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[外媒编译] 【CNN 20141007】中国的老办法在香港行不通

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发表于 2014-10-13 07:42 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
本帖最后由 满仓 于 2014-10-13 07:42 编辑

【中文标题】中国的老办法在香港行不通
【原文标题】China relies on old tricks to control coverage of Hong Kong protests
【登载媒体】
CNN
【原文作者】Doug Young
【原文链接】
http://edition.cnn.com/2014/10/06/opinion/china-media-protests-young/index.html



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10月8日,星期三,一位民主抗议者睡在香港政府附近被占领的街道上。中国决定只允许经过北京首肯的候选者参选2017年香港特首,这激怒了示威者。抗议进行到第二个星期,示威群众数量已经逐渐减少。

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10月7日,星期二,一名民主抗议者在香港旺角地区读报纸,一名警察站在旁边。

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10月7日,抗议者走在香港政府所在地附近空旷的街道上。

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10月6日,星期一,17岁的学生抗议领袖Joshua Wong在香港政府总部附近接受采访。

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10月6日,香港政府所在地附近,民主示威者睡在占领区的街道上。

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10月6日,一缕阳光照在熟睡的抗议者身上,他们占领了香港的一条主要高速公路。抗议者说北京没有兑现给予香港普选权的承诺,在1997年英国把香港移交给中国时,北京的承诺是“一个高度自治的地区”。

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10月6日,在抗议者休息处的旁边,人们乘坐扶梯去上班。

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10月6日,由香港艺术家Milk制作的雕塑“雨伞人”,立在金钟街上的民主抗议者聚集处。

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10月6日,人们穿过香港被占领区的一条主干道去上班。

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10月5日,星期日,警察移走香港政府门前的障碍物。

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10月5日,学生抗议者用障碍物封锁通往示威区的一条街道。

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10月5日,民主示威者占领的政府办公处附近的街道。

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10月5日,旺角地区的民主示威者包围了警察。

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10月4日,星期六,一位民主抗议者紧紧抓住栏杆,和其他人一起保卫对方抗议团体的进攻。

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10月4日,旺角,民主抗议学生与当地居民扭打在一起时,把一个人摔在地上。

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10月4日,旺角,民主抗议者举起双手以示非暴力,保护他们的障碍物不受对方抗议团体的进攻。

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10月4日,香港九龙,一名亲北京的示威者在政府发表讲话期间,高举蓝丝带表示方队占中行动。

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10月4日,九龙,一个人坐在民主抗议者搭起的障碍物前。

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10月4日,数千名抗议者参加政府总部附近的集会活动。

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10月3日,星期五,铜锣湾。一群戴口罩的男人与一个试图阻止他们移走示威者搭建的障碍物的人扭打在一起。


香港的民主示威在过去的一个星期里占据了全球各大媒体的头条,这个消息被描述成大卫与非利士巨人式的斗争,双方是香港本土人和远在北京、强大而不可撼动的独裁主人。

但是中国媒体没有丝毫的动静,这个消息被大部分报纸和电视屏蔽。在普通中国人看来,这件事既无趣又不相干。

有关北京对此事件态度的报道,几乎没有提到引发如此强烈反应的原因。而是一大堆谴责抗议的声音,说香港领导人梁振英永远不会辞职,评论员文章宣称这样的抗议决不会传染到中国来。

另外一个值得一提的事情是,报道中从来没有图片。从一个媒体的角度来看,这场示威就像一个记者的美梦成真,因为这里有五彩斑斓、充满动作场面的抗议者、警察、政客和冲突,是电视报道和媒体图片最好的素材。但是这些图片没有一张出现在中国的官方媒体上,可以肯定这是官方宣传机构给出的指示,他们担心这些图片会在中国引发类似的行为。

这样的禁令在秩序至高无上的中国是司空见惯的,即使某些抗议表示了对中国的支持。例如两年前的中日领土争议,中国各地爆发了反日游行,媒体奇怪地被要求禁止报道相关的信息。

旧把戏

中国媒体还利用另外一种旧把戏,通过社论间接涉及相关信息,但没有全面的报道。中国共产党的报刊《人民日报》首当其冲,它发表了一系列强有力的社论,强调这样的抗议是非法的,而且绝不会传播到中国大陆。

这种社论的形式,从1949年以来就是官方谈论敏感问题的惯用手段。2010年,谷歌因为北京强制要求其中国的搜索引擎必须进行自我监控而表达高调的抗议时,也是社论满天飞。冲突的最终结果是谷歌退出中国搜索引擎市场,中国的媒体说,它是因为无法与本地对手竞争而满腹牢骚。

北京还祭出经过实践检验的“关键词”战术来控制报道的倾向。这一次的两个关键词是“非法”——描述香港示威的性质,和“根据法律”——描述与中国关系友好的梁如何应对这样的局势。

最后,还有社交媒体。不但中国政府,其它国家的政府都在试图利用这个新工具来影响民意。

社交媒体

一系列评论出现在被广泛使用的社交媒体平台上,比如微信,主题都是在批判抗议者,内容从威胁香港的繁荣稳定,到香港对中国大陆人怀有的敌意。这些评论出自毫无名气的人,内容或许是真是的,但更有可能是北京的另一项计谋,在互联网时代控制网络民意。

这些人的贬义绰号是“五毛党”,这个松散组织中的“成员”据说以独立评论员的身份,在网络上发表亲中央政策的言论和观点,以此来得到政府的补贴。

香港最近发生的示威或许给北京的领导层提出了一个新的挑战,这个挑战来自新一代追求民主的活动人士。但是中国媒体的技俩没什么新意,北京依然在采取那些经过历史检验的报道手段,来摆布国内的民众意见。



原文:

A pro-democracy protester sleeps on a street in the occupied area surrounding the government complex in Hong Kong on Wednesday, October 8. Demonstrators are angry at China's decision to allow only Beijing-vetted candidates to run in the city's elections for chief executive in 2017. Demonstration crowds have begun to shrink as the protest progresses into its second week.

A pro-democracy protester reads a newspaper in Hong Kong's Mong Kok district on Tuesday, October 7, as a police officer stands nearby.

Protesters walk up an empty street inside the protest site near Hong Kong's government complex on October 7.

Joshua Wong, a 17-year-old student protest leader, is interviewed at the protest site near government headquarters on Monday, October 6.

A man walks to work as pro-democracy demonstrators sleep on the road in the occupied areas surrounding the government complex in Hong Kong on October 6.

A ray of sunlight bathes sleeping protesters as they occupy a major highway in Hong Kong on October 6. Protesters say Beijing has gone back on its pledge to allow universal suffrage in Hong Kong, which was promised "a high degree of autonomy" when it was handed back to China by Britain in 1997.

People take an escalator to work as protesters sleep on October 6.

The statue "Umbrella Man," by the Hong Kong artist known as Milk, stands at a pro-democracy protest site in the Admiralty district on October 6.

People walk to work on a main road in the occupied areas of Hong Kong on October 6.

Police officers remove barriers outside government offices in Hong Kong on Sunday, October 5.

Student protesters carry a barrier to block a street leading to the protest site on October 5.

Pro-democracy demonstrators occupy the streets near government headquarters on October 5.

Pro-democracy demonstrators surround police October 5 in the Mong Kok district of Hong Kong.

A pro-democracy protester holds on to a barrier as he and others defend a barricade from attacks by rival protest groups in the Mong Kok district on Saturday, October 4.

Pro-democracy student protesters pin a man to the ground after an assault during a scuffle with local residents in Mong Kok on October 4.

Pro-democracy protesters raise their arms in a sign of nonviolence as they protect a barricade from rival protest groups in the Mong Kok district on October 4.

A pro-Beijing activist holds up blue ribbons for anti-Occupy Central protestors to collect as pro-government speeches are made in the Kowloon district of Hong Kong on October 4.

A man sits in front of a barricade built by pro-democracy protesters on October 4 in the Kowloon district.

Thousands of pro-democracy activists attend a rally on the streets near government headquarters on October 4 in Hong Kong.

A group of men in masks fight with a man who tried to stop them from removing barricades from a pro-democracy protest area in the Causeway Bay district of Hong Kong on Friday, October 3.

Hong Kong's pro-democracy demonstrations have been front-page fodder this past week in international media, which have painted the story as a David-and-Goliath struggle between local Hong Kongers and a powerful but distant authoritarian master in Beijing.
But no such headlines have appeared in China, where the story has been buried deep inside most newspapers and TV broadcasts, and is framed in a way that makes it uninteresting and unintelligible to average Chinese.


The coverage consists mostly of Beijing's reactions to events with little or no explanation of what actually happened to prompt such response. The result is a hodgepodge of reports condemning the protests, saying that Hong Kong leader C.Y. Leung will never resign, and editorials declaring such protests will never spread to China.

It has also been noteworthy for the relative lack of images. From a media perspective, the demonstrations now taking place are a journalist's dream come true, featuring colorful and action-filled images of protesters, police, politicians and conflict that make for great TV viewing and photos .

Yet none of those images have found their way into China's official media, almost certainly on direct orders from propaganda officials who worry such pictures could inspire others in China to take similar action.

Strict bans on such inflammatory images are quite common in order-obsessed China, even when such protests are pro-Chinese. One such ban was a central feature in domestic coverage of a major territorial dispute with Japan two years ago, with major protests that broke out around China eerily absent from all domestic reports.

Old trick

China's media have also resorted to another old trick of covering the conflict using editorials, which offer a backdoor route into the story with little or no broader context.

In this case the official Communist Party newspaper People's Daily has taken the lead with a series of forceful editorials repeating that such protests are illegal and adding that such actions will never spread to China.

Such editorializing has been a popular tool for stating official views on sensitive subjects since 1949, and was widely used in 2010 when Google got into a high-profile dispute over Beijing's stipulations that it self-censor its China-based search site.

That conflict ultimately saw Google withdrawal from the China search market, only to be cast by Chinese media as a cry baby that couldn't compete with local rivals.

Beijing has also dusted off its tried-and-true tactic of using key "buzzwords" to control the tone of the story. Two such buzzwords this time have been "illegal," to describe the nature of the Hong Kong demonstrations, and "in accordance with the law," to describe how the China-friendly Leung administration is handling the situation.

Finally there's the social media element, which is a new game not only for China but governments throughout the world as they try to harness this powerful force to influence public opinion.

Social media

In this case, a number of commentaries have been making the rounds on popular social media platforms like WeChat, playing on themes that criticize the protesters for everything from threatening Hong Kong's prosperity to harboring broader hostility toward all mainland Chinese.

These stories by little-known writers could be genuine, but are most likely a variation on another Beijing tactic to control online public opinion in the Internet age.

Known by the disparaging moniker of the "Fifty-Cent Party," this loosely defined group's "members" reportedly receive government payment for posing as independent commentators who seed the Internet with opinions favorable to the central government's policies and views.

The latest protests in Hong Kong may be providing new challenges for Beijing's leadership from a new generation of democracy-seeking activists on China's periphery.

But the tactics being used by China's media are anything but new, with Beijing resorting to a wide range of time-tested reporting tricks in its bid to shape the issue in the realm of domestic public opinion.

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发表于 2014-10-13 07:56 | 显示全部楼层
------呵呵,应该说CNN的老把戏在中国行不通。

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发表于 2014-10-13 08:04 | 显示全部楼层
风动心静 发表于 2014-10-13 07:56
------呵呵,应该说CNN的老把戏在中国行不通。

对的!
香港法治社会,哈哈,小子们等着吃官司吧!破坏公共财物、扰乱公共秩序、损害公众交通,损害商家利益,不一而足!体现下法治社会的公平吧!!
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发表于 2014-10-13 09:13 | 显示全部楼层
CNN,脸书,推特,早就让中国人知道它的把戏了。
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发表于 2014-10-15 14:07 | 显示全部楼层
香港的民主示威在过去的一个星期里占据了全球各大媒体的头条,这个消息被描述成大卫与非利士巨人式的斗争,双方是香港本土人和远在北京、强大而不可撼动的独裁主人。
陈词滥调
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发表于 2014-10-15 16:12 | 显示全部楼层
CNN=歪曲事实!
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发表于 2014-10-15 18:12 | 显示全部楼层
笨蛋,把粪车推围成一圈,天天往他们头上喷粪汁不就得了。
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发表于 2014-10-16 01:07 | 显示全部楼层
给予香港高度自治就是给这些香港人心中的“普选”?

貌似中英谈判可没说要给香港普选的吧
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发表于 2014-10-16 10:40 | 显示全部楼层
说明理由,为何行不通?
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发表于 2014-10-17 15:47 来自 四月社区 手机版 | 显示全部楼层
普选,越来越成为世界上的趋势和潮流,只有极少数国家和地区不是公投普选了。
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发表于 2014-10-18 05:09 | 显示全部楼层
要是开放首选地照张春桥的设想选在上海,而不是广东,以当时上海的经济地位好地理位置,不会让香港这样傲娇,回归也不会有这么多周折。
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发表于 2014-10-18 16:19 | 显示全部楼层
现在不是普选的问题,而是参选人的选择问题
占中者为什么反对“爱国爱港”的参选人?
这是个值得考虑的问题!
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发表于 2014-10-19 07:35 | 显示全部楼层
日薄西山,大陆人都不待见这帮人
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发表于 2014-10-19 14:23 | 显示全部楼层
怎么里边还有外国人呢????
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发表于 2014-10-20 15:31 | 显示全部楼层
没有一个国家会允许“恨国贼”来当他们的领导人的。
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发表于 2014-10-20 15:34 | 显示全部楼层
香港立法会主席范徐丽泰说得好,她说,“占中”分子是错把对付香港政府的手段用在对付中央政府上,两者无论是见识、胆略、气魄还是实力,都不可同日而语。
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发表于 2014-10-21 15:56 | 显示全部楼层
西方的办法在中国香港行得通吗?!西方的方法在中国行得通吗?!

请看:西方的方法在埃及、伊拉克、利比亚,行得通了吗?!结果如何?!
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发表于 2014-10-22 11:06 | 显示全部楼层
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发表于 2014-10-26 12:44 | 显示全部楼层
西方媒体记者总是抱怨国内对他们采访不够开放,其实,放不放的真的没多大意思,因为他们本来就是冲着某部分人来的,他们绝不会去采访对他们观点不利的绝大多数的人们.看看他们写出的文章就知道了,除了抹黑污蔑还有什么呢?
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发表于 2014-10-28 20:47 | 显示全部楼层
看了一下89Tiananmen的东西,觉得现在的报道和那个时候的社论很相似。老实说我觉得GCD不自信,不敢放开媒体,不过也对,全世界几乎所有的国家都敌视GCD这也没办法。会出现这些问题老实说从根本上还是大陆不够好,好到足足甩香港几条街了,猜想也闹不起来了。而要好到这样的程度,国内的法制、人权确实需要加强。
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