《泰晤士报》西藏档案馆1950年6月13日：西藏和中国

荡漾

【原文标题】Tibet and China
【登载媒体】泰晤士报陈年旧报
【来源地址】http://archive.timesonline.co.uk/archiveimg/free/1950/06/13/05/0FFO-1950-JUN13-005-50.jpg
【译者】荡漾
【声明】本翻译供Anti-CNN使用，转载请注明译者及出处，谢谢！
【译文】

报道要点：
* 达赖喇嘛和中国政府均宣称拥有西藏主权
* 达赖喇嘛和中国政府有望实现对话
* 印度将是重要的桥梁

     来自达赖喇嘛政权的一个代表团在新德里计划获得英政府颁发的香港签证，希望与北京当局在香港进行初步接触。既然西藏与包括中国在内的外部世界最方便的联系就是通过印度，西藏通过这种方式派出代表也是合理的。考虑到对印度安全的影响，西藏和中国之间的关系已经从英国转到了印度手里。西藏人民会做好工作以获得来自符合印度政府利益的同情支持。印度在中国已有了驻京大使，而新德里有望不久之后迎来中国人民政府的代表。

     中国人民政府坚持尽早实现“解放”西藏的目的，比起将马克思学说传播到中国之外的地方更关心自满清帝国流传至国民党时期的传统复苏。从康熙年间开始中国的学生学到的知识便是将西藏视为中国的一个省份。至于西藏在之前获得独立之后从未接受中国的最高统治、在中国国力衰落时西藏客气地驱逐了中国官员，以及西藏的自治得到世界普遍承认这些事实统统影响不了中国的看法。在西藏一个亲中的政党已得到发展，一直由班禅喇嘛领导，他依靠中国的资助回击自称西藏最高领导人的达赖喇嘛。当中国政府强大的时候班禅喇嘛的政党就强大，不过当领导人逃亡时达赖喇嘛及其支持者摆脱了中国的影响。

     达赖喇嘛面对摇摇欲坠的国民党政权坚持独立时向中国寻求庇护的班禅喇嘛政党在现任中国人民政府自主成立起来之时便向北京示好。结果自然是令人满意的，因为班禅喇嘛对西藏精神上领导权的主张是中国政府一张有用的牌。拉萨政府予以反击，派遣贸易代表团及友好团体到英国、美国及其他国家，希望得到支持，反对中国人民政府。在某种程度上看双方都有些虚张声势。可能除了印度就没有哪个国家有能力有效介入西藏这样遥远得有些不切实际的国家事务。而中国政府也相当清楚大多数西藏人民支持的是达赖喇嘛而非班禅喇嘛。

     几周前中国政府正式表态如果西藏愿意和中国保持友好关系，将予以“区域自治”，并邀请拉萨派出一支能力最强的谈判代表团以求达成友好的解决方法。既然达赖喇嘛也渴望同中国人民政府达成协议，可能有望不久之后开始双方对话。对话应该会成功，这符合印度的利益，因此印度政府可能会提供有益帮助。印度和中国的关系也相当令人期待。支持西藏成立独立政府主张的的尼赫鲁认为中国可被视为对西藏拥有“某种无需明说的主权”。就通过一种友好谅解的方法调停截然相反的观点而言，可能尼赫鲁会很成功，而换一个西方的政治家则几乎一定会失败。

【原文】

A mission from the Dalai Lama’s Government is in Delhi to obtain British visas for HongKong, where it hopes to make preliminary contact with the Peking authorities. Since the easiest communications between Tibet and the outside world, including China, are through India, it is reasonable for Lhasa to send its emissaries by this route. Relations between Lhasa and Peking, in so far as they affect the safety of India, have now passed from the British to the Delhi Government; and the Tibetans would do well to enlist the sympathetic interests of the Government of India, which already has an Ambassador in Peking and expects soon to welcome to Delhi a representative of the Chinese People’s Government.

In asserting its intention of “Liberating” Tibet as soon as possible, the Peking Government may be more concerned to revive a tradition handed down through the Kuomingtang from the Manchu Empire than to carry Marxist doctrines beyond the confines of China. Since the time of Kang His every Chinese schoolboy has been taught to look on Tibet as a province of China. The facts that Tibet never accepted Chinese paramountcy as a substitute for her former independence, that she politely expelled Chinese officals whenever China was weak, and that her autonomy has been recognized by the world in general, do not affect the Chinese point of view. There has grown up in Tibet a pro-Chinese party, traditionally headed by the PANCHEN LAMA, which relies on Chinese aid to make head against the claim of the DALAI LAMA to be supreme ruler of the country; this party is powerful when the central Government of China is strong, but its leaders go into exile when the DALAI LAMA and his supporters throw off Chinese influence.

As soon as the present People’s Government of China estabilished itself, the PANCHEN LAMA’s party, which has sought refuge in China when the DALAI LAMA asserted his independence against the crumbling power of the Kuomingtang, made overtures to Peking. The response was favourable, since the PANCHEN LAMA’s claim to spiritual supremacy in Tibet is a useful card for Peking to play. The Lhasa Government retorted by dispatching trade delegations and good will missions to Britain, The United States, and other countries, hoping to receive support against the People’s Government of China. To a certain extent, both sides are bluffing. No foreign Power, with the possible exception of India, can intervene effectively in a country so fantastically remote as Tibet; and Peking knows quite welll that it is the DALAI LAMA, not the PANCEHEN LAMA, who is supported by the mass of the Tibetan people.

A few weeks ago Peking formally offered Tibet “regional autonomy” if she would associate herself peacefully with China, and invited Lhasa to send a mission with full negotiating powers to conclude an amicable settlement. Since the DALAI LAMA is also anxious to come to terms with the People’s Government of China—provided—discussions may be expected to begin before long. It is in the interest of India that these talks should succeed, and the Delhi Government may be able to help them forward. The relations between India and China are noticeably cordial. Mr. Nehru, while supporting Tibet’s claim to self-government, recognizes the China is entitled to “a vague sort of suzerainty” over her. He may well succeed, where a western statesman would almost certainly fail, in reconciling these opposing points of view through a friendly understanding.

【截图】