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【链接】http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20081212.wcoessay1213/BNStory/specialComment
【标题】 邓小平后的日子
译者注：本文是由高级编译dakelv提供，并在其指点下完成！
Life after Deng
邓小平后的日子
China's door has now been open for 30 years, but the world's perceptions remain skewed
中国的大门已经敞开30年，但世界对中国的理解仍然扭曲
December 13, 2008 at 12:00 AM EST
As I was casting about for some way to sum up the 30 years in Chinasince the start of the open-door policy, George H..W. Bush saved me thetrouble. In a recent interview with the China Daily, an officialnewspaper, he said: "I think it's not even questionable that peoplehave more freedom than they used to have. Now some people [in theUnited States] don't understand that. They still regard the Chinese asa bunch of communists."
This is the sort of thing an old guy who doesn't care just blurts out.But it's also true; Western perceptions of China are quite skewed.Moreover, it appeared in a Chinese newspaper. Okay, the China Daily isan English-language paper of small circulation, but the fact that thequote made it into print shows how far China has come since Mr. Bushfirst set foot here. It was certainly a communist country then. What isit now?
Thirty-four years ago, Mr. Bush came to head up the U.S. Liaison Officein Beijing, an outcome of Richard Nixon's opening to China and aprecursor to the re-establishment of diplomatic relations. It would befour more years before things really began to change.
The event marking that watershed moment — arguably as big a moment asthe Communist revolution of 1949 — was the Third Plenum of the 11thCentral Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. It concluded inDecember of 1978, 30 years ago this month. Few grasped that thecardboard speeches of that plenum would change not only China but theworld.
By then, Mao Zedong had been dead for more than two years. A powerstruggle had raged. In the end, Deng Xiaoping prevailed; the tectonicplates of Chinese politics had shifted. The open-door policy was born.
Other things happened that month. The United States and China announcedthe resumption of diplomatic relations; Boeing sold its first airplanesto the People's Republic; Coke said it was going into China.
Thirty years on, we know what Mr. Deng set in motion. By now, we canalmost recite the gee-whiz statistics: the world's third-largesteconomy, 40 million new Internet users every year, 600 millioncellphones, $2-trillion (U.S.) in foreign-exchange holdings and — myown favourite — the planet's biggest consumer of cement. This countryhas seen the greatest poverty-alleviation effort in history. Yes, yes,we've heard it all. But somehow, knowing this does not quite do thisplace justice.
I arrived in China seven years after Mr. Deng's triumph, in the fall of1985. I was employed by a Chinese "work unit." My local colleagueslived in cold-water flats they didn't own, rode ancient bicycles andlooked forward to the annual train ride to see their parents in anotherprovince. Getting a passport was next to impossible, and you neededpermission to read certain papers containing foreign news. Now they owntheir apartments, many have cars, and they go online to book theirholidays abroad. Most surprising, they don't seem to find thistransition, in less than a generation, the least bit jarring.
China's rise exhibits many interesting phenomena. One is the oftenskewed view of China beyond its borders, which is equal parts awe,greed and fear.
Awe, because it's so vast and so old and so storied; China has anenduring mystique (which its tourism promoters hope never fades). Thegreed comes from thinking that there's something in the China miraclefor us: Can we sell them resources, can we produce more cheaply there,can we tap that supposedly bottomless consumer market? And finallyfear: What if they not only want to buy our oil and minerals, but alsothe companies that produce them?
The self-contradictory attitude towards China is now at a peak becauseof the financial crisis. The Economist asked a few weeks ago: "CanChina save the world?" It was an economic basket-case 30 years ago, butwe're now counting on China's engine to keep the global economy tickingover. Its recently announced four-trillion-yuan ($72-billion) stimuluspackage has everyone hoping.
Despite the saturation coverage that China gets, what I hear from mostfirst-time visitors is "I had no idea." That normally refers to China'spockets of affluence, its stunning infrastructure and just what asimply cool place it can be. For whatever reason, after 30 years ofChina's open door, people don't fully get it unless they've been here.
Part of the problem is the nature and tone of the coverage China getsin the international media. The other day, CNN carried an item onChinese golf schools. Halfway through, up popped those hoary old imagesof communism so beloved by the cliché machine: a grainy MovietoneNews-style clip of Mao Zedong, inspecting something or other. Thevoiceover said ominously that the bourgeois indulgence of golf was oncebanned in China, and that recently there have been renewed calls forlimiting course construction. Well, that's probably true; they bannedeverything fun, we all know that. Buit in the clip, Mao wasn't anywherenear a golf course, and the reasons for wanting to limiting them thesedays are quite prosaic: Golf eats up farm land and uses too much water.That's it.
China has an image problem, and that old communist tag doesn't help. Ofcourse, the Chinese Communist Party runs the place, but it could justas easily be called the Chinese Pragmatist Party these days. Old-schoolcongresses with waves of clapping delegates are still de rigueur, asare the stars and hammers and sickles. It all makes for great photo ops— and perpetrates the myth that today's China bears any resemblance toour Cold War-forged notions of communism.
Of course, China has many deep-seated problems, too. For starters: apaucity of human rights, a growing gap between rich and poor, theenvironment, Internet censorship, a crumbling social-safety net thatisn't being repaired quickly enough. Pretty much anyone you talk to inChina these days will frankly acknowledge all these points; that's thedifference between now and when I arrived in 1985.
China is a place of contradictions and contrasts; it was acontradiction, after all, that set this chain of events in motion. Whatused to be called "Socialism with Chinese characteristics," that hybridof communism and capitalism, is what sparked this place to life. Itsarchitect, Deng Xiaoping, was a contradictory character himself. Hisvision created the freer China of today, but he was a disciplinarian —and the Tiananmen debacle happened on his watch.
Politics and economics are the two areas where there's the greatestdisconnect between foreign hopes and Chinese reality. For 15 years,various commentators have been saying China is ripe for politicalchange. It hasn't happened. In any event, China is not going to be aliberal democracy in our lifetimes and whatever system does evolve herewill probably never suit Western tastes. Get over it.
As for economics: Just what is China's system, and why has it managedto create such vast wealth in such a short time? The combination ofauthoritarian politics, state capitalism and a frenetic private sectorhas been a potent wealth-creator. China is at the same time highlyentrepreneurial (the private sector accounts for up to 60 per cent ofGDP now, depending on whose numbers you use) but also verystate-directed. There are far fewer state-owned enterprises in Chinatoday than a decade ago, but they are leaner than their predecessors,have healthy balance sheets and, importantly, are profitable. Many havebeen partially privatized through stock-market listings, but thecentral-planning hand remains strong.
This makes people outside China uncomfortable. They picture backroomsfull of cadres scheming about world domination. What they should bepicturing is boardrooms full of suits, scheming about their companiesdominating the ones down the road. These are big, strong companies,some of which want to play on the world stage. If you want to play withthem, you have to come to terms with the government factor, because itisn't going away. It's been amusing to watch the waves of paranoia thathave rippled out every time China Investment Corp., the sovereignwealth fund, has raised an eyebrow about an acquisition. This is apassive equity investor just looking for a place to park cash; it's notDr. Evil. (So far, CIC has taken a bath on the likes of Morgan Stanleyand Blackstone stock; they are not seers.)
So here we are, 30 years into Mr. Deng's complex and often fraughtexperiment. Look at it this way: China has now been longer in the Dengmode than it was in the Mao mode. Is this communism? Yes, but let'scall it Communism 2.0. That separates it from those days when Maobanned golf — and leaves open the tantalizing prospect of the upgradesto come.
翻译：
当我寻求某种方法总结中国改革开放30年时，乔治 W 布什省了我的麻烦。他在中国官方报纸中国日报最近一次采访中说：“我认为如今人们拥有比以前更多的自由是毫无疑问的，但现在一些美国人不明白这点，他们仍然认为中国人都是一帮共产主义分子。”
这就是一个不再有顾虑的老家伙脱口而出的事情，但这也是事实。西方对中国的理解是很扭曲的，这甚至出现在中国的报纸上。的确，中国日报是一个发行量很小的报纸。
但是上述这番话能被刊登说明了从布什先生第一次踏上这片土地到现在中国所发生的深远变化，那时中国肯定是共产主义国家，但现在呢？
34年前，布什先生来到北京负责美国联络处办公室，这是理查德尼克松对中国开放和重建双边外交关系的成果。但四年后，事态才真正开始变化。
这个标志着划时代时刻的事件——就像1949年共产党革命胜利时刻一样——就是1978年12月召开的中国共产党十一届叁中全会。这次会议于30年前的1978年12月结束。谁会想到那届会议上标语式的讲话不仅将改变中国，也将改变世界。
那时，毛泽东已经辞世2年多，权利斗争风行，最后邓小平大获全胜。中国政治蓝图变换，开放政策从此诞生。
当月的另一件事是美国和中国宣布恢复外交关系，波音向中华人民共和国出售了第一架飞机，可口可乐表示将进军中国。
30年来，邓小平先生一直在行动，如今，我们几乎可以背诵出这些让人惊讶的数据
世界第三大经济体，每年新增4千万互联网用户、6亿部移动电话、2万亿美元外汇储备以及我个人最爱——世界上最大的水泥消耗国。这个国家见证了历史上最大的脱贫行动。是的，我们听到了这一切，但不知何故。我们了解这一切却不能公平对待这个国度。
我是在邓小平方针胜利七年后来到中国的。那是1985年秋天，我受聘于一个中国“工作单位”。我当地的同事住在一个冷冰冰的不属于自己的公寓里，交通靠破旧的自行车，每年期盼着坐火车回家探望身处他乡的父母。拿到护照简直难如登天，要获得许可才能读一些有外国新闻的报纸。如今他们拥有自己的公寓，许多人拥有汽车，他们上网预定海外度假。更惊讶的是，他们似乎没有察觉这种转变，在不到一代人的时间里，（对如此巨大变化）没有任何不适应。
中国的崛起表现出很多有趣的现象，其一就是国外对中国的曲解，其中有敬畏，又贪婪还有恐惧。
敬畏，是因为中国如此浩瀚，如此悠久，又赋予传奇。中国拥有不朽的奥秘（其旅游推动着希望永远不会褪色）贪欲源于我们想从中国奇迹中分一杯羹的想法：我们能卖给他们资源吗？我们能在那里生产更便宜的东西吗？我们能打开那里无穷的市场吗？最后是恐惧：如果他们不只是想买我们的石油和矿产，还要收购我们生产石油和矿产的公司怎么办？
金融危机的影响下，这种矛盾的态度达到高峰。几周前经济学人提出这个问题：“中国能拯救世界吗？”30年前这是不可能的，但如今我们却指望中国引擎来保持世界经济持续运作。她最近宣布的4万亿元的一揽子计划承载了每个人的希望。
尽管对中国的报道铺天盖地，我从大部分第一次来华的游客那里听到的是：“我没有想到”，这通常是指中国富足的钱包，眩目的基础设施，以及中国本身是一个多么酷的地方，无论是什么原因，除非亲身经历，人们不可能完全搞懂开放30年后的中国。
部分原因是国际媒体对中国报道的性质和语调。前几天，CNN报道了中国的高尔夫学校。中途突然爆出那些老古董们钟爱的灰白的旧共产主义形象：一个关于毛泽东视察某事物的满是雪花的有声电影片段。画外音死气沉沉的说中国曾经禁止沉溺于资产阶级高尔夫游戏，最近中国又重申了限制建立高尔夫场的号召。好吧，那可能是真的，我们都知道他们禁止一切有趣的东西。但是电影片段中，毛泽东跟高尔夫球场没有一点关系。而如今希望限制高尔夫的原因很简单：高尔夫占用大量的土地和水。仅此而已。
中国有形象问题，陈旧的共产党标签也没有任何作用。当然，这是中国共产党管辖的区域，但称其为中国实用党还简单些。跟星星，吹肉、锤子和镰刀一样，掌声迭起的保守议会只是礼节的需要。这都是拍照的最好机会——（媒体）并且编造了这样的荒诞的故事，中国具有冷战时期塑造的共产主义国家的所有特点。
当然，中国也有许多深层的问题，如没有人权，贫富差距日益严重，环境、网络审查制度、濒临崩溃的社会安全网不能及时修补。如今几乎你接触的所有中国人都会承认这些问题，这就是1985年我到时的中国与现在的区别。
中国是个矛盾的地方。毕竟是矛盾是这一系列的事情运作动力。我们习惯称作“有中国特色社会主义”即共产主义和资本主义的混合物，让这片土地欣欣向荣。她的设计师邓小平本设身就是一个矛盾体。他的先见之明造就了如今更自由的中国，但是他也是个力行纪律的人——天安门事件就是在他眼下发生的。
政治和经济是国外的期望和中国的现实脱节最大的两个领域。15年来各种各样的评论员一直在说中国政治改革的时机已经成熟。但是一直没有任何变化。无论如何，中国不可能在我们一生内变成一个自由的民主国家，她不管演变成什么样的体制都可能不适合西方的口味！趁早忘记这码事吧！
至于经济，就是中国是什么样的体制，为什么她能在如此短的时间内创造如此多的价值。独裁政治、国有资本主义和狂热的私有部门的结合体是有力的财富创造者。中国在同一时间内高度企业化（私有企业占GDP60%。取决于采用谁的数据）但同时也是国家导向性的。如今中国国有企业的数量远小于十年前。但它们比其前身更精简，拥有健康的资产负债，且更重要的是，它们都在盈利。很多企业通过股票市场部分私有化，但中央规划之手依然强大。
这就使中国之外的人很不舒服。他们想象一群干部在密室里策划控制世界的格局的计划。他们应该描绘的是会议室里充满西装革履的人，计划着他们的公司将来会控制世界。这些公司是重要而强大的，有些想在世界舞台上担任重要角色。如果你想跟他们游戏，你就得跟政府因素妥协，因为这不会凭空消失。有趣的是看到每次中国投资公司国家主权基金对收购怀疑时，偏执狂就像水纹一样一波一波的扩大。这仅仅是个净值投资者想找个投资的地方，他们不是邪恶博士（目前为止，中国投资公司只是在摩根士丹利和黑石集团淌了趟水）。
这就是我们看到的，邓小平复杂并充满危险实验的30年。我们这样来看：中国在邓小平模式下的时间长于其在毛泽东模式下的时间。这是共产主义马？是的。但我们称他为共产主义二代。这就脱离了毛泽东禁止高尔夫的时代，——且为改良的诱人前景的到来预留了空间。
【部分读者回帖】
以下部分由高级编译 dakelv 翻译
【来源】http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20081212.wcoessay1213/CommentStory/specialComment/
joseph Cheng from Toronto, Canada writes:
While I disagree with a few points in Mr. Grimmer's article, I find hisdescription of modern day China very insightful, realistic andinformative. It's a far cry from those nitpicking and one-sided Chinabashing dispatches of Geoffrey York. Thanks G & M !!
虽然我不同意格雷莫先生文章中的几个观点，但是我认为这是对现代中国一个非常有洞察力、现实而又有启发性的描述，它与格利高里·约克的吹毛求疵式的对中国的片面的责难形成鲜明的对比。
Bob G - from Canada writes:
A very thoughtful and accurate portrait of China today , not unlikeSasha Trudeau's video documentary on CBC before the Olympics.
Onehundred years ago China was nearing the end of Qing Dynasty under thecontrol of Cixi , a horrible woman who had murdered her son theemperor. China was a nasty place after the opium wars of westernexploitation and Europeans had burned down the summer palace inBeijing. All things western were hated.
This was followed by 40 years of war and revolution and then 30 years of Mao , and more revolution......
Todayshe has spacecraft circling the moon and is becoming a freer and richerplace daily with dozens of TV channels and high speed internet.
Universities have grown like weeds, the one I teach at has just built a huge new campus outside of town.
Thepoint is, China has had an absolute emperor and no western style rightsor freedoms for thousands of years, yet its moving into the future init's own way at it's own speed.
There has never been democracy in China so people cant miss something they never had.
Things are changing in China and progress is being made.
Patience.
Bob Griffith
Hohhot, China
和奥运前CBC的SashaTrudeau对中国的视频报道不同，这篇文章是对当今中国的令人深思的准确的描述。一百年前，中国正处于慈禧控制下的清朝末期。慈禧是个恶毒的女人，她害死了他的身为皇帝的儿子。带有西方掠夺性质的鸦片战争后的中国是个破败不堪的地方，欧洲人烧毁了北京的圆明园。所有与西方有关的东西都被痛恨。从那以后是40多年的战争也革命，然后是毛统治的30年，然后是更多的革命。。。
今天，她有绕月飞行的飞船，成为一个比以前更自由、更富裕的地方，数量繁多的电视频道，高速因特网。
大学如雨后春笋般涌现。我所执教的那所大学刚在城外建立了一个新校园。
我要说的是，中国几千年来一直是处于集权帝王统治之下，没有任何西方式的人权和自由，但是现在她正以自己的方式和速度迈向未来。
中国从来就没有过民主，所以中国人也不会失去他们从来没有拥有过的东西。
中国正在发生变化，正在取得进步。
耐心。
Bob Griffith
呼和浩特
Vickky Angstrom from Victoria, Canada writes:
Amnesty International figures: 10 million political prisoners in Chinaright now; more than 50 million have died in jail since 1949; Tibetansare not even allowed to hang a picture of the Dalai Lama in theirhomes; the real Panchin Lama is under house arrest in Beijing while achinese child is put in his place. These are all simple facts.
TheChinese government has not changed -- except that they now placatetheir populous with rampant materialism just like the North Americans.When people step out of line, the Chinese government reverts to the oldways and tortures executes and imprisons millions.
大赦国际数据：目前中国有1000万政治罪犯；从1949年以来，已有5000万犯人在监狱里死去；西藏人甚至不被允许在自己家里悬挂达赖喇嘛的画像；真正的班禅喇嘛在北京被软禁，政府用一个小孩子来取代他。这些都是简单的事实。
中国政府根本没变 -- 只不过他们用极度的物质主义来安抚其人民，就像北美人一样。如果人民越界，中国政府马上就回到从前的嘴脸，折磨、处决和拘留成百万的人。
Paris M from Andorra, Andorra writes:
Well, if I could pay my workers .75c per hour and make them work 70hours a week without vacation or any other benefits, I could easily bethe world's fastest growing business! Surely those are not theconditions for all chinese workers, however if anyone wants tochallenge that the conditions listed above, are in effect for 80% ofthe mainland chinese labor force, please show me some hard facts andstats to the contrary. If China wants to be taken as an equal by thedeveloped world than raised the standards of living to match those ofthe developed world, not just for 15% of their population but for themajority of their citizens, including the ones that feed the country.Until then, it simply is an over populated third world country thatpays cheap wages to get ahead of others. Opportunism and exploitationare not social/economic models for long term development. Freeelections on the other hand would be a good step in the rightdirection!
如果我能每小时只付75分的工资给我工人，而让他们每周工作70小时，没有假期，没有任何福利，我也能成为世界上发展最快的公司！当然这不是所有中国工人的工作环境，但是如果有人不同意这是中国80%劳动大军的工作环境，那请你拿出具体的事实来反驳我。如果中国想和发达国家一样平起平坐，那么就请把其人民的生活水平提高到和发达国家一样，不是指提高15%人口的水准，而是提高大部分公民的生活水准，包括那些养活整个国家的农民。在此之前，它只能是一个人口过多的第三世界国家，通过付很低的工资来和别国比高低。投机和剥削不是长期发展的社会经济模式。从另一方面将，自由选举是迈向正确方向的一步！
Springfire . from China writes:
This article sums up current China rather accurately. It is full ofcontradictions and opportunities. To Chinese people, it is not asurprise. For Western audience, it is perceived so because they arebrainwashed by the main stream media on the daily basis.
The above two comments show my point nicely.
这篇文章把当今的中国总结得很好。中国充满了矛盾和机会。对于中国人来说，这不是什么令人吃惊的事。对于西方读者来说，他们觉得这很令人吃惊，这是因为他们每天都被主流媒体洗脑。
上面二人的评论非常贴切地证实了我的观点。
Hans-Bernd von Haeften from Canada writes:
Paris is correct....practically non-existent safety standards, zeroworker rights, pathetic wages and a huge labour force, are the onlyreason China can compete.
Paris说的对。。。基本不存在的安全标准，工人没有丝毫权利，可怜的工资，巨大的劳动大军，这些是中国竞争力的唯一原因。
Major T. J. 'King' Kong from Canada writes:
Even with the advantages mentioned by Paris, China still produces garbage.
即使中国有Paris所说的优势，它还是生产垃圾。
J D from Canada writes:
Interesting article and largely a reflection of how China sees itself.Bluntly stating that 'China is not going to be a liberal democracy inour lifetimes and whatever system does evolve here will probably neversuit Western tastes. Get over it.' is silly. It is the viewpoint of thegoverning authorities, delivered in the style of the governingauthorities.
ManyChinese wish China would be a liberal democracy and it has been a dreamfor over a century. It will be a long, difficult journey but that daywill indeed arrive. China will be a better place. Get over it.
很有趣的文章，而且总的来说描述的是中国对自己的看法。作者说“无论如何，中国不可能在我们一生内变成一个自由的民主国家，她不管演变成什么样的体制都可能不适合西方的口味！接受吧！”这是愚蠢的。这个观点是以政府当局的风格传达的政府当局的观点。
很多中国人希望中国是一个自由民主的国家，这是一个多世纪的梦想。道路是漫长而曲折的，但是那一天一定会到来。接受吧。
Tom Heinz from London, United Kingdom writes:
To Paris from Andorra,
Yes Paris I have a few statistics here which somehow deviate from what yousaid (I am not seeking to challenge your ones but I'd like to sharethese)
According to statistics, China's labour work force as of2007 is 800.7 million, and 25% out of that working in industry such asconstruction and manufacturing, 32% working in banking and servicesector and 43% working in agriculture sector. The minimum wage in Chinawas raised again in 2007 and at China's manufacturing heartland,Guangdong Province the minimum monthly wage has been raised to $120 amonth.
Paris, I have a question which I have not got an answerfor, hopefully a bright mind like you can help me answer it. How canthe living standard be raised to match to that of developed world ? Byeconomic growth through different phases ? or just leapfrog from'developing' to 'developed' overnight ? And how can this be done ?
Iffree election can guarantee long term development then would you mindelaborate why democratic countries such as the Philippines, India,African countries, Thailand, Cambodia, Caribbean Islands are still poorand backward ?
I hope you don't see this post as a challenge but rather a friendly knowledge exchange.
Paris：是的，我这里有些数据好像和你的有些差别（我不是要挑战你的数据，而是要和你分享。）
数据显示，2007年中国有8亿多劳动大军，其中25%从事建筑和制造业，32%从事银行和服务业，还有43%从事农业。中国的最低工资在2007年又一次得到提高，在中国制造业的心脏地带 - 广东省 - 最低月薪已提高到每月120美元。
Paris，我有一个问题一直没有答案，希望像你这样聪明的人可以帮我解答一下。中国如何将其人民的生活水准提高到发达国家一样的水平？是通过不同阶段的经济发展，还是一夜之间用蛙跳的方式从“发展中”跳到“发达”？如何才能做到这一点呢？
如果自由选举就能保证长期发展的话，那么你是否能解释一下，为什么诸如菲律宾、印度、非洲国家、泰国、柬埔寨还有加勒比海国家仍然处于贫穷和落后的状态呢？
我希望你不把我的这个帖子看成是对你的挑战，而是把它看成是友好的知识交换。 |
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发表于 2008-12-16 12:20
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发表于 2008-12-16 12:42
