本帖最后由 荡漾 于 2009-4-6 01:08 编辑
在中国的互联网上，网络民族主义已经让位于网络民团主义[1]。匿名为互联网上的激进行为推波助澜，亦被利用来公开那些被认定做了坏事的人的隐私，有时候造成悲剧性的结果。
随着通信技术的创新发展，任何人都可以在互联网上匿名或半匿名表达自己，有时达到极端的程度。近些年中国的互联网使用大步发展，而网民人数之多使得政府的控制颇具难度。
知名香港博客“东南西北”博主宋以郎先生[2]指出“中国有3亿互联网用户，他们可能人人都在写点东西，或是每天浏览数百万计的门户网站、网站、论坛、BBS和博客”。
中国政府并未忽视互联网匿名产生的影响，已采取措施加强责任追究。但尽管政府针对在中国的互联网使用制定规则，但这些规则在网吧等地方很大程度上被忽略。按照法律规定用户需要登记身份证对应其使用的电脑及IP地址，然而网吧经常不遵守这一规定。
因此中国网民会觉得互联网上允许匿名给予了他们某种授权。而在一个互联网一直非常开放的国家，会有人利用匿名发表在现实生活中并不会发表的激进甚而暴力的言论。
期刊《当代中国研究》编辑赵穗生认为“在互联网上表达的 观点要比在其他地方看到正常的要激进得多”。
这当中一部分转向了民族主义者。政府在一定程度上鼓励民族主义，但也小心确保不要像互联网上的评论经常表现出的那样变得过于极端。被称作“网络民族主义”的这些观点在中国的互联网论坛和聊天室里出现得越来越多。
赵穗生认为“网络民族主义是一种众多互联网用户，特别是那些年轻激进的群体通过开通互联网聊天室及博客来表达观点的现象”。
不过印度智库国防分析研究所副研究员Abanti Battachrya指出“网络民族主义并非一项运动”；更准确说是在中国民族主义旧的表现形式的牢固基础上日渐发展起来的一种趋势。
中国民族主义并非新生事物，中国政府经常利用民族主义来动员民众支持其议程并加强其合法性。
Bhattacharya认为“中国的民族主义主要由政府主导，在上世纪九十年代成为强有力的思想工具。当时人们对共产主义思想产生怀疑，爱国主义开始被提拔到支撑党的合法性的高度”。然而“将民族主义仅仅理解成政党事件是错误的，它在中国人，尤其是知识分子、作家和其他专业人士之中传播开来”。
不过亚利桑那州立大学助理教授吴旭指出在互联网上“只有一小部分核心活动家是自我激发而足以被称作网络民族主义者”。
网络民族主义者通常认为主要指受过相当良好教育的城市里的年轻成年男子。不过互联网的匿名状态允许他们发帖而无需考虑后果，同时保护他们不被曝光身份。
宋以郎先生指出“中国的互联网用户使用假名和昵称，因此不可能算出网络民族主义者的准确数字”。
网络民族主义通常经由突发事件点燃而爆发。2008年3月西藏抗议事件之后，支持西藏独立的示威游行干扰奥运火炬传递，引起中国网民的强烈反响。
赵穗生指出“为回应所谓的西方媒体关于西藏起义的偏见报道，一个中国人建立了Anti-CNN网站。网络民族主义的传播速度之飞快及影响之最大化从中可见一斑”。Anti-CNN上的帖子和评论大部分都符合该网站的“使命”——“收集整理西方主流媒体邪恶的证据，发出中国人民自己的声音”。[3]
随着奥运火炬传递过程中出现示威抗议，达赖喇嘛成为一些论坛的共同靶子，有评论称“反对达赖喇嘛这个**！我要告诉全世界，达赖喇嘛是个**”。
这令中国政府颇为担忧。在某些方面民族主义是令人欣赏并值得鼓励的；但激进的民族主义示威抗议及暴行则是政府尽力要避免的社会不稳定的征兆。有专家认为民族主义一方面能够加强执政的合法性，但另一方面也可能成为中国增长的一种阻碍。赵穗生指出政府现在正面临一种“两难的选择”。
他表示“我们想利用那些民族主义者包括网络民族主义者作为基础加强（中国的）地位，但另一方面这些非常情绪化、暴力性的号召可能伤害（中国）与其他许多国家的关系，或伤害到国家的形象，也伤害到他们的经济利益”。
匿名制既为互联网上的激进行为推波助澜，但同时也能将其揭发。有时候网络民族主义摇身变成中国道德与理想的守卫者，利用虚拟空间对那些与现实作风不太符合的人们实施攻击。
2008年4月奥运火炬传递经过旧金山时，杜克大学的中国新生王千源在支持西藏独立与反对西藏独立对峙冲突的示威者面前发表演讲力图推进对话。她被反对西藏独立的示威者的叫喊声压倒。王千源的一张照片与中文名字、身份证号码及联系方式在随后几天中连同她父母国内的家庭地址通过中国最知名的论坛传播开去。数以千计侮辱、贬损王千源的主题贴（在论坛）发布，王千源的家庭被迫躲藏起来。
与该主题相关的诸多帖子之一的跟帖中有网民写道：王千源“实在给中国人民丢脸，在场的几百 留学生都目睹了其罪恶行径”。其他评论则呼吁将她剁成一块一块或用汽油活活烧死。
在西藏抗议期间用来查找王千源个人信息的战术也已经被用于在全中国寻找和骚扰对象，这种战术俗称“人肉搜索引擎”。这些网络暴民“手下”的牺牲者们经常是那些表现出的行为被看作如许多评论指出的那样与中国人不相称的人，并被“网络民团主义者”的炙热所攻击。
在最近也最为著名的一个案例中，2007年一位名叫姜岩的女子在得知丈夫的背叛后自杀身亡。她的朋友张乐奕将其私人日记上传至网络，不久之后人肉搜索引擎开始行动。几天内姜岩的丈夫王菲就发现包括他的电话号码、身份证号码在内的私人信息以及他与情妇的照片在整个网络流传开来，随之而来的几千则评论号召各种形式的骚扰和暴力行动。
有迹象表明中国政府正在日益关注网络民团主义。王菲的遭遇导致有关人肉搜索引擎的首例庭审案件。2008年12月北京一家地方法院裁定张乐奕侵犯王菲个人隐私及引起实质诽谤，罚款共计1100美元。法院还认定传播信息的网站应对此负责，要求他们删除类似引起关注的个人信息。
尽管这是一个具有里程碑意义的案件，仍有诸多担忧面对互联网发帖要制止暴行几乎无所可为。宋以郎先生表示“我不希望看到这种事情发生，但它在发生，因为司法机构不够强有力（对网络）实行正义介入”“作为替代，我们就有了网络民团主义”。
网民也已将政府官员作为目标，进一步引起政府关注。一位官员被发现戴的表、抽的烟相对他的薪水而言过于昂贵，此事在BBS论坛引起热烈讨论。还有位被发现强迫一个11岁女孩进入公共盥洗室的官员成为力度更强的审查的对象。他被确定名叫林家祥，深圳海事局的党委书记。该事件发生后有人将照片贴至网上，其他网民认出了他。迫于公众压力他被免去职务。
因此许多中国人对网络持谨慎的态度。一位英文名字叫Fauna的上海女子管理着chinaSMACK，这个博客专门将流行的中文帖子翻译成英文。她拒绝公开中文姓名。其博客聚焦于中文互联网论坛上的丑闻及更具震撼力的帖子，这引来了一些中国网民批评她将中国社会“坏的一面”呈现于说英语的世界面前。
Fauna在电子邮件采访中表示“尽管有人给我造成麻烦的机会很小，我认为保护自己、保护我在互联网上的信息仍然是我的责任”“面对政府和专业人士要保护自己我可能无能为力，但至少我可以保护自己不受居心不良的普通人的骚扰”。
匿名助长大胆行事的思维，而互联网的发展速度和规模也可能抹去即便有限的隐私假定。中国政府继续管理和控制网络民族主义者和网络民团主义者的行为，但随着网民变得越发技术娴熟加上互联网慢慢摆脱中国政府，这种控制能维持多久，我们拭目以待吧。
注1：作者Jesica Chang系Colby学院本科生，Katherine Chu系南加州大学政治和国际关系学院博士生。
图片1说明：Anti-CNN网站截图，去年数千民族主义者在该网站上发表评论。
图片2说明：许多中国人在网吧上网，网吧并不总是遵守互联网规则。（Kai Hendry拍摄）
译注[1]：网络民团主义简指互联网上针对不良个人或行为自发采取行动以“维护正义、替天行道”。
译注[2]：宋以郎先生乃宋淇之子，其博客“东南西北”将中文媒体、博客的重大观点即时、准确翻译成英文传播出去，也推荐英文博客。网址：http://www.zonaeuropa.com/weblog.htm
译注[3]：此处按文章原文翻译，Anti-CNN论坛的表述为“收集整理西方主流媒体作恶的证据……”，完整英文、中文可查看：http://bbs.m4.cn/about
【原文】
Anonymity But No Place to Hide
On the internet in China, cybernationalism has given way to cybervigilantism. While anonymity encourages radical behavior on the Chinese internet, it is also being used to strip away the privacy of those deemed as wrongdoers, sometimes with tragic results.
Release Date: 03/06/2009
By JESICA CHANG and KATHERINE CHU
With the innovation of communication technology, anyone can express themselves anonymously or semi-anonymously on the internet, sometimes to extreme degrees. Internet use in China has grown at a tremendous pace in recent years, and sheer numbers make it difficult for the government to control.
"China has 300 million internet users, and they may each be writing something or the other every day over at the millions of portals, websites, forums, BBSs and blogs," said Roland Soong, author of the well-known Hong Kong blog "EastSouthWestNorth."
The Chinese government has not been oblivious to the implications of anonymity on the internet, and has taken steps to increase accountability. Yet while the government has set rules for internet use in China, they have been largely ignored in places like internet cafes. A user is required by law to present his or her ID so that it can be recorded in connection with the computer and IP address used. However, internet cafes often don't adhere to this rule.
So Chinese netizens can feel empowered by their perceived anonymity on the internet. And in a country where the internet has been particularly liberating, some people are using anonymity to voice the radical and sometimes violent views they can't voice in real life.
"Views expressed on the internet are much more radical than what we see normal in other places," said Suisheng Zhao, editor of the Journal of Contemporary China.
Some of this takes a nationalist turn. While the government encourages nationalism to an extent, it is careful to make sure it doesn't become too extreme, as internet comments often do. Called "cybernationalism," these views are becoming more and more visible on Chinese internet forums and chat rooms.
"Cybernationalism is a phenomenon that many internet users, especially those young and radical people, express their views by hosting internet chat rooms and blogs," Zhao said.
However, "cybernationalism is not a movement," said Abanti Bhattacharya, associate fellow at the Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses, a think tank in India. Rather, it is more of a growing trend with deep roots in older forms of Chinese nationalism.
Chinese nationalism is not new. The Chinese government often uses nationalism to mobilize it's populace behind its agenda and shore up its legitimacy.
"Nationalism in China is mainly state-led and emerged as a potent ideological tool in the 1990s when Communist ideology was discredited and patriotism began to be promoted to bolster party legitimacy," said Bhattacharya. However, "it will be wrong to understand it as merely a party affair but has spread among the Chinese people particularly among the intellectuals, writers and other professionals."
On the internet, however, "only a small portion of hard-core activists are self-motivated enough to be called cybernationalists," said Wu Xu, assistant professor at Arizona State University.
Those cybernationalists are generally considered to be largely young adult urban males who are fairly well-educated. However, the anonymous nature of the internet that allows them to post without repercussions also prevents them from being definitively characterized.
"Chinese internet users [have] pseudonyms and nicknames, so it is impossible to tell the demographic composition of the cyber nationalists," Soong said.
Events usually trigger outbursts of cybernationalism. In March 2008, a protest in Tibet followed by the disturbance of the Olympic torch relay by pro-Tibet demonstrations triggered a sharp response from Chinese netizens.
"The immense speed and maximized impact of cyber nationalism could be glimpsed from the anti-CNN web site that was launched by a Chinese to respond against the alleged Western media bias on the Tibetan uprising," Zhao said. This website was home to thousands of posts and comments that for the most part fell in line with the website's mission: "collecting and sorting out the evil proof of western mainstream media's guilt, making our Chinese people's voice heard."
The Dalai Lama was a common target on several forums as the protests followed the torch, with comments like "Against the Dalai Lama Bastard! I have to declare to the world, the Dalai Lama is a mongrel!"
This is worrying to the Chinese government. While nationalism is appreciated and encouraged in some respects, radical demonstrations of nationalism and violence are signs of social instability that the government works hard to avoid. Experts say nationalism on one hand is able to enhance the state's legitimacy, but on the other, it can also be an obstacle to China's growth. Zhao said the government is facing a "dilemma" now.
"We want to use those nationalist, including cybernationalist, elements to strengthen [China's] position, but on other hand, these very emotional, violent calls could hurt [China's] relationship with many foreign countries or hurt their image and also hurt their economic interests," he said.
While anonymity encourages radical behavior on the internet, it can at the same time strip it away. Sometimes, cybernationalism morphs into a kind of guardian of Chinese morals and ideals, using virtual space to attack those who don't conform in very real ways.
In April 2008 when the Olympic torch was carried through San Francisco, Grace Wang, a Chinese freshman at Duke University made several comments in front of clashing pro-Tibet and anti-Tibet protesters in an attempt to encourage dialogue. She was shouted down by the anti-Tibet protesters. In the days following, a photo of Wang with her Chinese name, identification number, and contact information, along with her parents' home address in China, were circulated through China's most popular forums. Thousands of insults and derogatory threads about Wang were added as Wang's family was forced into hiding.
In response to one of the many posts on the subject, one netizen wrote that Wang was "effectively embarrassing the Chinese people, with her evil sins witnessed personally by several hundred overseas students." Other comments called for her to be hacked into pieces or boiled in oil.
The tactics used to locate Grace Wang's personal information during the Tibet protest has also been used to find and harass people all over China in a tactic known as the "human flesh search engine" ( 人肉搜索引擎). The victims of these web mobs are often people who have exhibited behavior viewed as inappropriate to a Chinese person, as many comments suggest, and are attacked with a "cybervigilantist" fervor.
In the most recent and well-known case, a woman named Jiang Yan committed suicide after learning of her husband's infidelity in 2007. A friend, Zhang Leyi, published her private diary online, and soon the human flesh search engines went to work. Within a few days, Jiang Yan's husband, Wang Fei, found his personal information including his phone numbers, ID numbers and pictures of him and his mistress circulating all over the internet, along with thousands of comments calling for various forms of harassment and violence.
There are indications that the government is growing concerned about cybervigilantism. Wang's situation led to the first court case related to these human search engines--in December 2008, a Beijing district court fined Zhang Leyi a total US$1,100 for violating Wang's privacy and causing defamation of character. The courts also held the sites carrying the information liable, requiring them to remove such personal information if it is brought to their attention.
While this is a landmark case, there are worries that little can be done to stop violence in response to internet postings. "I don't want to see this sort of thing happen, but this is happening because the judiciary is not strong enough to bring justice," Soong said. "Instead we have cybervigilantism."
Netizens have also targeted governmental officials, furthering the government's concerns. One official seen wearing watches and smoking cigarettes too expensive for someone with his salary was heavily discussed in BBS forums. Another official who was seen forcing an 11-year-old girl into a public bathroom was the subject of even worse scrutiny. He was identified as Lin Jiaxiang, a party secretary of Shenzhen Maritime Administration, after someone posted his picture following the incident and other netizens recognized him. He was dismissed from his post as a result of public pressure.
As a result, many Chinese people are cautious on the internet. A Shanghai woman who goes by the English name Fauna runs chinaSMACK, a blog devoted to translating popular Chinese-language posts into English, and refuses to reveal her Chinese name to the public. Her blog focuses on scandals and the more shocking posts on Chinese internet forums, which has drawn criticism from some Chinese netizens for presenting the "bad side" of Chinese society to the English-speaking world.
"Although the chance that someone will give me trouble is very small, I believe it is still my responsibility to protect myself and my information on the internet," Fauna said in an email interview. "There is not much I can do to protect myself against professionals or the government, but I can at least protect myself from normal people with bad motivations."
The thought of anonymity emboldens, while the speed and scale of the internet also make it possible to erase even limited presumptions of privacy. The Chinese government continues to monitor and control the actions of cybernationalists and cybervigilantes, but as netizens become more tech-savvy and the internet slowly slips out of the Chinese government's hands, it remains to be seen how long this control can last.
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发表于 2009-4-6 00:16
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发表于 2009-4-6 05:30
