解放朝鲜全攻略
推翻平壤政府的时间到了，现在教你如何做个自由战士
作者 / ADRIAN HONG 来自 / 《外交政策》（Foreign Policy） 译者 / 宋恩杰 王博闻 唐正（参差计划编辑）
金正日死后，朝中社首次称其27岁的儿子金正恩为「伟大的继承人」。其实这一举措已经酝酿了三年，金正日2008年曾患中风，那是他第一次意识到将继位大事提上议事日程的重要性。
随着金正日逝世，朝鲜民主主义人民共和国进入了关键时期，比以往任何时候都要特殊和不堪一击。拥有强大国家机器的朝鲜密切了关注近几十年来发生的革命，每次都从别的独裁者身上总结教训以免重蹈覆辙。即使像尼科莱•西奥塞古，萨达姆•侯赛因，穆阿迈尔•卡扎菲，霍斯尼•穆巴拉克这样的独裁者经历了大起大落之后，金家王朝依然屹立不倒，并且日渐强大。如果不是自信满满认为自己已经准备好了迎接任何动荡，朝鲜绝对不会公布金正恩的死讯。在阿拉伯之春抗议浪潮席卷全球之际，朝鲜通过报道宣称，为防万一，已经在平壤提前部署了坦克、路障和军队。
资深朝鲜观察家早已习惯了朝鲜不按套路出牌的本性。极有可能发生的情况是，朝鲜会发动一场咄咄逼人的挑衅，吸引国际社会的注意力。接着会表达和谈的意愿，不管是双边的还是多边的，试图换取取消制裁、人道主义援助、燃料或其他资源等好处。然后又会协商拆除或者移除导致冲突的关键因素——可能是导弹、核设施、或者其他——并且宣称已经照做，直到数月后又发起另外一场挑衅。循环往复，无始无终。在朝鲜对外宣布金正日死讯的当天早晨试射短程导弹就属此类。
但是现在有了一个推翻朝鲜独裁的绝佳机会。近年来，朝鲜以前向世界展示的完美形象开始一点点剥落。当经济学家证明朝鲜有足够的食物和资源养活全国人民时，90年代中期的饥荒导致逾百万朝鲜人挨饿至死。拙劣的货币改革、粮食歉收，加之国际援助的匮乏，使朝鲜民众对政府的不满不断加深。当韩国政府改换门庭，选择头脑不太冷静的李明博担任总统时，2009年4月，朝鲜试射一枚导弹；2009年5月，进行地下核试验；2010年3月，击沉韩国军舰；2010年11月，炮击韩国岛屿并且主动曝光浓缩铀项目。这些挑衅导致了强势的美国、欧洲和联合国对关键人物和海外账户的制裁。大量的制裁和国际上的压力给朝鲜政权增加了前所未有的压力。
但是当世界目光都聚焦在美国经济衰退、欧洲主权债务危机和阿拉伯世界的觉醒时，大部分显著的进步都被遗弃了。
在过去的几年中，朝鲜一直在为2012做打算。政权宣称艰难困苦的朝鲜人民会在2012年迎来「繁荣的一年」——2012是朝鲜的开国元勋金日成（金正恩的祖父）百年诞辰。为此，朝鲜已经开始储备粮食和资源，并且向亲密的盟友，也就是中国，请求重大支持和帮助。
所以，金正恩很可能会巩固政权并且将资源赠予民众，同时宣称他的领导会给朝鲜带来新的繁荣。在下一个关键时期，朝鲜不太可能向国际社会发起新的挑衅，因为金正恩很清楚在朝韩刚结束会谈后，韩国不太可能接受第三次挑衅，尤其是在李明博在位期间。然而，平壤政府只是对六方会谈虚与委蛇，以赢得时间巩固金正恩的个人权力。在朝鲜顺利完成整个权力交接过程之前，朝鲜肯定会在挑衅——调节——谈判之间来回摇摆。
但这不仅仅是个地缘政治游戏，朝鲜在国际政治上的地位已经超越了「恶心」所能代表的含义，它是世界上侵害人权最广泛最严重国家的范例。在自由世界被奉为神圣权利的言论自由、宗教自由、结社自由、活动自由、政见自由等，都不存在于38线以北。25万被认为是不忠于金氏政权和国家的人都被送到一个严密的集中营体系当中。公开执行死刑是为了震慑持不同政见者和被认为是「品行不端」的人，成千上万的逃亡中俄两国的脱北者一旦被抓或遣返都会面临残酷的虐待。
大体上来说，朝鲜的人权记录是最糟糕的光荣榜样了——该国存在大量无法判罚的统治阶层，几千名朝鲜高层领导的奢华生活是建立在对2400万同胞们奴役的基础之上的。朝鲜暴政范围之广，对人权的践踏及暴行另每个人吃惊不已。
国际社会认为金正日的死亡是一个难得的机会。从现在开始到明年，朝鲜可能会经历一系列的谨小慎微的微调——金正恩会利用父亲的威望显示国内的实力，以巩固和完善自己在国内的领导权力。这是金正日留给他最好的礼物——也许金正日会对国际社会放出一些显示改革的友好暗示，就像卡扎菲做的那样。
这次国际社会可不会在被愚弄了。此前，金正恩一再提及自己会坚持自己父亲的「道路」；朝鲜人民对那些突尼斯、埃及、利比亚和叙利亚的一些革命传闻既无所知；他们一代又一代的把自己置于金式王朝的保证之下；国际社会必须迅速、快速的解决朝鲜的问题。
国际社会协调一致的努力能够让朝鲜迎来自由，消弱金氏政权的影响，引导其邻国利益温和的着陆，帮助朝鲜人民真正的掌握自己的命运和国家。
如果卡扎菲对班加西的进攻，叙利亚总统巴沙尔阿萨德被人民所唾弃是由于长期国际社会的制裁，外交孤立、以及国际社会的谴责；为什么我们不对朝鲜采取相同或是更为严厉的措施呢？国际社会协调一致的制裁政策：特别是针对奢侈品、科技、核武器扩散以及那些能够导致政权领导层的财政危机同时又不会威胁朝鲜金融的稳定的关键性离岸银行账户。这种方式有两种至关重要的因素：首先，发现并冻结金家政权经营几十年的离岸银行账户（据报道：金氏政权在卢森堡就有大约40亿美元的账户）。第二，敦促中国和俄罗斯两国完全遵循国际社会的协议和制裁标准，以确保朝鲜在国际社会努力的情况下这两个国家对它留有余地。
美国、欧盟、高丽棒子以及小日本应该领导一场国际外交攻势以期隔绝国际社会和平壤的联系——这一切应以杜绝那些期望双边关系会有突破性进展的幻想为开始。美国应该停止继续寻求重启六方会谈的的做法——这是一种无力的会谈对朝鲜时局毫无改变。很明显的是，朝鲜永远也不会放弃自己拥有的核武器能力——他的领导人已经看到了卡扎菲之流的下场了，绝不会犯同样的错误。
也就是说，压力仍然是关键。西方国家要联合中国和俄罗斯一起公开声明不会庇护那些受到国际法庭追查的严重践踏人权的朝鲜高层领导人。不过尽管令人反感，同时我们也应做出如果这些领导者做出相关的承诺则免于起诉的声明。
这一系列努力措施无不闪耀着国际社会各国对朝鲜暴行令人发指的记录。每个枕骨都应该利用国际商用卫星网路报道朝鲜密集的死亡集中营网络，或者采取类似的措施支持相似的活动。想要揭示潜在的证据还有很长的道路要走，这些强有力的证据能够帮助公众了解在朝鲜发生的情况，帮助哪些叛逃者更勇敢的说出那些数以万计的亲眼明证或是个人的亲身经历，这些人中甚至也会包括一些前朝鲜的警察成员。
就像拼图游戏一样，任何关于朝鲜的未来的命运决定权都在中国。中国是朝鲜这个孤独国家的宗主国。尽管没有实施上的联姻，中国是事实上对朝鲜的整体和领导体系起着决定性的作用。显而易见，这关系到中国方面的利益以及中国长期以来都把朝鲜不当的行为当作自己谈判的政治筹码。当然我们的解决方案也很直接：拒绝与中国打交道。北京政权是古老与现代冲突的矛盾体，就像此前那个古老帝国一样。当中国古代入侵相邻的王国之时，他们简单的要求邻国的忠诚和进贡体制。并扶职一位当地的权贵独自领导自己的内部事物——当然他们必须在中国做一段时间的人质或是通婚才能回国继承王位，以便把自己的国家置于中国的保护和控制之下。
今天的中国在朝鲜和西藏采取了相同的方式，对班禅喇嘛采取的手法和给金正日年长的儿子金正男在澳门提供庇护的手法如出一辙。这些行为是种隐晦的威胁——世界太乱了，我们不得不安插一位自己的木偶。
然而中国似乎更可以合理的利用这种政治优势，一个拜托金家政权奴役的自由政权对于东北亚的政治稳定更为有利，这会为经济发展、投资贸易环境的改善创造条件。联合国发展研究属报告显示：朝鲜整个地区都十分利于修建港口、石油管道以及铁路。确保中国在该地区的的投资和房地产行业是至关重要的。
此外，美国保证撤出朝鲜半岛——或者至少保证美军不会越过三八线也是有所帮助的。不过公开的美国政府报告怀疑中国会接受一个只要不触犯北京利益的美韩之间的两性联盟。
大规模的叛逃活动总是预示着革命和政权垮台的先兆。这有利于这个国家的改变以及政权体系的崩溃。对朝鲜的广播电台和其他联系方式的资助现状必须得到改善。加大支持那些与朝鲜有所联系的公民组织有助于朝鲜人民拜托自己政府的强权统治。
此外，有成千上万的朝鲜人客居国外，他们中的大多数已经具备了相当强的领导能力和领导实践。他们中的很多人已经参与到了反对金家政权的革命活动中了，包括筹建播发反对现政权新闻的电台，印刷反抗传单以及帮助更多的人逃离朝鲜和对关键人物的争取工作。还有一些人能够从内部带出一部分的资料，或者贿赂看守人员以赢得释放家庭成员的回报。
邻国也可以采取提供安全庇护以及承诺不会遣返朝鲜难民等政策帮助朝鲜人民——比如蒙古国就表示打算建立一座半永久性的朝鲜籍难民营以庇护来自朝鲜的难民。在流亡期间，朝鲜就可以建立自己的组织和民主体系，支持那些持不同政见的人群以期改变目前的情况。他们需要得到训练、庇护以及必要的保护。
值得我们庆幸的是，就在朝鲜南部就有一个世界第十大经济体，民主社会良好运行的民主国家——南韩。韩国维持了世界上一支庞大的军队以便平衡朝鲜金家政权的威胁。目前，韩国也在尽力研究如果南北统一的话需要花费多少成本，以及吸收朝鲜变为如美韩这样的民主国家的成本。当然，我们不应该夸大朝鲜的南部好邻居的作用——南韩的经济总量大于朝鲜，人口是韩国的两倍。在国际社会的支持下，韩国可以把朝鲜变成一个民主国家，并保证不会对中国和俄罗斯造成威胁。通过韩国我们也可以及时的把食品、安全以及医药送到那些难民的手中。这个过程是极其艰难的。但是，如果没有韩国的领导的话，这件事也是不可能实现的。
然而现实的一个重要问题是：朝鲜内部有没有可能发生革命？答案是显而易见的，尽管国内缺乏市民社会组织，上个世纪80年代，包括清津，咸兴，茂山，和新义州在内的地区，已经爆发过大规模的武装冲突。1987年，朝鲜在Onson地区的12号集中营爆发了大规模的囚犯起义——大约5000名囚犯在那次起义中被军队屠杀。从那个时候起，平壤几乎每隔一年都会经历一次不同程度上的起义或者示威活动。2005年，世界杯预选赛朝鲜对伊朗的比赛在平壤上演，超过50000人开始了暴动，他们朝警察和士兵扔石头或者拳脚相加。由于自己球队的失利，朝鲜球迷与当局政府对峙了超过两个小时以上，有国际媒体捕捉到了在体育赛事期间当时发生的情况。 最近一次，2009年12月一场灾难性的改革导致了成千上万人的个人财产毁于一旦，这引发了大规模的暴动——这种行为也许公开表达了公众对那个隐藏在国家内部的腐败王朝的蔑视。令人吃惊的是，政府做出了让步，并公开表达了会处理（也许是批评）那些违法乱纪的政府官员的想法。 这在明显不过了：朝鲜将会倒台。这只是时间和方式的问题。但最好的方式是如何协调、控制着陆的方式、以及选择什么时候着陆。而不是等待朝鲜在未来某个可能的情况开始崩溃。一个统一的、自由的韩国将对世界产生强有力的推动，成为世界经济潜在的经济引擎。
但是，如果我们错过这个把平壤带入国际社会的技术将会犯下严重的错误。朝鲜的暴政并不仅仅局限在自己的边界之上。包括国家资助的恐怖活动、绑架或者暗杀外国政府官员和人权人士；朝鲜政府还对包括埃及、伊朗、利比亚、缅甸、苏丹、叙利亚和也门这些不友好国家出售武器、导弹、违禁技术以及核材料；此外，包括大规模伪造美元，政府支持的保险欺诈，并向世界各地出售朝鲜难民。
朝鲜并不是一个现代民族国家，它的存在对于人民的福祉和人权没有任何意义——它的存在只会有利于金家政权——对于这样一个黑社会性质的政府——我们必须采取最坚决的措施。
如果我们还存有那些继续让朝鲜存在的可笑想法的话，那么人类文明的进步基本上就会化为乌有。朝鲜只是一个充满了争夺土地和财宝的军阀混战的失败国家。这种暴行并不源自于派系斗争、聚众暴力犯罪。它完全是另一个层面的——一种建立在传播剥削人民并维持后继者继续压迫人民仅仅满足少数人私欲的基础上的完整的、惊人的体系。
这是国际社会必须予以干预的最高的道德准则，我们必须尽力做我们一切所能做到的——
现在是时候了！
Kim's 27-year-old son, Kim Jong Un, was declared the "great successor" by state media, in a choreographed and rehearsed move three years in the making, since the elder Kim's 2008 stroke first raised the need for a proper succession plan. With the elder Kim's death, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea enters a critical phase, with a unique, once-in-a-generation vulnerability. With a formidable state apparatus, North Korea has watched the revolutions of the past few decades closely, each time learning from the weaknesses of other dictatorships and avoiding their mistakes. Corrupt leaders like Nicolai Ceausescu, Saddam Hussein, Muammar al-Qaddafi, Hosni Mubarak, and others rose and fell while the Kim dynasty seemed to only grow stronger. North Korea would not have announced the death of Kim Jong Il publicly had they not been supremely self-confident that they were prepared for any resulting instability. Amidst the spread of the Arab Spring, North Korea reportedly moved tanks, barricades, and military units to pre-positioned locations in Pyongyang, just in case. Veteran North Korea watchers have resigned themselves to the cyclical, predictable nature of North Korea's allegedly unpredictable behavior. Here's what will likely happen: The regime will launch an aggressive provocation of some sort, calling attention to itself. Then it will express a willingness to engage, whether bilaterally or multilaterally, in exchange for sweeteners, usually in the form of released sanctions, humanitarian aid, fuel, or other resources. The regime will negotiate dismantling or removal of whatever the key problem was -- missiles, nuclear facilities, etc -- and claim to have done so, before revealing months later yet another provocation. It goes on and on. The short-range missiles test on the morning North Korea announced the death of Kim Jong-Il fit this pattern well. But there is a critical opportunity here. In recent years, cracks have begun to show in North Korea's previously flawless presentation. A famine in the mid-1990s took the lives of over one million North Koreans, while economists proved the nation had enough food and resources to provide for its own people. Botched currency reform efforts and poor harvests coupled with international aid shortages led to increasing dissatisfaction among the masses. As South Korea's government switched parties to a less appeasement-minded President Lee Myung Bak, North Korea launched a missile test (April 2009), an underground nuclear test (May 2009), sunk a South Korean warship (March 2010), and shelled a South Korean island and debuted a secret, previously unknown uranium enrichment facility (Nov. 2010). The resulting slew of sanctions and international pressure raised a level of unprecedented pressure on the regime, including aggressive American, European, and U.N. sanctions on key figures and off-shore accounts. But most of this key progress has been abandoned as the world's attention focused on the U.S. recession, the Euro debt crisis, and the Arab Awakening. For the past few years, North Korea has been making big plans for 2012. The regime claims that the suffering and hardship of the North Korean people will be rewarded with a "year of prosperity" in 2012 -- the 100th anniversary of birthday of the founder of North Korea, Kim Il Sung (Jong Un's grandfather). Accordingly, North Korea began hoarding food and resources, and asking close allies, namely China, to help provide significant aid and assistance for the occasion. It is thus likely that Jong Un will consolidate power and begin gifting these resources to the people, claiming that his leadership brought newfound prosperity. North Korea will not likely launch international provocations in the next critical phase -- Jong Un knows very well that South Korea is not likely to take a third provocation in just over a year sitting down, particularly with Lee in office. Pyongyang thus will embark on false attempts at engagement and dialogue, while taking bought time to consolidate Jong Un's rule, before entering again in North Korea's tried-and-true cycle of provocation, conciliation, and provocation again. But this is not merely some geopolitical game; North Korea is more than a nuisance in international policy. It is home to some of the most widespread human rights violations in the world today. Nearly every freedom enshrined in the free world -- speech, religion, assembly, movement, dissent, and more -- does not exist north of the 38th parallel. Those perceived as disloyal are sent to a network of concentration camps claiming more than a quarter million prisoners. Public executions serve as a chilling effect for dissent and misbehavior, and tens of thousands of North Koreans fleeing to China and Russia face torture if captured and repatriated. Simply put, North Korea represents the very worst of humanity -- a nation ruled with impunity, where several thousand key leaders live at the great expense of 24 million or so others. It represents atrocities and human suffering on a staggering scale. The international community is thus presented with a rare opportunity. The next year, beginning now, is likely to bring a carefully coordinated show -- a show of paternal generosity and domestic strength, while Kim Jong Un showers his people with gifts and begins to consolidate more completely his authority -- and perhaps a show of friendliness and hints at reform internationally, à la Saif al-Islam Qaddafi. The international community cannot be fooled again. Before Jong Un is able to solidify his rule; before the people of North Korea lose the glimmer of hope sparked by rumors of revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Syria; before they resign themselves to another generation of yet another Kim enslaving them; the world must act quickly, deliberately, together. A coordinated effort can open North Korea, weaken the regime, and lead it to a soft landing that benefits all of its regional neighbors, while helping the North Korean people to rise up and take ownership of their nation. If Qaddafi's assault on Benghazi and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's attack on his own people precipitated international sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and condemnation, why should North Korea not receive the same or more many times over? A collaborative slate of full sanctions, particularly targeting luxury goods, technology, weapons proliferation, offshore bank accounts, and key regime figureheads would cause critical damage to North Korea at the precise moment when it most needs financial stability. Key to this effort are two pieces: first, finding and freezing the labyrinthine network of offshore bank accounts the regime has developed throughout decades (at least $4 billion dollars are reportedly in Luxembourg alone). Second, full compliance and sanctions by China and Russia are necessary to ensure North Korea does not have a backdoor undermining the rest of the world's efforts. The United States, European Union, South Korea, and Japan should lead a diplomatic offensive seeking global isolation of Pyongyang -- beginning with breaking bilateral ties across the board for those that have them. The United States should stop pursuing a reboot of the repeatedly failed Six Party Talks -- a useless effort of talk for only the appearance of progress. It's clear that North Korea will never, ever give up its nuclear capacity -- its leaders have seen what happened to Hussein and Qaddafi and will not make the same mistake. That said, pressure is still the key. Western nations, in conjunction with China and Russia, should overtly offer senior DPRK leadership asylum in exchange for defection, while pursuing action at the International Criminal Court against senior leadership implicated in crimes against humanity. Although distasteful, efforts should be made to pledge immunity from prosecution for key leaders in exchange for going into exile. Parallel to this effort is shining a light on the country's heinous record. Governments should release better-than-commercial grade satellite imagery of North Korea's vast network of death camps, and support efforts to obtain footage of the same. Such potent evidence will go a long way towards helping public sentiment understand the gravity of what is happening in North Korea, and help strengthen thousands of eyewitness and personal testimonies by defectors, including former prison guards. A central piece to the puzzle, and to any future destiny of North Korea, is China, its patron state and lone, true ally. China is not married to North Korea's leadership or political system. It is simply looking out for its own interest and leveraging North Korea's misbehavior for increased political capital. The solution here is straightforward: cut a deal with China. Beijing is hedging, in characteristic fashion, much like the Imperial court did centuries before. Whenever China's dynasties invaded a neighboring kingdom, they would simply extract fealty and annual tribute, and largely leave the neighbor alone to its own affairs -- with the collateral of bringing heirs to the throne back to China to intermarry and remain under Chinese protection or control. China today has adopted the same approach with Tibet and North Korea -- kidnapping the Panchen Lama and sheltering Kim Jong Nam, oldest son of Jong Il, in Macau. Such behavior is an implicit threat -- misbehave too much, and we will install our own puppet king. Yet China can be reasoned with. With the right inputs, a North Korea free of the Kim regime would bring about increased stability in the region and opportunities for economic development, investment, and trade. United Nations Development Program studies have for years noted the economic benefits that developed North Korean ports, pipelines, and rail could have on the entire region. Guaranteeing that Chinese investments and real estate contracts made there would be honored is critical. In addition, a pledge by the United States to either leave the Korean peninsula entirely -- or to keep U.S. soldiers no higher than the 38th parallel -- would help. Leaked U.S. government cables confirmed suspicions that China would accept a reunified Korea under Seoul's governance, so long as it was not hostile to Beijing or Chinese interests, even in a "benign alliance" with the United States. Mass defections are always a precursor to revolution and regime collapse. To help promote change within the country and refugee outflows, funding for radio broadcasts and other communications into North Korea must be improved from the current tragic lows. Beefing up efforts to support external communication to, from, and among the North Koreans would be a critical blow to Pyongyang's control, enabling citizens to organize amongst themselves. Moreover, there are tens of thousands of North Koreans living in exile, many of whom now have advanced degrees and skills that can translate into leadership abilities. Many of them are already engaged in dissident activity within North Korea, including efforts to smuggle in radios and printed material with outside news, or smuggle out refugees and key defectors. Still others have been able to bring out surreptitiously obtained footage from within, or even bribe guards at concentration camps to win release of family members. Neighboring nations can be induced to offer safe haven to North Korean refugees and pledge not to repatriate -- Mongolia, for example, years ago entertained the idea of a semi-permanent refugee station for North Korean refugees. In exile, the North Koreans can begin to organize properly, build democratic institutions, and support internal efforts by dissidents to change the system. They will need training, shelter, and protection. Thankfully, just south of the Demilitarized Zone lies the world's 10th largest economy and a highly developed, fully functioning democracy. South Korea happens to have one of the largest standing armies in the world (useful for stabilizing North Korea post-Kim), and also happens to be currently debating collection of a "reunification tax" to help underwrite expenses involved in absorbing a free North Korea into a Unified Korea. The importance of this good southern twin cannot be overstated -- South Korea's economy is an order of magnitude larger than that of the North, with double the population. It can handle, with international support, the absorption of North Korea, and provide reassurances to China and Russia that instability will not prove to be a problem. The concern with refugee outflows can also be mitigated with immediate and adequate deliveries of food, safety, and medical care into the country. There's no doubt that this will be difficult, but it would be nearly impossible without South Korean leadership. But what of the most important question: Is revolution from within possible? Absolutely. Despite a lack of civil society organizations, North Korea's history is dotted with uprisings, including large armed clashes in the 1980s in Chongjin, Hamhung, Musan, and Sinuiju. In 1987, North Korea's Concentration Camp Number 12 in Onson reportedly saw a mass prisoner uprising -- with 5,000 inmates slaughtered by a military battalion in response. Since then, Pyongyang has witnessed uprisings and coup attempts almost every other year, to varying degrees. In 2005, during a World Cup qualifying match in Pyongyang between North Korea and Iran, a crowd of 50,000 began to riot, throwing bottles, chairs, and punches at police and soldiers. Displeased with their team's loss, the North Korean fans continued facing off with authorities for over two hours, resulting in stunning, inconceivable photos captured by international media there to cover the sporting event. More recently, a disastrous currency reform effort in Dec. 2009 resulted in destruction of the personal savings of thousands of North Koreans, sparking widespread riots -- an act of open defiance that is perhaps, increasingly thinkable in the Hermit Kingdom. Stunningly, government backed off and made concessions, and even executed the official who had conceived of (or been blamed for) the idea. This much is clear: North Korea will fall. It is simply a question of when and how. But it is far better to have a coordinated, controlled landing, at the time of one's choosing, instead of waiting for the worst to happen at any moment. And a reunified, free Korea can be a powerful force for good in the world, and a potent economic engine. But missing this opportunity to bring Pyongyang into the international community would be a grievous error. North Korea's crimes do not end at its own borders. Beyond state-sponsored acts of terror, kidnappings, and assassination attempts of foreign government officials, human rights activists, and defectors, it has also sold weapons, missiles, technology, and nuclear materials to a who's who of unfriendly countries, including Egypt, Iran, Libya, Myanmar, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen. It has engaged in the counterfeiting of U.S. currency, mass government-sanctioned insurance fraud, and the exportation of North Korean slaves all over the world. North Korea is not a modern nation-state. It does not exist for the welfare of its populace, nor to safeguard the rights of it's citizens. It exists for the sole benefit of the king and his barons -- a ridiculously-scaled Mafia criminal state -- and must be treated as such. The very progress of our global civilization is for naught if we continue to let the very idea of North Korea exist. North Korea is not a failed state, with warlords fighting for land and treasure. Its atrocities do not stem from factional fighting, crimes of passion, or mob violence. It is on another level entirely -- a staggering system entirely built and mastered for the express purpose of propagating human suffering and ensuring the continued exploitation of the people so that the very few can benefit. It is a moral obligation of the highest order that the international community intervene. What can be done, we must do -- and now is the time. | 
狗仔卡
楼主
提升卡
变色卡
抢沙发
千斤顶
显身卡
发表于 2012-1-6 18:16
