. A provincial council was "elected" in the same way.

  Worse than any lack of democracy was the lack of freedom in the Northeast. There was not even a pretense of a free press, freedom of assembly or free speech. In Mukden, I found all but one newspaper were run by the army or its secret service organs, and that one was subsidized by army and party. Since all printing presses had been seized by the army, it was impossible for a private person to have his say in print. The most liberal publication in the city was the news bulletin put out by the United States Information Service which reprinted articles from American newspapers, some of them about China. Chiang's secret service men often did not like these articles and they called on the USIS in person and raised violent protests. In fact, they at one time became so threatening that the American in charge had secretly to ship out one of his Chinese employees on an American Army plane to Shanghai. Later, however, the Communists in Peiping practiced just as bad measures of intimidation against USIS.

  Chief watchdogs of tyranny in the Northeast were skilled SS operators trained by Tai Li, dead but not forgotten chief of Chiang Kai-shek's gestapo. Sent from Sian, long the headquarters of the anti-Communist movement against Yenan, these men were ostensibly concerned with ferreting out Communists. In practice, their job amounted to suppressing all criticism of the government which they did by accusing any critic of Communism. Even worse, Manchurians claimed the operators of the Special Service Section were getting rich by squeezing bankers, merchants, landlords and former high-ranking Manchukuo officials. With funds squeezed from puppets and their rich associates, the SS men were opening small department stores, restaurants, import-export firms and dance halls which they operated clandestinely in cellars.

  蒋介石的文武官员在东北如此大搞营私舞弊、敲诈勒索和强制压迫,能有几个满洲人喜欢他们呢?当地人觉得,蒋的关内人并不打算在满洲久呆。这种感觉也是有道理的。有好几次,共军不过发动了小规模的攻势,一些市长未经批准就擅离职守,逃之夭夭了。哪个地方一有危险,蒋的官员就连忙带着妻室,腰包里塞满了金条,仓皇逃命。因此满洲人自然得出结论,关内人到满洲来就是为了发财,一且发财无望,他们就溜之大吉。蒋的官员一见危险就望风而逃,当地人民对此只能感到高兴。共军在一次攻势中,绕到长春市南边,切断了这个城市的通往南面的铁路线。当时城内许多市民,并不因为同外界断绝了联系而感到惊慌,反而松了一口气。

  他们说:“呦,我们被围困了。倒也不错嘛。现在那帮国民党王八蛋就回不来了。”

  在满洲的所见所闻使我感到,要是有机会的话,当地人早就会把蒋介石的军队一下子赶出满洲。有三个现象可以清楚地说明他们的情绪。其一是,满洲人觉得日本人其实并不太坏,他们使人民生活有保障,工业正常生产,物价稳定,行政效率高。

  反对国民党情绪的第二个表现是,中国共产党越来越得人心。因为他们是共产党,他们不得不用自己的实际行动来消除俄国人给共产党留下的坏名声。蒋介石宣传他们是“匪”,也得靠他们的实际行动来消除这个恶名。他们在这方面所取得的成就实在令人吃惊。他们占领粮库后就实行开仓济贫,使穷人更加拥护他们。由于他们不没收工商业,城里的商人也就不那么担惊受怕了。他们对人和善,这也为他们赢得了人民的尊敬,如果不是拥护的话。在城市里进行巷战的时候,国民党军官总是不许老百姓离家外逃,致使许多平民丧失性命。然而共军占领一条街道的时候,却允许人民逃离战场,想上哪儿去都行,想跑到国民党那边也可以。这一条给满洲人留下极为深刻的印像。

  最后,蒋介石在东北丧失民心的另一证据是,“满洲人的满洲”运动重新兴起,支持这一运动的人要求满洲在中华民国范围内取得(像加拿大那样的)自治领地位。他们要求选举自己的官员,而不要由上面指派官员。他们说:“虽然我们祖先是从关内来的,但是我们不想让关内腐败的旧制度来重新压在我们头上。”这些人也并不想要共产党。
          All the nepotism, extortion and oppression practiced by Chiang's officials and army officers in the Northeast had endeared them to few Manchurians. The natives felt - and rightly, too - that Chiang's southerners had no desire to stay in Manchuria. In several minor Communist offensives, mayors had fled from their posts without orders. When officials cleared out of danger spots in such a precipitate hurry with their wives and mistresses and loaded with so many gold bars the Manchurians but drew the conclusion that the southerners were just in Manchuria to get rich and were leaving as soon as the chance of making money disappeared. The flight of Chiang's officials in time of danger, however, was not without comfort to the local people. When the Communists by-passed the city of Changchun in one of their offensives and cut the railway below the city, instead of being alarmed at being cut off from the outside world, many people breathed a sigh of relief.

  "Whew!" they said. "We're cut off. That's good. Now those Kuomintang turtle eggs can't come back."

  From all I saw in Manchuria I got the feeling that the people would have driven Chiang Kai-shek's forces from the country immediately if they had the chance. There were three symptoms that clearly showed their sentiments. One was the feeling that the Japanese were, after all, not so bad. They gave the people security, kept the industries going, kept prices down and operated the country on an efficient basis.

  The second symptom of anti-Nationalist feeling was the increasing popularity of the Chinese Communists. Because they were Communists, they had to live down the bad name left by the Russians and also the name of bandits given them by Chiang Kai-shek's propagandists. They did this to a startling degree. Distribution of captured food stores increased their popularity with the poor. Because there was no confiscation of business and commercial houses the fears of the town merchants had been somewhat allayed. Ordinary human sympathy also won them respect, if not popularity. In street fighting in the cities, the nationalist commander refused to allow civilians to leave their homes so that many noncombatants were killed. Whenever the Communists occupied a street, however, they allowed the people to escape the fighting and go wherever they pleased - to the Kuomintang side, if they liked. This action made a tremendous impression on the people of Manchuria.

  Finally, another proof of Chiang Kai-shek's failure in the Northeast was the revival of the Manchuria-for-the-Manchtiriafls movement. People who backed such a movement wanted a dominion status (like Canada) under the Chinese Republic. They wanted to elect their own officials and not have them appointed from above. "Our ancestors came from China," they said, "but we don't want the rotten traditional system of China put back on top of us." These men also did not want the Communists.

  蒋介石的军队和特务十分了解,满洲人的不满情绪在日益增长。他们害怕再发生一次台湾式起义。其实,根本就没存什么必要举行起义。凡是想反对政府的人,只要跑到农村去找共产党就可以出这口气。

  然而国民党政府却严防人民造反。他们不给人民饭吃,却给马戏看。尽是些挺阴森可怕的戏。

  在长春市天天都可以看到这样的戏。由于共产党不断袭击铁路线,该市同沈阳已经不通车了。我搭乘美国军用飞机,飞越共产党占领的农村,到了长春。这里曾经是满洲国的京城,是日本人专为溥仪皇帝修建起来的,市中心有一个很大的圆形广场,日本人在时叫作大同广场。俄国人进来把日本人赶走以后,在那里建立了一座纪念塔,塔顶上是一架飞机的模型,他们把这个地方叫作“乌托邦广场”。后来,中国人来了,又在那里悬挂起蒋介石的巨幅画像,还挂出两条沙文主义的标语:“国家至上!”“民族至上!”

  我到长春那阵子,这个广场有两个令人注目的地方。广场的一侧是一个旧货市场,在这里买卖从医院和工厂偷盗出来的货物,以及官员们从老百姓那里搜刮来的东西。广场另一侧是处决犯人的法场。

  我到长春的一个星期里,法场上每天处决一名犯人。处决犯人的消息都事先在报上公布。可是后来由于连日下雨,只好暂停处决犯人。也许是因为当局不愿意在无人观看的情况下杀人吧。

  就我所知,在我离开长春后,可能又继续在那里杀人了。被处决的都是些什么人呢?一位二十岁的姑娘,据说是共产党。一个十六岁的男孩子,据说是间谍。一位五十六岁的老妇人,罪名是散布谣言。有的时候被枪毙的人只是“匪”而已。

  行刑的情景颇有古罗马的遗风。犯人被五花大绑,背上插着牌子,上面写着他的罪状,叫他跪在囚车上,拉到广场上去。

  他从囚车上走下来的时候,人群发出了叹息声,纷纷向两边闪开,留出一条路来让他走过去。然后他跪在地上,长春城防军的一名士兵走到他身后,迅速举起手枪射击。人群里发出喃喃声。尸体朝前扑倒,人们就散了。

  在刑场的上方高高悬挂着蒋委员长的画像。画家把他画得咧着嘴,微笑着。
          The army and secret police were well aware of this growing feeling of discontent among the Manchurians. They were afraid of another Formosa revolt. Actually, there was no need for a revolt. All those who wanted to oppose the government could let off steam by running over to the Communists in the countryside.

  Nevertheless, the government was trying to squash the revolt before it happened. They did not give the people bread, but they did give them circuses. They were rather grim affairs.

  You could see them any day in the city of Changchun, then cut off from Mukden by Communist raids against the railway. I flew up there in an American Army plane, over the Communist-held countryside. In this former capital of Manchukuo, which the Japanese built for Emperor Henry Pu Yi, there was near the center of the city a great traffic circle which in Japanese times was known as Universal Harmony Circle. When the Russians came to drive the Japanese out, they erected a monument there, put a plane on top of it and called the place Utopia Circle. Later, the Chinese arrived, put up a large picture of Chiang Kai-shek and embossed it with two chauvinistic slogans: "Up with the country!" "Up with the race!"

  On my arrival, this circle was noteworthy for two features. On one side, there was a "flea" market where were sold the goods looted by the people from hospitals and factories and the materials requisitioned by officials from the people. On the other side of the circle, there was a public execution ground.

  During the week of my arrival, a "criminal" a day was killed in this circle. All the executions were announced ahead of tune in the papers. A rainy spell, however, brought the executions to a halt. Perhaps the authorities did not want to kill without an audience.

  As far as I know, the executions may still have gone on after I left. The victims? A twenty-year-old girl accused of Communism. A sixteen-year-old boy accused of spying. A fifty-six-year-old woman accused of spreading rumors. At other times, those to be done away with were just "bandits."

  There was a Roman air about it all. The victim's hands were tied behind him. A board inscribed with his crime was fitted against his back. Then he was made to kneel in a cart and drawn to the circle.

  As he stepped from the cart, the crowd sighed, and parted to let him through. Then he knelt on the ground, a soldier of the Changchun garrison stepped up close behind him, quickly raised a revolver and pulled the trigger. The crowd grunted. The body fell forward. The people went away.

  Far above the execution ground towered the picture of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. His lips, as the artist had painted them, were parted in a smile.
  我离开满洲的时候有这样一种感觉:如果蒋介石不把他的部队撤回关内,就难逃一场可怕的灾难。当时我就是这样写的,并且还列举了前面提到的许多事实。可是我发回去的稿子,在美国一个字也没有登出来。在这期间,美国主张进行干涉的人却继续宣传蒋介石在满洲的局面可以挽回。蒋之所以死守无法保住的阵地,这些人的支持可能就是原因之一。所以,那些想给他帮忙的人恰恰促成了他在军事上的自杀。蒋在满洲的败局明明是无法挽回的。魏德迈将军早就告诫他不要到那里去。从总的战略观点来看,蒋在满洲之所以失败,是因为他没有能抢占华北平原,把他的首都以及主要供应基地同东北联接起来。他的各条战线没有连成一片。他的处境很像当年盟军在诺曼底登陆时德将冯.伦斯泰德那样。这位德国将军要求撤出诺曼底,但希特勒拒不同意。蒋的将领们也想撤出满洲,美国顾问也叫他撤,魏德迈说拖下去是毫无希望的,但是蒋硬是不听。

  然而蒋介石在满洲的失败,远不只是一个战略失当问题,还有其更为深刻的根源。在中国革命的复杂进程中,他的军心日益涣散。他的士兵都是从南方农村抓丁运到关外去的,那些当兵的、甚至连当官的都感到他们是身处异乡,思想感情同当地人民格格不入。他们不会看不到身材高大的满洲人仇恨的眼神,像无数尖刀似的怒对他们。一种愤恨而又沮丧的情绪在士兵们的心里燃烧,随即他们又感到内疚。随着农村地区被共军逐步占领,蒋军士兵就像断了线的风筝一样失去了同其社会基础的联系。士兵们在心理上感到极度迷茫。他们越是远离乡土,就越变得像一只离开地面的气球,越升越高,直到它内部的压力使它爆破为止。蒋军从满洲一个个村庄撤走时,其内部压力也逐步增大,离爆炸点已经不远了。

  我坐火车从沈阳前往北平途中,看到了蒋军已经失去内在自信心的一个鲜明的写照。火车到达一个站时,一位中国骑兵部队的将官走进了我所在的车厢,在我对面坐下来。我对他点了点头,但没有显示我会说汉语。不多一会儿,又有一位步兵上校进来,同这个素不相识的将官聊了起来。两位军官先说了不少含蓄的话来试探对方对战争的看法。将官轻描谈写地说了句批评的话,上校就添油加醋地把话说得稍重一些,接着将官就发表了更加尖酸刻薄的评论。两人很快就同声指责作战的指挥无方来了。

  将军说:“我是骑兵指挥官,骑兵可以用来进行侦察、巡逻和冲锋,可是却让我去守卫铁路,我可怎么个守法呢?农民们跑来把铁轨扒走,我又有什么办法?我是东北人,难道要我向东北老乡开火?我请示上级,可是得不到指示。谁也不知道我们究竟该怎么打这个仗。我常纳闷我们现在干嘛要打仗。日本人占领我们的森林、河山整整十四年,可是我们现在却在这里自相残杀起来了。”

  上校点了点头。谈话停了片刻。火车到山海关了,这里是长城与海衔接的地方。上校往窗外看了看,然后回过头来说:“唉!我觉得八路军他们根本不需要夺取长春和沈阳,他们只要占领周围的农村,组织起民兵,然后南下到山海关这里,切断咱们的退路就行了。我不晓得上级如何着想。咱们应该离开这里,否则干脆别打了。”

  上校的语调十分沮丧.将军的模样也十分凄然,我不由得笑了起来。他们俩一齐看着我。将军问:“这么说,你懂中国话啰?”我点了点头。

  “没有办法啊,”他说,“真是没有办法啊。”
          I left Manchuria with the feeling that unless Chiang Kai-shek evacuated his troops back below the Great Wall, he would suffer a terrible catastrophe. I wrote so at the time, including many of the facts given above. Not a word of mine was published in America. In the meantime, the interventionists continued to promote the thesis that Chiang could be saved in Manchuria. The support of these men may have been a factor in making Chiang hold on to an untenable position. Thus, the very men who wanted to help him were instruments for effecting his military suicide. For Chiang's position in Manchuria was irretrievable. General Wedemeyer had advised him not to go there in the first place. From the standpoint of grand strategy, Chiang had failed in Manchuria because he had not been able to win the North China Plain and link up his capital and his main bases of supply with the Northeast. His fronts had no unity. His position was very similar to that of von Rundstedt's in Normandy. The German general wanted to get out, Hitler refused. Chiang's generals also wanted to get out; American advisers told him to get out; Wedemeyer said his position was hopeless. But Chiang refused to budge.

  The causes of Chiang's defeat in Manchuria, however, went far deeper than any strategy. The spirit of his army was disintegrating in the chemical processes of the Chinese Revolution. Torn from their villages in the south and exported beyond the Great Wall, the soldiers and even the officers felt they were in a foreign country, where their feelings and those of the native population were refracted through entirely different mediums. They could not help but notice the looks of hatred thrown at them like so many knives by the sturdy Manchurian people. A mood of angry frustration, followed by feelings of guilt, burned away at the soldiers' heart.

  As the Communists moved in on villages, Chiang's army was torn loose from its social moorings. Psychologically, the soldiers felt completely lost. The further the army got away from the good Chinese earth, the more did it become like a balloon which, rising from the ground, gets ever higher until its internal tensions cause it to burst. In drawing away from the villages, Chiang Kai-shek's Manchurian army was also building up internal tension, and its bursting point was not far off.

  A very striking picture of the loss of internal self-confidence in the army was furnished me on the train I traveled on from Mukden to Peiping. At a stop along the way, a Chinese cavalry general entered my compartment and seated himself opposite me. I nodded to him, but gave no indication I spoke Chinese. In a short while, an infantry colonel entered the compartment and engaged the general, who was unknown to him, in conversation. By many subtle remarks, the two officers began feeling out each other's sentiments toward the war. The general would make a slight criticism, the colonel would cap it with a stronger one, and the general would follow with a still more bitter comment. Soon both were denouncing the conduct of the war.

  "I am a cavalry commander," said the general. "You can use cavalry for reconnaissance, patrol or a charge, but I'm just guarding a railroad. But how can I guard it? The peasants come and take up the tracks. What can I do about that? I am a Northeasterner; shall I shoot my own Northeastern farmers? I ask for orders. But I don't get orders. Nobody has any idea how we should fight. I often wonder why we are fighting. Fourteen years, the Japanese occupied our woods and rivers and hills, and now here we are killing each other again."

  The colonel nodded. The conversation lapsed for a moment. We were drawing near to Shanhaikuan where the Great Wall comes down to meet the sea. The colonel looked out the window, then turned back. "You know," he said, "I don't think the 8th Route needs to take Changchun and Mukden. They'll just take the countryside all around, organize the militia, then they'll come down here by the Great Wall and cut us all off. I don't know what the higher authorities are thinking of. We ought to get out of here or stop fighting."

  The colonel sounded so lugubrious and the general looked so sad that I could not help but burst into laughter. They both looked at me. "You understand Chinese then?" said the general. I nodded.

  "There's no way," he said. "No way. Useless."

  这位将军确实说得对,没有办法。在满洲土地上的蒋军士兵不想再打下去了。他们开始同满洲人民来往,接着又同八路军来往。这就使蒋介石死守满洲的梦想破灭,他对关外领土的控制渐渐削弱,最后终于完全崩溃了。

  与此同时,在关内,在遥远的南方,在离苏联边境很远的地方,中国的独裁者受到了来自另一方面的威胁。中国人民揭竿而起,反对这个统治他们二十二年之久的暴君了。
          Indeed this general was right. There was no way. The soldiers of Chiang Kai-shek on Manchurian soil did not wish any longer to fight. They began to fraternize with the Manchurian people and then with the 8th Route Army. It was this fraternization that broke up Chiang Kai-shek's vain hopes to hold on to Manchuria. Slowly his hold on the territory beyond the Great Wall weakened and crumbled away.

  In the meantime, inside the Great Wall far to the south and also far from the borders of the Soviet Union, China's dictator was threatened from still another direction. The Chinese people were in almost open revolt against the despot who had ruled them for twenty-two years.
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

发表于 2011-12-7 10:33 | 显示全部楼层
中国福建 发表于 2011-12-6 12:06
美国是台湾的主子这个毋庸置疑,说俄罗斯是中国的主子,这个太扯淡了吧,从60年代末中苏交恶后,就形同陌 ...

从这个帖子能看得出来.
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

发表于 2011-12-7 10:36 | 显示全部楼层
tok 发表于 2011-12-6 16:00
楼主的言语好像是个网络间谍一样专门分析每个人的政治派别? 此文楼主帽子扣的太大了~

  我等屁民上个网 ...

你去查那些人的ID,然后网络上搜他们的其他发言,就知道要殖民300年,要瓜分中国7,8块的也是这些人.
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

发表于 2011-12-7 10:50 | 显示全部楼层
:(:(:(:(:(:(
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

 楼主| 发表于 2011-12-8 09:43 | 显示全部楼层
楼上是蓝当!
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

 楼主| 发表于 2011-12-9 14:00 | 显示全部楼层
:@:@!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

发表于 2011-12-12 16:35 | 显示全部楼层
俄国占领我们的国土这是事实。为什么就不能反俄国?
难道反俄就是自由派???
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

 楼主| 发表于 2011-12-13 12:16 | 显示全部楼层
楼上是真傻还是装啊?
现在想灭中的是俄国吗?美有野心一统全球,最想灭中的是美国。他就是强秦!
而你蓝当却想让齐楚内斗,是想帮美灭中俄吗?:@
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

发表于 2011-12-13 12:22 | 显示全部楼层
远交近攻。
回复 支持 反对

使用道具 举报

发表回复

您需要登录后才可以回帖 登录 | 注册会员

本版积分规则

快速回复 返回顶部 返回列表