本帖最后由 满仓 于 2014-8-27 11:39 编辑
【中文标题】在北京统治的阴影下:古城喀什葛尔中维吾尔人的生活
【原文标题】In the Shadow of Beijing’s Rule: Uighur Life in the Ancient City of Kashgar
【登载媒体】时代周刊
【原文作者】Emily Rauhala
【原文链接】http://time.com/3082988/china-xinjiang-uighur-kashgar/
一个维吾尔族男人在祈祷之前洗脸,他旁边的传统民居即将被拆除,要建造新的房屋。
一个维吾尔族穆斯林宣礼员用大喇叭召唤晚间祈祷者。
晚祈祷之后,维吾尔穆斯林离开清真寺。
维吾尔男人离开爱提尕尔清真寺。
2014年7月30日伊玛目居马塔伊尔的被早礼拜中的攻击者杀害之后,中国士兵携带防爆装备,封锁了爱提尕尔清真寺周边地区。
2014年7月28日,开斋节之前,一个维吾尔族男孩坐在马上,在爱提尕尔清真寺前拍照。
2014年8月1日,一个维吾尔族男人在餐厅里喝茶。
2014年8月3日,一个维吾尔族农夫在一个牲口市场中卸下他的牛。
2014年8月3日,维吾尔族人在牲口市场中检查待售的绵羊。
2014年7月28日,开斋节之前,一个维吾尔族屠夫和他的儿子在等待生意。
2014年7月29日,开斋节期间,维吾尔族儿童在玩气球。
2014年8月1日,维吾尔族妇女带着孩子逛市场。
2014年7月31日,戴面纱的维吾尔族女性走过毛泽东的雕像。
2014年7月28日,一个维吾尔族男人在为开斋节采购新衣服时,试戴一个新的传统帽子。
2014年7月28日,开斋节之前,一个维吾尔族热在露天的小摊上给人刮脸。
2014年7月27日,维吾尔族人在等公共汽车。
2014年7月28日,维吾尔族男人在斋月的晚间吃甜瓜。
2014年7月28日,开斋节之前,一个维吾尔族男人在观察别人出售的裤子。
2014年7月27日,没戴面纱的维吾尔族女人在市场上骑摩托车。
2014年8月2日,一个维吾尔族女人戴着面纱逛商场。
2014年8月2日,维吾尔族年轻人在打台球。
2014年8月1日,一个戴面纱的维吾尔族女人坐在一个小吃摊上。
2014年7月28日,开斋节之前,一个维吾尔族女人在家照顾孩子。
2014年7月29日,开斋节假期期间,一个维吾尔族家庭在午餐之前祷告。
2014年8月2日,一个维吾尔族新娘在婚礼上和朋友谈话。
2014年8月2日,一对维吾尔族新人在婚礼上跳第一支舞。
2014年7月31日,维吾尔族儿童在街上玩耍。
7月30日清晨,古老的丝绸之路城市喀什葛尔,一位名叫居马塔伊尔的伊玛目正在带领祈祷者进行开斋节会礼。不久之后,这位74岁的老人被发现在这座有600年历史的清真寺外被刺死。这起谋杀事件,让中国幅员广袤、冲突不断的西北地区多日以来混乱局势达到顶点。有人担心,这预示着未来进一步的冲突。
这片现在被叫做新疆维吾尔自治区的地带,长久以来纷争不断。围绕着塔克拉玛干沙漠的绿洲城镇分别被穆斯林和土耳其维吾尔人视为家乡,当然,几个世纪以来这也是中国人的领土。中华人民共和国成立之后,共产党4次派遣军队在这里驻扎,随之而来的还有中国内部城市的移民,其中大部分都是汉族人。1949年,汉族人口占新疆总人口数量的6%,现在这个数字是40%。
人口的大量涌入让新疆陷入混乱。北京认为,把这片地区与中国更好地结合起来振兴了当地的发展,给长期以来被忽视的西部带来了财富和就业机会。而维吾尔族人认为他们并没有得到经济发展所带来的实惠,他们还担心自己的语言、宗教和文化受到威胁。很多人希望他们所谓的东土耳其地区享有更大的独立。一小部分人在为之战斗,十年来动乱频发,暴力的对象主要是象征国家权力的机构,包括警察局、转运枢纽和政府办公室。
今年,骚乱逐渐向东部转移。2013年10月,维吾尔族一家三口人驾驶的一辆越野车,在北京核心地带冲向拥挤的度假人群,在天安门广场北边导致5人死亡,包括车上人员。3月,一群黑衣人在云南省会昆明的火车站,持刀冲入人群,导致29人死亡。国有媒体声称这起血腥的行为和接下来在新疆省会乌鲁木齐发生的两起伤人事件,是宗教极端分子所为。
暴力行动的升级导致政府加强了对新疆的管制,目前那里的城镇广场上都有荷枪实弹的警察巡逻。在维吾尔族人生活区,村庄被警方的检查点封锁。当地政府搞不清楚文化活动与极端主义分子活动迹象的区别,因此开始监控人们的生活习惯和衣着。曾经有政策阻止学生们在穆斯林斋月禁食、禁止参观清真寺,以及最近在克拉玛依实施的一项蹩脚政策,禁止戴面纱的女性和留遮面长须的男性乘坐公共汽车。
摄影师Kevin Frayer在喀什葛尔拍摄了这些照片。它坐落在人民共和国的最西端,离巴格达比离北京更近,几个世纪以来,它是贸易和交通的集散地,把君士坦丁堡(现在是伊斯坦布尔)与西安连接起来。后来又是19世纪“大博弈”期间英国和苏联间谍的栖息地。人们在这里长久以来居住的房屋和小巷,有很大一部分已经被推平。中国要把这座城市的85%重建——尽管这个计划不得人心,但依然按部就班地进行。
城外,依然隶属于喀什葛尔管界的莎车县,是最近一系列流血事件的多发地。7月27日发生的事情依然不甚明朗,因为外国记者被禁止进入当地采访,因此实质性信息不多。中国国有媒体起初说“数十人”死亡,后来官方调整了口径,声称96人死亡,包括37名平民和59名极端分子,事件由猖狂的极端分子策划并实施。他们的叙述与一家非赢利的新闻机构自由亚洲电台的报道相左,后者认为这起事件与政府在斋月期间的暴力镇压行为有关。
几天之后,在中国最大的清真寺外,伊玛目塔伊尔被害。中国的国有新闻媒体新华社报道,这起所谓的暗杀行为是“受宗教极端思想影响”,目的是“搞一起大事件”来增加自身的影响力。其它非国有新闻媒体很快指出,塔伊尔并不仅仅是一名伊玛目,还是一个受政府支持的角色。他在政府运作的中国伊斯兰协会中任要职,经常被报道支持党的路线。这是他被害的真正原因吗?
和其它事情一样,这个问题依然没有答案。但是很明显,谋杀事件就像是传递了一个恐怖的信息:界线已经划好,该选择你站在哪一边了。
原文:
On the morning of July 30, in the ancient Silk Road city of Kashgar, an imam named Juma Tahir led prayers to mark Eid al-Fitr. Soon after, the 74-year-old was found stabbed to death outside his 600-year-old mosque. His murder capped days of violence in China’s vast and troubled northwest — and, many fear, augured conflict to come.
The territory that is today called Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region is, and has long been, contested space. The oasis towns that circle the Taklamakan Desert are claimed as both the homeland of the mostly Muslim, Turkic Uighur people, and, off and on for centuries, as Chinese land. With the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the ruling Communist Party sent forth waves of military personnel to settle the area. They have since been joined by migrants from the Chinese heartland, most but not all of whom, are from the ethnic Han majority; in 1949, Han people accounted for only about 6% of Xinjiang’s population; today, the figure is more than 40%.
The influx has left Xinjiang at odds. Beijing says integration with the rest of China is revitalizing the region, bringing money and jobs to the long-neglected west. Uighurs counter that they have yet to reap the benefits of the economic boom, and worry that their language, religion, and culture are threatened. Many want greater independence for the land they call East Turkestan. A small minority has fought for it, waging a decades-long insurgency that has mostly targeted local symbols of state power, including police stations, transportation hubs and government offices.
This year, the unrest moved east. In October 2013, an SUV driven by three members of a Uighur family plowed through crowds of holidaymakers in the heart of Beijing, killing five, including the occupants, at the northern end of Tiananmen Square. In March, a group of black-clad attackers stabbed and slashed their way through a train-station in Kunming, the capital of Yunnan province, killing 29. State media blamed the bloody ambush and two subsequent attacks in Xinjiang’s capital, Urumqi, on religious extremists.
The surge in violence prompted the government to tighten its grip on Xinjiang. Its town squares are now patrolled by police officers carrying automatic weapons. Across the Uighur heartland, villages are sealed by police checkpoints. Mistaking cultural practice for evidence of extremist thought, local governments are monitoring people’s habits and dress: there have been campaigns to stop students and civil students from fasting during the Muslim holy month; age restrictions on mosque visits; and, most recently, in Karamay, an ill-conceived move to ban women wearing veils and men sporting beards, from the city’s public buses.
Kashgar, where Getty photographer Kevin Frayer made these pictures, is at the heart of all this. Sitting at the westernmost fringe of the People’s Republic, closer to Baghdad than Beijing, it has for centuries been a meeting point and trading hub, the place that connected Constantinople (now Istanbul) to Xi’an, before playing host to Britain and Russia’s spies during the 19th centuries “Great Game.” A good portion of the alleys and warrens they wrote home about have since been bulldozed; China will flatten 85% of the old city — an unpopular project that is well under way.
It was outside the city, in Kashgar prefecture, Shache county, that the most recent spate of bloodshed took root. What happened there on July 27 is still disputed and, because outside journalists are effectively barred from the area, facts are scarce. Chinese state media initially said “dozens” were killed. Later, they revised the official account, reporting that 96 people, including 37 civilians and 59 terrorists, died in a rampage masterminded by extremists. Their account is at odds with reporting by Radio Free Asia, a nonprofit news service, that linked the incident to state-led violence and suppression during Ramadan.
Days later, outside China’s largest mosque, imam Tahir was killed. China’s state newswire, Xinhua, reported his alleged assassins were “influenced by religious extremism” and plotted to “do something big” to increase their influence. Other nonstate outlets were quick to note, though, that Tahir was not just any imam, but a state-sanctioned one. He held a position in the government-run China Islamic Association and was often quoted backing the party line. Was that was got him killed?
That, like much else, remains unclear. But from wherever you stand, the murder feels like a grisly message: The lines are drawn; pick a side.
|