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【08.12.08 路透社】见证：中国从毛泽东到现代化的长征
【原文标题】WITNESS: China's long march from Mao to modernity
【中文标题】见证：中国从毛泽东到现代化的长征
【登载媒体】newsdaily
【来源地址】http://www.newsdaily.com/stories/tre4b710f-us-china-reforms/
【译者】yangfuguang
Jonathan Sharp first reported in China for Reuters from 1972 to 1974, when he witnessed the stirrings of the nation's emergence from the trauma of Mao Zedong's Cultural Revolution. On bike-crowded streets, in spartan shops and among wary crowds of drab-clothed locals, Sharp saw a poor and isolated people groping for a way forward. Now, on the 30th anniversary of the launch of China's economic reforms, Beijing is a car-crowded mega-city of glass and steel buildings and garish consumerism. A short, chain-smoking Communist veteran, Deng Xiaoping, was instrumental in forging that transformation. And Sharp was there to watch him first re-emerge from Mao's shadow.
By Jonathan Sharp
HONG KONG (Reuters) - Amidst the cacophonous consumerism of today's China, it may be hard to imagine that 35 years ago, the sole imported item available in Beijing's main department store was cigarettes. Made in Albania.
And outside in the street that was Beijing's version of Fifth Avenue or Oxford Street, only occasional motor vehicles disturbed the ceaseless stream of bicycles.
There was no doubt about the spartan quality of life in the early 1970s before the onset of reforms under Deng Xiaoping which would eventually transform China into the world's fourth-largest economy. But the perceived tranquility was deceptive.
For behind the walls of the Zhongnanhai leadership compound, an epic struggle appeared to be playing out that would decide China's destiny.
The worst excesses of the Cultural Revolution that broke out in 1966 and formally ended in 1976 were over. In fact Beijing-based foreign reporters in the early 1970s wrote about the Cultural Revolution as if it finished in 1969, and they were not corrected by their minders in the Foreign Ministry.
But the decidedly un-comradely battle which foreign observers believed was being fought out between hardliners and moderates was still going full tilt.
According to those attempting to read the Chinese tea leaves, this conflict pitted hard-left firebrands led by Jiang Qing, wife of the increasingly enfeebled Mao Zedong, and a more moderate group, presumed to be led by Premier Zhou Enlai.
And Jiang and her cohorts, later demonized as the Gang of Four, appeared to be winning.
READING BETWEEN THE LINES
The mass of China's people, perhaps weary of being whipsawed by violent ideological crosswinds, and wary of saying anything that could get them into trouble, docilely followed this struggle in the Communist Party mouthpiece, the People's Daily, pinned up on street-side notice boards.
For months on end, the People's Daily railed against the evils of two men. One, Lin Biao, was an obvious target: his 1971 plot to oust Mao was thwarted and he died in a plane crash while fleeing.
The attacks on the other chief mischief-maker, Confucius, were more puzzling since the sage, who laid down firm precepts on relationships, including those between rulers and subjects and between parents and children, had been dead for 2,500 years.
But Chinese people were well versed at reading between the delphic lines. And anyway they had far more to think about than a behind-the-scenes power struggle taking place in a corner of Beijing that very few people were privileged to glimpse.
The world of the "broad masses," as they were termed, seemed to outside observers at least to be one of adequate, but uninspiring and often rationed necessities.
The government boasted of its iron rice bowl -- a guarantee that the state would supply the basic needs for life, including education, healthcare and housing, at token cost.
The problem was that the economy had little to fill the bowl with. The good news was that whatever was available appeared, to outsiders at least, to be evenly shared out. Beijingers looked to be adequately fed. Children were rosy-cheeked. Restaurants were busy. Department store shelves were full, if not with any of the goods now taken for granted by today's generation. The odors pervading Beijing streets were those of old and much-laundered clothes and the garlic that spiced up the dull food. One of the few touches of color in this drab world were the Mao badges worn by many, but by no means all, of the population. Entertainment was turgid, a staple being the bizarre Cultural Revolution-era Peking Operas stamped with the Jiang Qing seal of approval. GREAT LEAP BACKWARD Foreigners were kept at arms length. When a peasant woman near the Ming Tombs accepted a lift from a foreign reporter, the incident prompted an Indian diplomat to record it in his dispatches as if it were some kind of sea change in attitudes to foreigners. The vast majority of the population, living on the land, was corralled into immense communes, set up in the 1958 Great Leap Forward, a campaign that proved to be a Great Leap Backward, killing tens of millions. It was also a world of severely limited horizons. Foreigners were met with incredulous stares and, on occasion, mild hysterics. A bus load of foreign reporters arriving in the city of Harbin drew a gigantic crowd. Chinese people were micro-managed: routine family decisions were vetted by authorized neighborhood busybodies. It didn't pay to offend the current powers that be. Large areas of the city were off limits, including the enormous History Museum bordering Tiananmen Square. The leadership had presumably not decided which version of China's history was suitable for public consumption. And there was little sign of economic development. The capital and other big cities seemed to be in a state of semi-paralysis. There was some movement in Beijing, however, notably in the compounds designated for the foreign community. High-rise blocks were sprouting to accommodate the fast-rising population of diplomats and foreign business people. Western nations were falling over each other to beat a path to China's door. U.S. President Richard Nixon visited in February 1972, and the U.S. Liaison Office, short of a full embassy but staffed with high-caliber diplomats, opened in early 1973 headed by the statesman-like David Bruce. He was succeeded in 1974 by George H.W. Bush. Celebrity visitors to Beijing included U.S. actress Shirley MacLaine, who on May Day 1973 strolled through a park hand in hand with Madame Zhou Enlai. Symphony orchestras from Britain, Austria and the United States performed before rapt audiences. There was a palpable sense that China was loosening up -- albeit at a glacial rate. Boeing 707s and British Tridents began to appear in the wide open spaces of China's airports. A new wing of the Beijing Hotel opened, complete with innovations that included a bar and automatic doors. Then at a banquet at the Great Hall of the People in 1973 honoring Cambodian leader Prince Norodom Sihanouk, the Foreign Ministry minders nudged the reporters, saying they had a big story in front of their eyes. That story was the appearance of a diminutive, crew-cut figure, back in the public eye after years in disgrace. That man still had further bitter political wars to fight and win before emerging as one of China's most spectacular agents of change in the 20th century. That man was Deng Xiaoping. (Editing by Nick Macfie and Dean Yates)
乔纳森•夏普第一次为路透社报道中国是在1972年到1974年，那时他见证了毛泽东的文化大革命带给中国的动荡。从到处充满着自行车的街道，简陋的商店和那些小心翼翼身着褐色衣服的人们，夏普看到一群贫穷和与世隔绝的人们在探索一条前进的道路。现在，在改革开放30年之后，北京则是一个由大量钢筋玻璃建筑物、拥挤的汽车和五花八门的消费构成的城市。邓小平，一个个头不高的共产主义老兵，促成这一切的发生。
香港（路透社）——在现在的消费主义至上的中国，你很难想象在35年之前，中国主要的百货商店里唯一的进口产品是来自阿尔巴尼亚的香烟。在北京的第五大道或者是牛津大道，偶尔有几个摩托车经过，打乱连绵不断的自行车流。在中国经邓小平的改革开放成为世界第四大经济体之前，中国人生活水平无疑是艰苦的。
在中南海围墙的里面，一个宏大的斗争似乎已经结束了，它将决定中国的命运。
自1966年开始的文化大革命带来的严重破坏是在1976年结束的。但是，实际上在北京的外国记者在70年代初期描写文革时认为它在1969年结束的，并且外交部的官员也没有纠正记者们的说法。
但是外国观察家认为激烈的内部斗争依然在继续。对于那些了解中国的人来说，这场冲突是由左派的江青领导的，她是日渐衰弱的毛泽东的妻子；她的对立面是一个据说是由周恩来领导的更加衰弱的群体。江和她的爪牙——随后形成四人帮——似乎就要赢了。
言外之意
对于中国广大的人民来说，也许厌倦了意识形态的斗争，他们不说任何可能使自己遭受迫害的话，但却非常驯服的按照贴在街道上的共产党的喉舌《人民日报》的标语参与到冲突中来。人民日报在连续的几个月时间里不断批判两个魔鬼似的人物，一个很明显目标是林彪，他在1971年密谋从毛手中夺权，并且在在逃跑时因为飞机坠毁而死亡。另外一个攻击目标是孔子，他确立了严格的道德体系来约束包括君臣、父子在内的人的关系。
但是中国人很快读出其中的深意，对于北京城里很少有人能亲眼所见的斗争，人们想得更多。世界上的“广大的人民群众”，他们这样称呼的，似乎很少有人顾及他们，哪怕只是必须的，不会让人兴奋的定期供给的生活必须品。政府鼓吹他们的铁饭碗——国家会供应基本的生活所需，包括教育，医疗和住房。问题是经济不足以满足这种需要。但是，让大家觉得开心的是不管什么东西都是平均分配的。
北京人希望得到足够的食物，希望小孩子脸颊红润，饭店里满满的，百货商店里有五花八门的商品。但是，北京街道上到处是穿着洗得发白的衣服的人们和不新鲜的食物的味道。在这个褐色世界里唯一的亮色是印有毛泽东头像的徽章，它毫无意义，但却被许多人戴在身上。娱乐几乎是空白的，除了北京剧场里演出的经江青批准的样板戏。
大跃进
当时外国人是被敌视的。当一个明王陵附近的农民从外国记者接受了礼物时，这个小插曲却被印度外交官认为是对外国人态度的改变而记在他的报道中。生活在农村里的农民被强制加入公社，这是一个从1958年开始的被成为“大跃进”的运动，在这个过程中有很多人死去。
这也是一个被限制的社会，外国人遭受不信任的目光，所以，当载着记者到哈尔滨去的汽车在当地导致交通拥堵。中国人的日常行程被当局监视着，得罪当局是很严重的问题。城市的大型区域是禁止入内的，包括天安门旁边的历史博物馆：中国的领导人可能没有决定该让历史以何种面目呈现在人们面前。
没有一点经济发展的迹象。北京和其他的大城市似乎瘫痪了。北京有一些动作，但只是针对特别指定的外国社区。为外交人员和外国商人居住的高大的建筑在缓慢的建设。当时西方国家争先涌向中国，美国总统理查德•尼克松也在1972年访问中国。并且由能干外交人员构成的联络处于1973年在大卫•布鲁斯的主导下成立。访问北京名流包括美国女演员莎莉•麦克雷恩，她在1973年国际劳动节和周恩来总理手牵手走过公园时，交响乐团奉献了精彩的演出。
虽然很微小，但当时中国已经有些许的政策上的松动。波音707飞机和英国的三叉戟飞机开始出现在中国的宽阔的机场上；北京饭店开始扩建，新建了一个酒吧，使用了自动门。1973年在人民大会堂举行的欢迎柬埔寨西哈努克亲王的宴会上，一个外交部的官员轻轻推了一下记者，说在他们面前发生很宏大的故事。在公众的视线里视作耻辱多年之后，这个故事以微小的姿态开始了。 在他成为20世纪中国最伟大的改革推动者之前，摆在这个男人面前的依然有很多障碍。
这个男人就是邓小平！
（尼克•麦克菲，迪恩•耶茨编辑） |
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