【经济学人111126】影响中国的“广东模式”
【中文标题】影响中国的“广东模式”——中国一个省份采取的开放到一定程度的模式【原文标题】Governing China The Guangdong model One Chinese province adopts a beguilingly open approach—up to a point【登载媒体】经济学人
【来源地址】 http://www.economist.com/node/21540285【译 者】Knightly
【翻译方式】人工
Nov 26th 2011 | FOSHAN AND GUANGZHOU | from the print edition
UNLIKE attention-seeking politicians elsewhere, senior Communist cadres in China like to keep their ambitions hidden. If anything, they signal grey conservatism, stressing how little they wish to change things. But as the country awaits a change of its leadership late next year, some high officials are up for a bit of self-promotion. In Guangdong province in the south the Communist Party chief, Wang Yang, is dropping hints that his more liberal style of governing might offer a better way for running the country.国外的政治家总是竭力寻求民众关注，与之相反，中共高层领导人喜走低调路线，谨慎地不让野心外露——他们往往表示要沿袭前任思想，贯彻已有方针，强调若不是情非得已，不会改变已有政策。然而，明年末中国将迎来领导人换届选举，于是许多高官开始自我推销。广东省委书记汪洋就暗示，他开明的执政方式也许对中国更加有利。
Guangdong has long been the most vibrant and economically liberal province in China. Now the idea that economic liberalism might be matched by greater political openness has come to be called the “Guangdong model”. A prominent supporter is Xiao Bin of Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou, the provincial capital. On the blackboard, he draws a picture of an egg. He makes chalk marks on the white to show how changes can be made in the way the party rules, while leaving the yolk—for which read a Communist Party monopoly on power—unmarked.广东长期以来是中国最具活力、经济最为开放的省份。现在日渐形成一种观点：经济自由需要更为开明的政治思想观念与之相匹配，这就是“广东模式”。广州中山大学的肖滨是“广东模式”的重要支持者。为了阐明其内涵，他在黑板上画了个鸡蛋，在蛋白处做标记，显示在中共领导下各种改革如何进行，却并未在代表中央集权的蛋黄处添上任何标记。
Mr Wang, who is 56, has been a member of the ruling Politburo since 2007. He knows well how to keep within the party’s bounds. He rarely talks of the Guangdong model, which would sound like a slap at others. But among academics and online commentators, the term has blossomed. Guangdong newspapers occasionally talk about it.现年56岁的汪洋自2007年起就是中央政治局委员，他很清楚如何不跨越党的界线。他甚少提起“广东模式”，以免被误以为是对持不同政见者的攻击。但这一概念已在学者和网络评论员中迅速流行。广东的报纸偶尔也提及该词。
Fans of the model fiercely defend it against advocates of its rival promoted by the party chief of Chongqing deep inland, Bo Xilai, who has a flair for publicity. Both Mr Wang and Mr Bo may join the Politburo’s standing committee next year, when seven of nine members, including President Hu Jintao and the prime minister, Wen Jiabao, will step down. Mr Bo trumpets the importance of state-owned enterprises, traditional socialist values and the inspirational power of Mao-era songs—while getting tough on organised crime. Maoist websites lionise Mr Bo; the Chongqing model is held up in shining contrast to that of Guangdong and its “capitalist roaders”.如今，“广东模式”的支持者正积极应对来自“重庆模式”阵营的质疑。“重庆模式”由深居内陆的重庆市委书记薄熙来提出。薄善于吸引传媒眼球。现任的九位中央政治局常委中，七位都将于明年卸任，其中包括现任主席胡锦涛及总理温家宝，届时薄与汪都可能成为中共中央政治局常委。薄书记一直强调国企的重要性，主张弘扬社会主义传统价值体系，极力让红歌迸发强大精神力量，与此同时，他大力打击组织犯罪。弘扬毛泽东思想的网站把薄看做弘扬毛泽东思想的重要人物。这样看来，“重庆模式”与“广东模式”及广东的“走资派”的确有着鲜明对比。
Six decades of Communist rule have been punctuated by battles between the left (as Mr Bo’s supporters are proud to call themselves) and the right (a label that carries a stigma to this day). This battle is exceptional, however. It is being fought out not in arcane commentaries in party newspapers but in open debate. Both camps hold symposiums about their respective models. A book is out about the Chongqing model. In literary terms, Mr Xiao admits that the Guangdong camp is lagging somewhat.中国共产党六十余年的执政生涯中，间或有“左”派（薄的支持者喜欢以此自居）与“右”派（今天“右”成了略带成见的词语）的斗争。然而，这次斗争与以往不尽相同，其辩论不再基于鲜为人知的党报评论，而是公开面向大众。双方阵营就各自的执政模式举办专题研讨会。一本关于“重庆模式”的书已经出版。肖斌承认，在著述方面，广东阵营确实稍逊一筹。
Perhaps the debate generates more heat in public than it does in the Communist Party itself. A researcher at Guangdong’s party school says Guangdong and Chongqing are not in opposition. Both regions, he says, are learning from each other. For example, Chongqing is building the development zones to attract investors that Guangdong pioneered in the 1980s. Guangdong, he says, could learn from Chongqing’s efforts to absorb migrants from the countryside into city life. Guangdong academics have studied Chongqing’s experiments in creating markets for rural land, where powerful restrictions apply even in “liberal” Guangdong.也许这场论战在民间的热度远远超于党内。来自广东一所党校的研究员说，其实广东和重庆并不是水火不容的两方，它们都在相互向对方学习。重庆正在建发展区，希望能像二十世纪九十年代的广东一样吸引投资者。广东可以学习重庆，让农民从农村移居城市。广东一些学者也在研究重庆建立农村土地流转市场的做法，因为在这个问题上，“自由的”广东也受到严格限制。
In the political realm, however, Mr Wang’s supporters point to changes which, they say, are distinctive. One concerns the role of trade unions, a rather sensitive area for a party that is still unnerved by the role that Solidarity played in Poland in the 1980s to bring down Communist power.然而汪的支持者指出，在政治领域，广东有一些极具特色的的变革。同时，有人对工会很是担心。鉴于波兰的团结工会在二十世纪80年代扳倒了共产政权，如今的工会也应引起注意。但显然中共对此不以为意。
Mr Wang’s rethink was triggered by a spate of 200-odd strikes last year in the Pearl River delta that began in May with workers downing tools at a Honda car-parts factory in Foshan, near Guangzhou. Mr Wang, says an academic, chose not to see the strikes as a threat to political stability. Indeed he expressed sympathy with the workers’ demands (which is perhaps easier to do at companies owned by foreigners). Elsewhere in China ringleaders are commonly rounded up once strikes have been settled, but those in Guangdong were not. All the incidents, the academic says, had “happy endings”, with pay increases of 30-40%.去年五月, 本田在佛山的汽车零部件工厂发生了工人集体停工事件。在此之后，珠三角一带又发生了200多次罢工事件。这接二连三的事件使得汪书记对处理罢工的方法有了新思考。一位学者评道，汪没把这一系列的罢工事件看做影响政局稳定的不利因素，反而对工人的诉求表示赞同（也许这些要求在外企更有可能得到满足）。广东的领导人不像其他省份的那样，一旦罢工平息就开始逮捕起事者。这位学者还指出，这一系列的罢工事件都以工人工资上涨30%~50%结束，算得上皆大欢喜。
Buying off strikers is common enough in China. But Mr Wang went further, encouraging state-affiliated trade unions (there are no independent ones) to be more active in representing workers’ interests. Trade unions in China are normally little more than creatures of management, run by party cadres. Prodded by Mr Wang, Guangdong’s unions began encouraging collective bargaining, a practice officially authorised but widely disliked by local officials who fear worker activism and upward wage pressures. Mr Wang’s views did not strike an instant chord with his subordinates. Most participants at one meeting on how to handle the strikes “didn’t get it” when he called for a hands-off approach, says someone with knowledge of the proceedings.在中国，收买罢工者以息事宁人的做法相当普遍。但汪更进一步，他鼓励官方公会更好地代表工人利益。本来，中国的工会由党干领导，基本上沦为管理工人的工具。在汪的支持下，广东的工会开始鼓励劳资谈判，虽然这一做法已得官方授权，但出于对工人过于活跃和工资上涨压力的担忧，地方官员并不欢喜。反正，汪的观点在其下属中没能引起什么共鸣。一位了解会议过程的人透露，汪在一次讨论如何处理罢工的会议上提出官员可静观事态发展，不必介入其中，当时大多数与会者都“不能理解”他的提议。
By contrast, during a large-scale taxi strike in Chongqing in 2008, Mr Bo was more interventionist. He held an unusual televised meeting with drivers, but later launched a sweeping anti-mafia campaign that resulted in a wealthy businessman accused of organising the strike being sentenced to 20 years in prison for gangsterism and disrupting transport.与之相反，在对2008年重庆发生的一起大规模出租车司机罢工事件的处理上，薄干预得更多——他与罢工司机召开了一次非同寻常的电视会议。然而之后，他掀起一场地毯式的“打黑运动”。行动中，一位被指称“组织罢工”的富商被控以组织、领导黑社会性质组织罪和聚众扰乱交通秩序罪，判处有期徒刑20年。
Supporters of the Guangdong model also point to the greater leeway Mr Wang has given NGOs, which are heavily circumscribed in China. Their registration in Guangdong, and especially in Shenzhen, a trailblazing economic zone bordering Hong Kong, involves fewer hoops. Mr Wang has been credited with promoting more open access to information about government spending. In 2009 Guangzhou became the first Chinese city to publish all its budgets.“广东模式”的支持者还指出，以往在中国，非政府组织的活动极为受限，如今汪允许的自由度比以往大了。它们在广东，尤其是深圳（一个毗邻香港的经济区）的登记注册手续不像其他地方那么繁琐。汪还因推动政府支出公开而备受赞誉。广州于2009年成为中国第一个公开政府预算信息的城市。
It is never entirely clear how much of these initiatives have been taken by Mr Wang himself. Guangdong in general and Shenzhen in particular have long enjoyed unusual freedom to experiment. This year Mr Wang has been promoting the goal of a “happy Guangdong” (the pursuit of which is enshrined in the province’s new five-year plan). Public happiness, assessed by opinion polls, is being introduced as a new criterion for judging local leaders’ suitability for promotion.我们不清楚上述的做法有多少是汪本人提出的。广东，尤其是深圳，长期以来享有非同寻常的试验的自由。今年汪提出要建设“幸福广东”（广东新的五年计划对此极为重视）。通过民意测验评估的民众幸福度，成为衡量当地官员能否升职的新指标。
Yet unhappiness remains rife, and in this Guangdong is no exception. Dissatisfaction is widespread among the more than 36m migrants in Guangdong, one-third of the provincial population, many of whom work in harsh conditions.然而，不快的情绪普遍存在，这点广东也不例外。3600万余移民大多有所不满，这部分人占广东人口的三分之一，当中绝大多数人工作条件极为艰苦。
Protests, sometimes violent, are common. In Dadun village, on the edge of one of Guangzhou’s satellite towns, a notice outside the government headquarters promises rewards of up to 10,000 yuan ($1,600) for turning in “criminals” involved in large riots in June triggered by security guards roughing up a street hawker. The rioters were migrants who work in countless small jeans factories, one even in a temple courtyard, trimming threads and stamping on studs.在广东，抗议示威相当普遍，有时甚至演变为暴力冲突。在广州卫星城边缘地区的大墩村，当地政府总部贴出告示，悬赏高达一万缉拿六月骚乱的“罪犯”。六月时这场骚乱的导火索是一名保安殴打小贩。参与骚乱的人来自许许多多的制牛仔裤的小型工厂，甚至有个来自寺院的平时只会裁剪线头钉钉扣子的人。
Nor does the Guangdong model extend to free and fair elections. In September Dadun held a ballot for seats in the local legislature. But only its fewer than 7,000 Cantonese inhabitants were allowed to vote, and not the 60,000-odd sweatshop labourers from other provinces. In a village near Foshan, residents elected an independent candidate, ie one who did not have party backing. Plainclothes goons now keep watch on his home. A villager confides her support for the new legislator only in a hushed tone. Mr Wang’s egg-yolk remains inviolate.“广东模式”也无法保障选举的公平、自由。今年九月，大墩举行人大代表无记名选举。然而只有广东当地人才获准投票，这部分人总数还不到7000人，而超过6万名在血汗工厂工作的外省移民却被拒于门外。佛山附近的一条村子里，村民选出一名无党政背景的独立候选人作为人大代表。现在，便衣警察一直监视他家。一位村民悄悄地向我们吐露了她对这位新任者的支持。这样看来，汪的“蛋黄”仍然神圣不可亵渎。http://bbs.m4.cn/xwb/images/bgimg/icon_logo.png 该贴已经同步到 Knightly的微博 好文！！楼主辛苦！ 【来源地址】稍后补上
:P:P 这么大的中国，一切都整齐划一，那将回到怎样的时代？！ 汪洋 不就是那个在重庆干了几年，结果重庆黑的不得了，后来薄来了，打黑打到前任一点脸都挂不住那位老兄吗? 我在重庆读书时，他正在任呢，连我们外地来读书的，都听过故事：重庆公安局的陈光明的某某亲戚，什么侄子，有多么多么嚣张，多么多么惹不起~~blahblahblah.... 路过不留下 发表于 2011-12-1 16:49 static/image/common/back.gif
汪洋 不就是那个在重庆干了几年，结果重庆黑的不得了，后来薄来了，打黑打到前任一点脸都挂不住那位老兄吗? ...
按照“薄”的标准，中国哪不黑？！ lilyma06 发表于 2011-12-1 15:44 static/image/common/back.gif
【来源地址】稍后补上
现补上来源地址： http://www.economist.com/node/21540285 这文章信息含量很多 靠！！！这篇文章私货未免也太多了吧？！！？！？！？前面还算公正，到了后面简直到了颠倒黑白丧心病狂的成都哎！！居然说薄熙来打黑是为了处理罢工头目，，我的苍天啊！！！！！ 外国主子来为 某国广东 辩护了。 各地发展情况不同，自然要有不同的处理手段，不过貌似最近广东真的进入矛盾高发区了，看看汪洋怎么应对吧 本帖最后由 edi102 于 2011-12-2 15:08 编辑
fuhexinqd 发表于 2011-12-1 18:46 http://bbs.m4.cn/static/image/common/back.gif
按照“薄”的标准，中国哪不黑？！
那按照浙江的标准,大海同志的重庆黑不黑呢?大海同志的广东黑不黑呢?到底是对黑恶的标准严格点对老百姓有利呢,还是标准宽松对老百姓有利?在你眼里到底有没有公理? 毛主席说，党外无党，帝王思想，党内无派，千奇百怪！
出现各种不同的思想，做法，实验，是正常的，只要坚持社会主义基本原则不变，没有什么是不能的！
汪薄之间，不过是党内两种不同的思想之间的实验而已，偏偏有些人就喜欢瞎起哄，要么贬汪抬薄，要么挺薄骂汪，其实斗不过是自个儿瞎起哄而已！ edi102 发表于 2011-12-2 15:06 static/image/common/back.gif
那按照浙江的标准,大海同志的重庆黑不黑呢?大海同志的广东黑不黑呢?到底是对黑恶的标准严格点对老百姓有 ...
相较于“公理”，我更愿意相信“法律”！
因为，“法律'”没有宽松的问题，“公理”有！（当然，这一切是指在相对理想的状态下的！现实的中国，非常的不理想） 本帖最后由 edi102 于 2011-12-2 16:50 编辑
fuhexinqd 发表于 2011-12-2 16:46 http://bbs.m4.cn/static/image/common/back.gif
相较于“公理”，我更愿意相信“法律”！
因为，“法律'”没有宽松的问题，“公理”有！（当然，这一切 ...
法律是人与人的契约,先有公理后才可能制订法律,你相信法律,却不相信公理,真搞笑. 好文！！楼主辛苦！
edi102 发表于 2011-12-2 16:50 static/image/common/back.gif
法律是人与人的契约,先有公理后才可能制订法律,你相信法律,却不相信公理,真搞笑. ...
“公理”如果真能，包打天下，要“法律”干什么？！
有句俗话：“公说公有理，婆说婆有理”！那到底谁有理呢？
闹大了，非得分清谁有理，那最终也只能拿“法律”来说理！ 楼主辛苦 广东or重庆？
现实版“向左走向右走”。 edi102 发表于 2011-12-2 16:50 static/image/common/back.gif
法律是人与人的契约,先有公理后才可能制订法律,你相信法律,却不相信公理,真搞笑. ...
法律白纸黑字，公理如何界定，有明文规定吗？
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