【路透社 111025】中国希望台湾加深中华文化认同感

yusuf1124

【原文标题】Looming China fosters Taiwan identity in independence heartland

【中文标题】中国望台独据点高雄加深认同感

【登载媒体】路透社

【来源地址】http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/10/25/us-taiwan-identity-idUSTRE79O0QO20111025

【译  者】 yusuf1124

【翻译方式】 人工

【声  明】欢迎转载，请务必注明译者和出处 bbs.m4.cn。多谢参与！

Looming China fosters Taiwan identity in independence heartland

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【译文】

路透社--当被问到感觉自己是台湾人还是中国人时，蔡琴生（音译）语带激愤，做出了北京最为担忧的回答--台湾人。

蔡用浓重的普通话口音说道：“我当然是纯粹的台湾人。我不是中国人。台湾不是中国的一个省份。台湾本身就是一个国家。”

作为民进党的狂热支持者，蔡还说道：“在台湾，我们有民主和人权。而中国大陆有什么东西呢？”民进党有望在明年一月十四号举行的总统大选把“亲中”的国民党拉下马。

位于台湾南部的温暖宜人的港口城市，高雄，向来是支持独立的民进党据点。居住在此的一位商人说道：“也许来到高雄的中国游客能够从我们中学到点东西，回去后应用它。”

尽管自国民党同共产党内战战败后于1949逃亡到台湾以来，海峡两岸就行单独统治。中国声称台湾是自己的一部分，不得已的情况下将采取武力统一台湾。

民主取代了几十年来的独裁统治和压迫。这从台湾民主选票的顺利转型中产生一丝自豪感，同时也产生了同大陆日益增长的距离和生疏感。

很多台湾人以恐惧或者紧张的态度看待中国。在中国，政治自由的呼吁并没用摇动执政党共产党的地位。

自由的台湾媒体以批判的态度报导岛上的政治，这对僵硬的国家控制的中国媒体来说是不可想象的。中国异见人士和大陆发生的动乱绝不会通过中国的审查制度。

这项公开的辩论使得台湾更加不情愿在政治上被中国吸附过去。同时也加深了人们普遍的感觉：台湾同大陆有着很大区别，应该珍惜并保护这一点。

高雄，身为有着台湾文化认同的主要地带之一，有着强烈的这种情感。1979年，人权活动家在高雄举行了里程碑式的集会，这直接引发了台湾最终的民主转变。

反对派总统候选人蔡英文的支持者，萧创（音）在高雄的一条时髦购物街说道：“我们可以接受同中国对话。但这必须以和平，国与国之间为基础。”

当提到现任总统马英九时，他又说道：“马英九很糟糕。他试图把台湾出卖给中国。”马英九自2008年上任以来同中国签订了一系列里程碑式的经济协议，这引发了双边的指责。

中国最近已经发出暗示，如果民进党对北京不采取更加积极的政策，那些协议可能处于危险。

民进党开始采取相对温和的线路，不在公开支持独立。陈水扁因公开支持独立而在2000-2008当人总统，这引发了中国方面的憎恨。

但是在高雄一些民进党支持者似乎并没得到这一信息，或者至少他们不愿软化态度。

一位出租车司机，陈文玲（音）说道：“我将把选票投给民进党。因为它们将会让台湾独立。台湾本地居民应将选票投给民进党。这是我们的责任。”

现状更倾向于独立

不过，很多台湾人称他们宁愿以中华民国的身份，维持事实独立的现状。而非正式宣布独立，因为这将受到中国攻击的威胁。

即使很多台湾人的祖先来自台湾对面，享有相同方言的福建省，他们很少愿意同海峡对岸的家族亲属相聚。

甚至在国民党支持者中，很少有人愿意接受，除文化历史之外，他们是中国人这一事实。

曾尝试废止台湾自身文化认同的国民党，现在也已开始以台湾人的身份描绘自己，以期赢得投票。

尽管对大陆表现的很友好，马英九拒绝同北京进行任何政治对话，或者承诺对台湾的未来做出决定。

马英九成功的把自己和台湾紧密联系起来。他学习台湾的主要方言--闽南语，尽管自己并非出生于台湾（这一点曾引发一些人的怀疑），他把自己描述为“新台湾人”。

马英九支持者保持低调姿态

在高雄，马英九支持者保持低调姿态。

其中的一个另外就是杨玉梅（音），她经营了一家销售装饰有中华民国国旗的服装店。有时民进党支持者在她店外踢国旗，但这并没有抑制她的热情。

她如此热衷于国民党，她甚至把前总统蒋经国带领群众高喊”中华民国万岁”设置成了手机铃声。后者在80年代促进了台湾的民主转变。

然而，她对同大陆保持更紧密这一点表现得不太热情。

杨说：“最好是保持现状。我们不想同大陆发生战争。”

她补充道：“我是居住于台湾的中华民国国民。我们可以想说什么就说什么，想做什么就做什么，而不需要害怕有人在监视。这一点至关重要。”

中国曾期望通过更紧密的经济联系和由马英九签署的一系列贸易协定，台湾将开始对北京有好感。

尽管台湾航空公司，酒店和主要企业受益匪浅，很多普通百姓称他们很少感受到有什么影响。

媒体开始欣然接受有关大陆游客吵闹，插队，表现糟糕的新闻。这点在支持独立的台湾南部地区尤其突出。

高雄夜市的一位厨师，黄晓延（音）抱怨道：“我从未因他们来这儿而受益。大陆游客只买水果和小饰品。他们不在这儿吃东西。我一点都不喜欢他们。”

经济冲击

由于中国大量的人口和低制造成本，原本高度工业化的高雄市的很多工厂和公司都倒闭了。

从高雄市井然有序的新地铁网络，也可以看出带来的影响。在地铁上，即使在高峰期也很容易找到座位。很多本应该是上班族早已跑到中国去工作。

一位名叫徐兰迪（音）的酒吧店主抱怨道：“高雄这些年来商业都不太好。很多人都跑到中国区了。”

他朋友兼同事陈大声道：“我们在这附近看到唯一一位中国男性游客，他问我们是否有女人。你懂的。”

当谈论到中国，很多台湾人最关注的是他们希望能够决定自己未来的权利。、

高雄的一位艺术馆馆长Jemmy Chu说道：“你不够选择你的亲戚，但是你能够选择是否花时间同他们在一起。”Chu负责监督以自中国末代皇帝下台到新中国成立以来100年为主题的展览会。

他补充道：“也许将来的某一天，中国也会有民主革命。”

“如今，中国就像一个坏祖母。但是你又不想同她有任何联系。这一点可以改变。人们抱怨大陆，但是台湾人善忘。我们曾经同大陆完全一样，但是我们能够做出改变。”

评论：

1.同样值得注意的是，19世纪末至1945年间，台湾被日本占领并统治着。这一时期同样界定了台湾认同和文化，进一步从大陆分离出去。人们不应该忘记这一点。直到今天，1949才来到这的国民党被很多台湾人，尤其是台湾南部，认为是新来者。以上仅是个人观点。

2.也许你还没听说过上周的新闻。在一个中国原则和国家统一纲领为前提，马英九相同大陆签订一项和平协议。而且，国民党章明确规定党有义务去实现统一这个目标。最后，你第一段对台湾人诋毁性的描述是怎么回事？你是不是想加深人们对民进党的老套形象吗？未受教育，粗俗，不文明，吃槟榔的家伙？您失败了。

（PS. 此文由lilyma提供，中文标题由球球提供）

(Reuters) - Tsai Chin-sheng's voice rises with emotion when asked whether he feels Taiwanese or Chinese. Then he utters the response that Beijing fears most.

"Of course I'm pure Taiwanese. I'm not Chinese. We are not a province of China. We are our own country," Tsai said in thickly accented Mandarin through teeth stained red from chewing betel nut, a popular stimulant.

"We have democracy and human rights here. What the hell does China have to offer?" added Tsai, an enthusiastic supporter of Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which hopes to unseat the China-friendly Nationalists in presidential elections on January 14.

"Maybe the Chinese tourists who come here now can learn a thing or two from us and apply it when they go home," said the businessman, a resident of southern Taiwan's balmy port city of Kaohsiung, a DPP stronghold and pro-independence hotbed.

China claims Taiwan as its own, to be taken back by force if necessary, though the two have been ruled separately since defeated Nationalist forces fled to the island in 1949 at the end of a civil war with the Communists.

Decades of dictatorship and repression followed by a gusty uptaking of democracy have engendered not only pride at Taiwan's generally smooth transition to rule by the ballot box, but also a growing feeling of distance and difference from China.

Many Taiwanese look with nervousness, if not fear, at China, where the ruling Communist Party remains unmoved by calls for political liberalization.

Taiwan's free-wheeling press covers the island's politics in a critical way unthinkable for China's stodgy state-controlled media, and giving ink to Chinese dissidents and unrest in the mainland that would never make it past Beijing's censors.

This open debate helps reinforce the deep unwillingness in Taiwan to be absorbed politically by China, and the popular feeling that the island is very different from the mainland and this is something to be cherished and protected.

The sentiment is felt particularly keenly in Kaohsiung, one of the main heartlands of Taiwanese cultural identity and where, in 1979, rights activists held a landmark rally which helped spark Taiwan's eventual democratic transition.

"We can talk to China but it must be on the basis of equality, as nation-to-nation," said Hsiao Chuang, a supporter of opposition presidential candidate Tsai Ing-wen, out pressing the flesh on a trendy Kaohsiung shopping street.

"Ma Ying-jeou stinks. He wants to sell us out to China," he added, referring to the current president, who signed a series of landmark economic deals with China after taking office in 2008, sparking a rapprochement between the two sides.

China has recently hinted those deals could be at risk if the DPP does not adopt a more positive policy toward Beijing.

The party has sought a more moderate line. It no longer openly backs independence which earned Chen Shui-bian, president from 2000 to 2008, such enmity from China.

But some DPP supporters in Kaohsiung don't seem to have got that message, or at least don't believe the softer stance.

"I will vote for them because they will make us independent," said taxi driver Chen Wen-ling. "Native Taiwanese have to vote for the DPP. It is our duty."

STATUS QUO PREFERRED TO INDEPENDENCE

Most Taiwanese, though, say they would rather maintain the status quo of de facto independence as the "Republic of China" than declare formal independence and risk a Chinese attack.

But they show little enthusiasm to join up with their ethnic kin across the narrow Taiwan Strait, even if ancestrally many can trace their origins to the province of Fujian, which faces Taiwan and shares the same main dialect.

Even among Nationalist Party supporters, there is little willingness to accept that they are Chinese, apart from culturally or historically.

The Nationalists, who once tried suppressing Taiwan's own cultural identity, are also now trying to portray themselves as Taiwanese, hoping to win the voters' hearts.

Though friendly to China, Ma has resisted any efforts at opening political dialogue with Beijing or committing himself to making a decision on Taiwan's future status.

He has been successful at identifying himself with Taiwan, learning to speak the island's predominant Hokkien dialect and portraying himself as a "new Taiwanese," despite not being born on the island, a source of suspicion for some.

MA SUPPORTERS KEEP LOW PROFILE

In Kaohsiung though, most Ma supporters keep a low profile.

One exception is Yang Yu-mei, who runs a shop selling clothing decorated with Republic of China flags and displaying several pictures of her meeting Ma. Brushes with DPP supporters, whom she says sometimes kick the flags outside her store, have not dampened her ardor.

She is so keen on the Nationalists that her mobile phone ringtone is former president Chiang Ching-kuo, who fostered Taiwan's transition to democracy in the 1980s, leading a crowd shouting "Long Live the Republic of China!"

Still, even she is lukewarm on getting any closer to China.

"The current status quo is best. We don't want war with China," said Yang.

"I am a citizen of the Republic of China who lives on Taiwan," she added. "We can say and do what we want here without the fear of anyone looking over our shoulder, and that is very important."

China has hoped that with closer economic links, and with the series of trade agreements signed by Ma, the island will start to feel more positive about Beijing.

While Taiwan's airlines, hotels and major corporations have certainly benefited, many ordinary people say they have felt little impact.

The media has lapped up stories of mainland tourists being too noisy, jumping queues and generally behaving badly. It's something that plays well in the pro-independence south.

"I've seen no benefit from them being here," complained Huang Hsiao-yan, a cook at one of Kaohsiung's heaving night markets. "The mainland tourists buy only fruit or trinkets. They don't eat here. I don't like them at all."

ECONOMIC IMPACT

The once heavily industrialized Kaohsiung has lost many of its companies and factories to China, drawn away by a massive population and low manufacturing costs.

The effect can be seen on the city's sleek new subway network, where it is easy to find a seat even at rush hour. Many would-be commuters have long since decamped to China to work.

"Business has not been good in Kaohsiung for many years now. Everyone has gone to China," complained bar owner Landy Hsu.

"The only Chinese tourists we see around here are men asking us if we have any women, if you know what I mean," piped up her friend and colleague Melody Chin.

When it comes to China, the crucial aspect for many in Taiwan is they want the right to decide their own future.

"You can't choose your relatives, but you can choose whether to spend time with them," said Kaohsiung gallery

curator Jemmy Chu, overseeing an exhibition on 100 years since the fall of China's last emperor and establishment of the Republic of China.

One day, perhaps, China could have a democratic revolution too, he added.

"At the moment China is like a bad grandmother who you would not want to have anything to do with. That could change. People complain about China but the Taiwanese have short memories. We were once exactly like them and we were able to change."

Comments：

1.But it is also important to remember that before 1949, between the late 1800′s and 1945, Taiwan was occupied and “ruled” by Japan. One should not forget this period as also defining the Taiwanese identity and culture, and further adding to a sense of separation from China. The Nationalists (KMT) who arrived in 1949 are still to this day regarded as newcomers by a lot of the Taiwanese population, particularly in the south. My opinion only!

2.Perhaps you hadn’t heard the news last week about Ma wanting to sign a peace agreement with China under the auspices of the One China Principle and following the Guidelines for National Unification (GNU)? Furthermore, the KMT party charter still stipulates that the party is obliged to work toward unification. Finally, what’s with the denigrating portrayal of Taiwanese in your opening paragraph? Are you trying to reinforce ethnic stereotypes of DPP supporters as uneducated, uncouth and uncivilised beetle nut chewers? FAIL.