本帖最后由 荡漾 于 2009-3-10 17:15 编辑
【原文标题】Time to Turn the Page in Tibet
【登载媒体】wsj.com
【来源地址】http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123661728551573001.html
【译者】荡漾
【声明】本翻译供Anti-CNN使用，转载请注明译者及出处，谢谢！
【译文】
达赖喇嘛的翻译图登金巴博士认为中国政府能够以和平的方式盖上西藏“悲伤的一章”。
今天，全世界的藏民，至少在家乡以外的，将纪念1959年拉萨起义50周年。起义以达赖喇嘛及数千藏民流亡至印度而宣告结束。
今年的纪念想必会引起相关人士的忧郁追忆。五十年是段漫长的光阴。1959年彼时尚活跃的中国伟大的革命家毛泽东、周恩来和邓小平逝世已多年。而尾随1959年起义的许多老一代藏民，包括我自己的父母在内，也已故去。然而藏民依然活在上世纪50年代遗留的阴影里，最痛苦的是与我们挚爱的达赖喇嘛仍旧处于分离状态。
显然是时候关上这一悲伤的章节，解决长久以来的争端并允许藏民与他们挚爱的领袖重新团聚。去年蔓延于藏区的骚乱令人注意到藏民对现状不满的程度。同样奥运火炬传递过程中亚洲、欧洲和北美各地许多城市爆发的大范围抗议也传达出外部世界许多人希望看到西藏问题得到解决。
为什么西藏问题如此棘手，中国政府至今仍无领导人有能力解决？首先源于复杂的历史，西藏主权的宣告和反宣告；其次中国政府方面在处理西藏人民时面对着至少可追溯回公元七世纪的一种同等国家地位的人民意识。当时唐朝皇帝不得不送公主与西藏王松赞干布成婚。拥有属于他们自己的语言、文化和起源神话，藏民具有一种强有力的与众不同感及厚重的历史感。这些成为了藏民身份认同的组成部分，将会代代相传，并不受某一特定时期的政治突发事件影响。
然而现在是长期以来实现公平解决的最好时机。毛泽东时代可能人们会说中华人民共和国不得不将大多数时间用于解决新中国诞生及随后向现代化国家发展过程中出现的种种问题；邓小平的首要任务是带领中国小心翼翼地过渡进一个有效的市场经济，也许他也不觉得有能力为成功解决西藏问题提供必要的承诺和重视。今天的中国是一个信心渐增的国家，正逐渐发展成一个重要的世界大国，考虑到中国的悠久、规模及经济，世界大国符合中国的地位。因此今天的中国有充足的实力解决存在已久的西藏问题。
那么推进解决的最佳方法是什么？双方援引历史争辩各自的主权合法性都没什么好处。对藏民来说事实已然如此，不论我们喜欢与否，今天西藏就是中国的一部分。藏民需要明白任何不予尊重现代中国领土完整而提出的解决方案对中国政府来说都不可能接受。
而中国政府则需要认可西藏人民保护我们语言、文化和独特性完整的渴望的合理性。尽管中国政府正式承认了藏族的语言和文化，西藏的政策仍然破坏了独特性的存在。中国政府准许初等教育使用藏语，也将藏语引入藏语区的政府及公共服务中。不过更大的宗教自由也很重要，包括允许藏民在家中重新挂上达赖喇嘛的图像。中国政府还必须保证藏区人口繁衍不受威胁，这样才能使藏民能作为一个民族生存下去。中国了解并尊重藏民的独特性，采取这些措施将大大帮助保护藏民权益。
如果双方首肯这些基本前提，其他的所有事情都将是细节问题。达赖喇嘛过去三十年来的努力正是基于这一原则；而邓小平当时向达赖喇嘛代表所做陈述“除了西藏独立其他一切都可以谈”所传递的似乎也是相同的意思。
通过设立西藏自治区、在甘肃、四川及青海省的藏民区设立自治州、自治县，中国政府名义上已经接受了这种解决方案。所需要的仅仅是充分执行自治法规的内容。藏民方面业已准备好基于这一前提的运作。去年十月始自2001年中国政府与达赖喇嘛代表的对话重启第八轮，达赖喇嘛方面提出了一个题为《为全体藏人获得真正自治的备忘录》这一实质性建议。随后于达兰萨拉召开的会议上流亡藏人代表们重申他们完全支持达赖喇嘛的主张。
现在中国政府有机会施以宽容大量将西藏这一悲伤的章节给予有尊严的结束。在达赖喇嘛仍健在的时代若未能解决西藏问题将只会使争端变得更加棘手，中国在西藏统治的合法性可能会在未来的数十年间受到质疑。
图片说明：1959年4月抵达印度后不久的达赖喇嘛
【原文】
(by Thupten Jinpa)
Today, Tibetans all over the world -- at least, those outside their homeland -- will mark the 50th anniversary of the Lhasa uprising of 1959. That event culminated in the flight of the Dalai Lama and thousands of Tibetans into exile in India.
This year's commemoration must invoke somber reflection on the part of all stakeholders. Fifty years is a long time. China's great revolutionary leaders who were active in 1959 -- Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping -- have long since gone. Many of the older generation of Tibetans who fled Tibet in the wake of the 1959 uprising, including my own parents, also are no more. Yet for Tibetans the tragic legacy of the 1950s still lives on, most painfully in the continued separation of the Tibetan people from our beloved Dalai Lama.
Surely the time has come to close this sad chapter, to resolve the longstanding dispute, and to allow the reunion of the Tibetan people with their cherished leader. Last year's disturbances across the Tibetan areas brought attention to the depth of the Tibetan dissatisfaction with the status quo. Similarly, the widespread protests against the Olympic torch relay in many cities across the world -- Asia, Europe and North America -- conveyed the wish of so many people in the outside world to see the Tibetan issue resolved.
Why is the Tibet question so intractable that no leader in Beijing has managed to resolve it so far? First there is the complexity of history, with claims and counterclaims pertaining to the ownership of Tibet. Second, in dealing with the Tibetans, Beijing is confronted with a people whose sense of a united nationhood stretches back at least as far as the seventh century. During that period China's Tang emperor was compelled to offer a princess as a bride to the Tibetan Emperor Songtsen Gampo. With a language, culture and origin myths of their own, the Tibetans have a powerful sense of their distinction and a deep historical consciousness. These are aspects of the Tibetan identity that will continue to be passed from generation to generation, regardless of the political contingencies of a given period.
Yet now is the best time in a long time to achieve a just solution. During Mao's era, one might argue, the People's Republic of China had to spend much of its time addressing problems arising from its birth and growth into a modern nation. Deng's priority was to take China through a careful transition into an effective market economy. Perhaps neither felt he could afford to give the Tibetan issue the commitment and attention necessary for its successful resolution. Today, China is an increasingly confident nation gradually emerging as an important global power, which, given its antiquity, size and economy, is its rightful place. So Beijing today is well-placed to resolve the longstanding issue of Tibet.
What then might be the best way to proceed? For both sides, there is not much to gain from invoking history to contest the legitimacy of each other's claims. For the Tibetans, the facts on the ground are such that, whether we like it or not, today Tibet is part of China. Tibetans need to understand that any proposed settlement that fails to respect the territorial integrity of modern China will be unacceptable to any government in Beijing.
Beijing, meanwhile, needs to recognize the legitimacy of the Tibetan people's aspiration to protect the integrity of our language, culture and identity. Although Beijing recognizes Tibetan language and culture formally, policies in Tibet still undermine the survival of that identity. Beijing could allow Tibetan to be the language of primary education as well as introducing it in the governmental and public services in the Tibetan speaking areas. Greater religious freedom is also crucial, including allowing Tibetans to again display images of the Dalai Lama in their homes. Beijing must also ensure that the demography on the Tibetan plateau is not threatened as to make the survival of the Tibetans as a people impossible. These steps could go a long way toward assuring Tibetans that China acknowledges and respects their distinctiveness.
If these basic premises are honored on both sides, all other issues will be details. This is exactly the principle upon which the Dalai Lama's efforts over the last three decades are based. This also appears to be the spirit behind Deng's now famous statement, made to the Dalai Lama's envoy, that "except for Tibet's independence everything can be discussed."
Beijing has already nominally accepted this solution by designating the Tibetan areas as the Tibet Autonomous Region, Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture and Tibetan Autonomous Counties in other provinces like Gansu, Sichuan and Qinghai. It needs only to implement fully the letter of its own laws. The Tibetan side has also been ready to work from this premise. In October, at the eighth round of meeting since renewed contacts began in 2001 between Beijing and the Dalai Lama's representatives, the Dalai Lama's side offered a substantive proposal entitled Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People, which envisioned how such an arrangement could be implemented. At an important subsequent gathering in Dharamsala the Tibetan exile representatives reaffirmed their full support to the Dalai Lama's approach.
Beijing now has the opportunity to exercise magnanimity and bring this sad chapter on Tibet to a dignified close. Failure to reach a solution while the Dalai Lama is alive will only serve to make the dispute even more intractable. The legitimacy of Beijing's rule in Tibet may be questioned for many more decades to come.
Mr. Jinpa is the principal translator for the Dalai Lama.
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发表于 2009-3-10 15:23
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中国拿回蒙古都没有什么可质疑的，那个国家都有好的和坏的。美国人也要写写文章发表一下你自身的问题吧？
