【德国外交政策网】内耗战略（全四篇|附带中译PDF文档）

rhapsody

【中文标题】内耗战略
【原文标题】Strategies of Attrition (Ⅰ,Ⅱ,Ⅲ,Ⅳ)
【登载媒体】德国外交政策网（www.german-foreign-policy.com）
【来源地址】
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/fulltext/56094
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/fulltext/56097
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/fulltext/56098
http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/fulltext/56104
【编译|校对】静水伊涟、tenderstorm、Krypton、忧心、MiaT、calmvoca、茉茉菲、Valery、rhapsody
【声明】本译文（包括PDF文档在内）供Anti-CNN使用，未经AC或译者许可，谢绝转载，谢谢合作

【补充说明】文中各篇的标题为本人自行添加；校对过程中也借鉴了“强华”（非AC网友）的译文，在此表示感谢；有需要的亦可下载下边的PDF文档阅读
【中译PDF文档】
SoA.zip (724.62 KB, 下载次数: 25)

2009-9-8 20:16 上传

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【前言】这是德国外交政策网于2007年9月到10月间发表的一系列专题报道（前后共四篇），虽着眼点肯定是“德国外交政策”，但从中可以窥见所谓的“三股势力”的一些历史渊源，有一定参考价值。因此尽管距离原文发布已经时隔两年，编译团队还是翻译了全部四篇文章并发布于此。

【第一篇：战略】

The German chancellor is reinforcing Berlin’s special relationships to Chinese separatists, in spite of Beijing’s massive protests. The Dalai Lama had talks in the German Chancellery, for the first time, Sunday, Sept. 23. He is the leader of a self-proclaimed Tibetan exile government, with its headquarters in India, which is calling for the secession of Tibet from the Peoples Republic of China or at least special rights in accordance with the German model of "autonomy." The Dalai Lama is a western ally, helping to weaken Beijing and hamper its rise to the status of world power. For decades he has been enjoying the cross-party sympathy in Germany and is receiving support from conservatives, liberals and Greens alike. Still his meeting with Angela Merkel has been met with criticism, because business circles fear retaliatory actions on the part of the Chinese government will have a negative effect on their business. German strategies of attrition against Beijing, their historical precursors in the first half of the 20th century and the scenes of current measures, are the themes of a series of articles that german-foreign-policy.com began Monday Sept. 24.
尽管北京提出强烈抗议，德国总理仍在加强柏林当局同中国的分离势力的特殊往来。 （2007年）9月23日，周日，自称为西藏流亡政府的领导人达赖喇嘛首次在总理府受到了正式接见。总部设在印度的西藏流亡政府多年来一直寻求让西藏脱离中华人民共和国，或者至少按照德国“自治”模式为西藏争取特权（或者至少为西藏争取到同德国“自治”模式一样的特权）。作为西方的盟友，达赖喇嘛一直协助西方削弱中国的势力并阻碍中国崛起成为世界大国。几十年来，达赖喇嘛已经博得德国各党派的同情，并得到了包括保守党、独立党和绿党在内的多党派人士的支持。尽管如此，他与安格拉·默克尔的会晤依旧备受争议，因为商业界人士担心中国政府对此采取的报复行动会给他们的业务带来负面影响。从9月24日（周一）开始，德国外交政策网将会就德国针对北京当局采取的内耗战略，这一战略在20世纪上半叶的历史先驱者，以及现行措施的情况作一系列的专题报道。

With his visit to the German Chancellor, the Dalai Lama crowned his several weeks of touring Europe. Subsequent to his stops in Spain and Portugal, the self-ordained Tibetan Exile ruler met with the chancellor of Austria. Over the past few days he has toured several of the German federalstates. In Munster (North Rhein Westphalia) he was awarded the honorary doctor title of the University. In Hesse he met with the state’s prime minister, Roland Koch. As with his previous visits - the last being in July in Hamburg - the Dalai Lama was greeted with cross-party expressions of sympathy. He is expected to return to Germany for several major events in May 2008.
有了德国总理的接见，达赖喇嘛圆满完成了他为期数周的欧洲之行。结束对西班牙和葡萄牙的访问后，这位自封的西藏流亡领导人会见了奥地利总理。过去几天中，他又到访了德国联邦的几个州。明斯特（北莱茵-威斯特**州）大学授予其荣誉博士的称号；在黑森州，他会见了该州州长罗兰·科赫。与达赖喇嘛的前几站访问一样，六月在德国行程的最后一站，汉堡，各党派代表都对他表示了支持。预计他会在2008年5月重返德国，参加一些重要活动。

支持活动 (Support)

Indicating the effects of German behavior, Beijing has responded to the trip of the Dalai Lama, and particularly to his audience with Chancellor Merkel. The Tibetan dignitary leads an exile government, based in Dharamsala (India) and lays claim to control over Chinese territory ("Greater Tibet"). Even though originally the demand was for Tibetan national sovereignty, the Dalai Lama, in the meantime, claims to also be satisfied with comprehensive rights of autonomy. "These Tibetan demands for religious and cultural autonomy are supported by the German government" confirmed Thomas Steg last Friday. Beijing points to its rights of sovereignty and reserves for itself - in accordance to its own discretion and without the interference of former colonial powers - the granting of autonomy for minorities within its borders.
在指明德国所作所为的后果之后，北京当局对此次达赖之行，特别是针对其与默克尔总理的会晤作出了回应[1]。这位西藏高僧领导着地处达兰萨拉（印度）的流亡政府，并对中国领土（ “大藏区[2]” ）提出了要求。尽管最初是为西藏争取主权，但达赖喇嘛现时又申明只是要取得全面自治的权利。上周五，托马斯·斯特格[3]证实了“德国政府支持藏人对文化和宗教的自治的要求”的说法。北京当局立足于主权和资源的立场，依照自己的判断并在不受以前的殖民国家干涉的前提下，将授予境内少数民族自治的权力，保留给了自己。

德国榜样 (German Model)

The role model for the rights of autonomy, that the Dalai Lama is demanding from Beijing, is patterned on the German ethnic model "Volksgruppenrechte" (the rights of ethnic minority groups). In the Northern Italian autonomous region of Trentino-Alto Adige (South Tyrol) this is in force and has done nothing toward ending efforts toward secession. Already in 1993 an assistant of the European Academy Bozen, in Alto Adige, contacted the "foreign minister" of the Tibetan exile government. This academy, that has an ad hoc "Volksgruppenrecht" Institute, was founded with the participation of the foreign ministry of Germany. The Dalai Lama personally visited Bolzano in 1997. Still during the 90s, the Tibetan exile government began consultations with the European Academy on the question of "Volksgruppenrecht". "South Tyrol has definitely the character of a role model for Tibet" explained the Tibetan exile ruler during his second visit to Bolzano in 2005.
达赖喇嘛向北京当局要求自治权，效仿的是德国的民族模式——“少数族裔群体权利” 。意大利北部的特伦蒂诺-上阿迪杰（南蒂罗尔）自治区实行的就是这种模式，但这一模式对于结束分离活动没能起到任何作用[4]。早在1993年，位于上阿迪杰的欧洲波森学院的一个助理就同西藏流亡政府的“外交部长”取得了联系。这个学院有个特设的“少数族裔群体权利”研究所，是在德国外交部的参与下成立的。1997年，达赖喇嘛亲自访问了博尔扎诺，同样是在90年代，西藏流亡政府开始就少数族裔群体权利问题向欧洲学会进行咨询。2005年，达赖在第二次访问博尔扎诺期间，表示“南蒂罗尔无疑是西藏效仿的榜样” 。

西藏国旗 (National Flag)

The Dalai Lama, whose demands for autonomy and secession could permanently weaken the People’s Republic of China, is enjoying cross-party support in Germany. The Green Party was among the first to take up the Tibetan cause in the political arena. It was the first to put pressure on Beijing with a resolution on "human rights violations in Tibet" in the German national parliament (Bundestag) (October 15, 1987). Two years later, on April 20 to 21, 1989, the Greens organized an international hearing on "Tibet and Human Rights" that was held in the SPD conference room in Bonn and received wide attention. Roland Koch (CDU), who, today, is the prime minister of Hesse has also been engaged in the cause for Tibet since the mid 1980’s. In 1995, he organized the Dalai Lama’s first appearance in the Hesse parliament. Ten years later, as the Tibetan dignitary received the Hesse Peace Prize, the Tibetan national flag, which is not recognized, was flying at the federal state chancellery in Wiesbaden.
达赖喇嘛对于西藏自治和独立的要求，可以永久地削弱中华人民共和国的实力，而他也在德国获得了许多党派的支持。其中，绿党是第一个将西藏问题提升到政治高度的政党。它第一个通过在西德联邦议会上提出一项关于“西藏的人权侵犯”议案的方式向北京施压。两年后，即1989年的4月20日到21日，绿党在波恩的社民党会议厅举行了西藏和人权问题的国际听证会，并得到了广泛的关注。黑森州州长罗兰·科赫，从上世纪80年代中期也开始参与有关西藏的事务。1995年，他策划了达赖在黑森州议会的首次登台亮相。十年后，当这位西藏高僧获得黑森州和平奖的时候，威斯巴登（黑森州首府）的州长府悬挂了迄今未获承认的西藏国旗。

战略问题 (Strategies)

The Friedrich-Naumann-Foundation, closely affliated to the German liberal FDP party, began its extensive Tibet activities in the early 1990’s. Since 1991 it has been counseling the Tibetan exile government "on all questions of political education". Together with the exile government, whose headquarters is in India, the Friedrich-Naumann-Foundation organizes international conferences on Tibet. The second conference, held in Bonn in 1996, led to diplomatic fallout, culminating in the closing of the foundation’s Beijing office. It has yet to be reopened. The last conference took place in Brussels last May. At the invitation of the Friedrich-Naumann-Foundation, more than 300 participants, arriving from over 50 countries, discussed "human rights" and "strategies of Tibetan exiles’". According to the foundation, it was "the most political" conference on Tibet ever: "This was also due to the opportunities that the Olympic Games, to be held next year in China, open to the Tibetans and which were also examined in Brussels."
与德国自由民主党[5]有着密切关联的的弗里德里希-瑙曼基金会，从上世纪90年代初，便开展了大量有关西藏的活动。自1991年以来，该基金会一直为西藏流亡政府提供“所有政治培训相关问题上”的专业建议。弗里德里希-瑙曼基金会联同总部设在印度的西藏流亡政府就西藏问题多次召开国际会议。1996年在波恩举行的第二次会议引发了外交争端，最终导致该基金会驻北京办事处被关闭，而且至今未能重设。之前最后一次会议于五月在布鲁塞尔举行，应基金会邀请的、来自50多个国家的300多名与会者齐聚一堂，探讨“人权”和“流亡藏人战略”问题。该基金会表示，这次会议是迄今为止“最具政治性”的西藏问题会议： “这得益于明年中国举办的奥运也给藏人提供了一些机遇，布鲁塞尔会上对此亦进行了探讨。”

潜在风险 (Risky)

The German Chancellor’s offer to hold talks with the Dalai Lama is obviously one such "opportunity". This invitation caused hefty discussions in the Foreign Ministry and provoked resentment in business circles. German businessmen fear a loss of business, because of China’s self-assured retaliation. As an initial reaction, Beijing called off negotiations on patent protection for German goods. Other retaliatory measures are expected. According to the Director of Research for the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP), Chancellor Merkel’s meeting with the Dalai Lama is a "serious foreign policy faux-pas in a subordinate conflict". In Berlin it was a rule that the chancellor visits Beijing with business delegations, and contacts to Tibet are maintained below the highest political levels. Chancellor Kohl’s visit to Tibet, in 1987, is exemplary. He defied "human rights" demands and followed the course of German export interests. Accompanied by numerous businessmen, he met the Chinese governor in Lhasa - only a few weeks after the US-Congress had passed a strongly worded Tibet resolution and amid strong protest of an anti-China public.
德国总理提出与达赖喇嘛进行会晤显然就是这样一个“机遇” 。这次邀请在外交部中引起了不小的争论，并激起了工商业界的不满。德国的商业人士担心中国政府的报复将会造成他们生意上的损失。北京当局以取消对德国商品专利保护问题的谈判作为其第一步的报复性举措；预计还会有其他的报复行动。德国外交关系理事会的研究理事认为，默克尔与达赖喇嘛的会晤是一个“在次要冲突问题上犯的严重的外交政策错误” 。柏林当局有这样一个不成文的规矩：总理出访北京要有商务代表团同行，而与西藏的接触要维持在最高政治级别以下。科尔1987年对西藏的访问就是一个范例。他公然拒绝了对于“人权”的要求，而遵循保障德国出口的路线。在大量商务人士的陪同下，他在拉萨会见了中国领导人——这次访问是在美国刚通过一项措辞强硬的西藏问题决议数周后，而科尔本人尚且置身于反华公众的强烈抗议声势之中完成的[6]。

火药桶 (Powder Keg)

In meeting the Dalai Lama, the Chancellery is taking a major risk. As one hears in Berlin, Beijing is probably avoiding any conflict with Germany and German firms, immediately preceding the Olympic Games. The opportunity for intensifying support for Tibetan separatism without risks are therefore growing. And this, it is said, is quite desirable. As Roland Koch, the prime minister of Hesse, is said to have learned during his trip to Tibet last July, the chances are growing to intensify the pressure on the People’s Republic of China and Beijing is worried that if the Tibetan dignitary (72) dies, rebellions could break out in Tibet and in other national minority areas. According to Koch, Chinese government circles are speaking of the danger of Tibet becoming a "powder keg" with serious consequences. "If it doesn’t work out good there (in Tibet, the author) it could have repercussions in Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia" rejoices the Dalai Lama with the two other potential secessionist regions in mind: "after all, these three autonomous regions stretch over half of the Chinese territory". In the following issues, german-foreign-policy.com will report on how German foreign policy, in 1930’s and 1940’s, through evoking so-called rights of autonomy and other means of pressure, sought to create a Tibetan-Mongolian federation, under German Japanese hegemony.
总理府会见达赖喇嘛需要冒很大的风险。但或许正像在柏林听到的那样，北京当局在奥运前会尽量避免与德国政府以及德国企业的冲突。那样的话，加强对西藏分离势力的支持，而又不用承担风险的机遇就在此时形成了。而且这样干，据说，是相当划算的。黑塞州长罗兰·科赫去年七月访问西藏期间，据说就已经意识到向中国政府施加压力的时机越来越近，而且也知道北京当局的顾虑：如果这位藏族高僧（72岁）死去，西藏以及其他的少数民族地区可能爆发反政府行动。科赫表示，中国政界常谈到西藏问题，可能一触即发，导致严重后果。 “如果（西藏）问题解决不好，新疆和内蒙古可能也会产生严重的后果” ，令达赖喇嘛与另外两个地区的分离感到欢欣鼓舞的是， “毕竟，这三个自治区加起来占了近一半的中国国土面积。”在随后的几期，德国外交政策网站将会报道上世纪30、40年代的德国外交政策是如何通过唤起所谓的自治权与施加压力，寻求创建一个德国和日本支配下的藏蒙联邦国家的。

【译注】
[1]包括取消中德财长会晤、冻结两国间战略对话等一系列措施。
[2]包括现在的西藏，以及四川、云南、甘肃、青海等省份的藏区
[3]时任德国联邦政府发言人
[4]特伦蒂诺-上阿迪杰自治区位于意大利东北部，同奥地利接壤，自治区首府为博尔扎诺，下设两个省特伦托（Trento）及博尔扎诺-波森（Bolzano-Bozen），后者大多数人口为日耳曼族，母语是德语。历史上，对该地区的统治者几经变化。1919年割让给意大利之前，该地区属于奥匈帝国及更早时候的奥地利帝国的一部分。当地日耳曼人一直试图让这一地区从意大利分离出去。
[5]德国的一个自由主义政党，成立于1948年
[6]1987年，西藏拉萨发生骚乱，中国政府出动军警平息骚乱并在拉萨实施戒严。美国在内的一些西方国家先后通过涉藏问题决议案，指责中国政府侵犯西藏人权；西方媒体也对拉萨骚乱进行了大量宣传，在国际上掀起了一股西藏“热” 。而时任德国总理科尔在当时不顾某些人的反对访问中国，成为首位访问西藏的西方领导人。









交流见#32

所以我想出个 磨蚀战略，内外作用兼而有之，外部折磨侵蚀+内部折腾腐蚀 这就是西藏和新疆问题的实质。
翻译成内耗战略，过于强调内部，这不就忽略了热比娅和达赖的作用了么，何况这篇文章也是非常强调外部作用的，这个内耗的标题和文章的主题不吻合。
何况attrition的英文原意也是内部损耗和外部磨损的综合作用

rhapsody

German politicians have announced an escalation of the chancellor’s Tibet offensive. According to comments made by the Prime Minister of Hesse, Roland Koch (CDU), Angela Merkel’s meeting with the Dalai Lama is only the beginning of large scale interference into China’s internal affairs, that also should incite other Western states to give up their reservations. Berlin considers the moment particularly favorable for activities to weaken Beijing, because as the host of next year’s Olympic games, the People’s Republic is restricted in its capacity to retaliate. Berlin’s Tibet activities are part of a cross party general consensus and are in line with old traditions of German foreign policy, that, already in the 1930s and 1940s, considered Lhasa as an important base for interfering in Central Asia. The German-Tibetan contacts, that were established at the time, have not only outlived World War II, but are still functioning today, as german-foreign-policy.com reports in the second part of its series focused on strategies of attrition.
德国政治家们已经宣称要升级总理的西藏攻势。根据黑塞州长罗兰·科赫（基民盟）的说法，安格拉·默克尔会见达赖喇嘛仅仅是大规模干涉中国内政的开端，这还会鼓动其他西方国家放弃它们的保留态度。柏林当局认为，这个时机尤其有利于进行弱化北京的行动，因为作为明年奥运会的东道主，中国的报复能力受到了限制。柏林当局的西藏活动，既是德国各党派的共识，也符合德国传统的外交政策，早在20世纪30和40年代，德国就已把拉萨当作插手中亚的一个重要基地。那时建立的德国和西藏的联系，不但在第二次世界大战后保存下来，而且现今仍然有效，作为德国外交政策网系列报告的第二部分，本篇重点关注内耗战略。

自由世界 (The Free World)

Soon "other state and political leaders will follow the chancellor’s example and intensify their support for the Dalai Lama’s non-violent struggle for more autonomy in Tibet," declared the Prime Minister of Hesse, Roland Koch (CDU) only one day after Beijing rescinded its cancellation of a bilateral foreign ministers’ meeting, showing it was willing to relent after Germany’s affront on September 23. Koch declared, that the Chinese government has "to realize", that "the free world is not prepared to forget or conceal the situation of the Tibetan people." It would become "more difficult", to exclude "the human rights question" from the discussion on the Olympics. So-called NGOs, among them the "Reporters Without Borders" are launching campaigns accordingly. Their activists are organizing demonstrations in Beijing and have excellent connections to the media in Germany. This organization is known for similar campaigns against the Cuban government and does not deny to have received subventions from US-Sources.
尽管北京当局收回了此前取消两国外长双边会晤的决定时，以示愿对德国在9月23日的公然挑衅采取忍让的态度，但仅仅一天后，黑塞州长罗兰·科赫就发出声明：很快“其他国家和政治领导人将以总理为榜样，加大对达赖喇嘛以非暴力方式为西藏争取更多自治权的支持力度。科赫郑重其事地说道，中国政府必须“认识到，自由世界不准备忘却或隐瞒西藏人民的情况” ；而把“人权问题”从奥运会的讨论中排除出去将会变得“更加困难” 。包括“无国界记者”在内的一些所谓非政府组织，都积极响应并付诸行动。他们中的激进分子在北京组织示威活动，并且与在德国的媒体保持着非常好的联系。该组织以举行反对古巴政府的类似运动而闻名，而他们也不否认收到了美国方面的资助。

传统方针 (Tradition)

The government’s Tibet policy is supported across party lines in Germany. Among the Dalai Lama’s sympathizers since the 1980s are Roland Koch (CDU), as well as many in the Green party and since the early 1990s, the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, closely affiliated with the liberal FDP Party. Ethnic minority group ("Volksgruppen") experts, trained in German ethnic models, from the Germanophonic Northern Italian "South Tyrol", are counseling the Tibetan "exile government" on questions of "autonomy" (german-foreign-policy.com reported). Berlin’s interference in Tibet is following, above all, the traditions of German policy, which already back in the 1930s and 1940s considered Lhasa to be an important base in Central Asia. At the time, scientists or so-called scientists made expeditions into the conflict-ridden western regions of China. The Soviet Union and Great Britain (via India) were also trying to gain influence. Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang (Eastern Turkestan) and Tibet were the targets.
政府的西藏政策在德国受到的支持是不分党派的。在达赖喇嘛的同情者中，自20世纪80年代以来有罗兰·科赫（基民盟），和众多绿党党员；而自90年代初期以来有与自由民主党保持密切联系的弗里得里希-瑙曼基金会。从日尔曼族裔模式中训练出来的，来自意大利北部德语区“南蒂罗尔”的少数民族族群专家，为西藏“流亡政府”提供关于“自治”问题的专业建议（德国外交政策网报道过） 。柏林当局对西藏的干涉首先是因循了德国的传统方针，早在上世纪的三四十年代，德国就将拉萨视为立足中亚的一个重要基地。那时，科学家或所谓的科学家，前往冲突此起彼伏的中国西部地区进行探险。苏联和英国（通过印度）也在努力增强自己在中国的影响力。内蒙古、新疆（东突厥斯坦）和西藏正是那个时候的目标。

白种人成分 (Caucasian Racial Element)

The zoologist Ernst Schaefer was one of the first protagonists of the German Tibet research. In 1931/32 and from 1934 to 1936 he participated in two German-American Tibet expeditions. In recognition of his services for zoological research in this area, he was promoted to SS-Obersturmführer. In 1938/39 he led a third expedition: "Tibet expedition Ernst Schaefer. Under the patronage of Reichsführer SS Himmler and in connection with Ahnenerbe (ancestral heritage) e.V Berlin". The search for traces of the "Aryan race" in the Tibetan mountains was one of the important objectives of the SS and "Ahnenerbe" expedition. A few years later, Bruno Beger, one of the participants in the expedition, announced, that he had recognized a "Caucasian racial element in the Tibetan nobility". This is how the Nazi racists justified their efforts to use Lhasa as their base in Asia.
动物学家恩斯特·塞弗尔是德国首批鼓动进行西藏研究的人员之一。在1931至1932年以及1934年至1936年期间，他两度参加了德美联合西藏探险。为表彰他在该地区为动物学研究作出的贡献，他被晋升为党卫军二级突击队中队长[7]。在1938至1939年期间他领导了第三次远征： “恩斯特·塞弗尔西藏探险队。由帝国党卫军总指挥希姆莱任命，并与柏林‘祖先遗产学会’ （寻找日耳曼民族的祖先）相关” 。在西藏山区寻找“雅利安族”的痕迹是党卫军和“祖先遗产学会”远征的重要目标之一。几年后，其中远征一名成员布鲁诺·比格尔，宣布他已发现“西藏贵族身上的白种人成分” 。这就是纳粹种族主义者设法辩解他们利用拉萨作为其在亚洲基地的理由。

“友谊，希特勒先生” ("Friendship, Mister Hitler")

The 1938/39 Tibet expedition established the first contacts between the governments in Berlin and Lhasa. "Under the slogan of the ‘meeting of the western and eastern swastika’ political contacts with the Tibetan government could be made in Lhasa", according to an analysis of the Tibet research during the Nazi period. As they left for home in the summer of 1939, Ernst Schaefer and his colleagues received a letter from the Tibetan leader, in which he declared that Schaefer had sought to establish closer ties between the government of Berlin and Lhasa: "Your Excellency, King Mister Hitler, we agree (...) with your desire for mutual friendship." The Tibetan government’s effort to become more independent from the British colonial power was the motive behind this rapprochement.
1938至1939年的西藏探险奠定了柏林和拉萨政府间的第一次接触。据纳粹统治时期一份西藏研究的分析显示， “在‘东西方万字的相会[8]’的口号之下，与西藏政府的政治接触可以在拉萨实现”。1939年夏天回国后，恩斯特·塞弗尔和他的同事们收到了一封来自藏传佛教精神领袖的信件，他在信中宣称，塞弗尔曾寻求在柏林和拉萨政府之间建立更紧密的联系： “阁下，希特勒国王先生，有鉴于您希望相互友好的愿望，我们同意……”而西藏政府寻求这种友好关系背后的动机是试图在英国殖民势力下取得更多的自主权。

“小破坏” ("A Little Sabotage")

The subsequent Tibet expedition targeted London and was discussed in Berlin on September 4, 1939, one day after Great Britain entered the war. Ernst Schaefer, Bruno Beger and the Foreign Ministry participated in this discussion. They decided to send 30 officers of the SS to Tibet, under Schaefer’s command, with enough weapons to arm 1000 to 2000 militias, that they planned to recruit to fight against (British) India. Schaefer was ordered to receive training in the "SS-Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler". "If you have to solve a military problem, you have to first be trained and educated as a solider", is how the "Reichsführer SS" Heinrich Himmler explained the scientist’s re-education: "A little sabotage and explosions won’t do the job." But these plans conflicted with plans to weaken British positions in Asia with the aid of Afghan allies, and were finally dropped because of inter-ministerial disputes in Berlin.
1939年9月4日，即英国参加二战第二天，柏林方面讨论了针对伦敦当局的随后一次西藏探险。恩斯特·塞弗尔、布鲁诺·比格尔和外交部参加了这次讨论。他们决定派遣30名党卫军军官，由塞弗尔指挥，携带足够武装1000~2000人（计划在本地招募）的武器前往西藏与（英属）印度作战。为此，塞弗尔受命在“阿道夫·希特勒护卫分队”接受训练。 “如果你要解决一个军事问题，你必须首先接受训练和教育以成为一个战士” ，这就是“帝国党卫军总指挥”海因里希·希姆莱对科学家的再教育的解释： “小破坏和爆炸解决不了问题。 ”但是，这套计划跟在阿富汗盟友帮助下削弱英国在亚洲势力的另一套计划相冲突，并由于柏林方面各部门间的争端而被最终搁置。

“泛蒙古”属国 ("Pan Mongolian" Vassal)

German plans for Tibet became topical for the last time, during the Nazi rule. in 1942. Impressed by the Wehrmacht’s advance on Soviet territory, Himmler ordered the "total exploration of the Central Asian vital living space ("Lebensraum")". When, in the summer of 1942, Japanese troops advanced into the region bordering Tibet, they encountered a German ally in Lhasa - the Dalai Lama. The god-king’s camarilla was hoping to disengage itself from Chinese, Soviet Russian and British influence and to eternalize the Tibetan feudal dictatorship. The goal was to create a "Pan-Mongolian Federation" - under the leadership of the Third Reich and Japan.
纳粹统治期间，德国的西藏计划最后一次成为热门话题是在1942年。有感于国防军在苏联领土节节挺进的启发，希姆莱下令“全面勘探中亚重要的生活空间(‘生存空间论’)” 。1942年夏天，当日本军队进入与西藏接壤的地区时，他们遇到了德国在拉萨的盟友——达赖喇嘛。这位政教合一领袖的秘密顾问团希望摆脱中国、苏俄和英国的影响，把西藏的封建专制统治永久化。其目的是建立一个“泛蒙古联邦”——在第三帝国和日本的领导之下。

颅骨收藏 (Skull Collection)

Germany’s endeavors both for Mongolia, as well as its activities in Tibet outlasted the war. Ernst Schaefer’s collaborator, Helmut Hoffmann, became professor at the Munich University, where he set "the scientific standards for the German Tibetology". In 1952, Bruno Beger set out on his next Tibet expedition. Until 1943, the same Bruno Beger pursued "Mongol research" in the Auschwitz death camp and assembled a "collection of Asian skulls". In 1994, he was the Dalai Lama’s offcial guest in London. He also maintained good contacts to another protagonist of German Tibet activities: Heinrich Harrer, who had also been an SS Central Asian activist. He visited Lhasa for the first time between 1946 and 1950, where he worked as a teacher of the incumbent Dalai Lama. He has written several books on Tibet, which are still popular in Germany. When the Green Party began to reactivate German Tibet policy in the 1980s, they also used his writings.
德国在蒙古及西藏所进行的种种努力和活动，一直延续到了战后。恩斯特·塞弗尔的合作者，赫尔莫特·霍夫曼，成为慕尼黑大学的教授，他在那里建立了“德国藏学研究的科学标准” 。1952年，布鲁诺·比格尔又进行了一次西藏探险。直到1943年之前，正是这位布鲁诺·比格尔在奥斯维辛集中营从事着“蒙古研究” ，并收集了“一批亚洲人的颅骨” 。1994年，他是达赖喇嘛在伦敦时的座上公宾。他还和德国西藏活动的另一位领导者保持着良好的接触，这个人就是海因里·希哈勒，也曾经是党卫军的中亚活动家。他首次访问拉萨是在1946到1950年之间，并担任了现任达赖喇嘛的老师。他所写的几本关于西藏的书，如今在德国仍然受到欢迎。当绿党在20世纪80年代开始重新启动德国西藏政策时，他们也用到了海因里·希哈勒所写的书籍。

离心力 (Centrifugal Forces)

The mixture of ethnic ingredients containing obviously racist elements and trivial concepts about religious life in the Far East, is now being enriched with "questions of human rights", which serve the German geopolitical expansion policy. As in the past, the object is to use Tibet against the Chinese central state and the centrifugal forces of dozens of nationalities to wear down Beijing from the interior. In the next sequence of this series focusing on strategies of attrition, german-foreign-policy.com will expose German and Japanese plans to include Mongolian allies in a joint policy against China.
在远东地区，这个包含了明显的种族主义元素，以及琐碎的宗教生活概念的一众族群成分构成的综合体，如今给添加上了“人权问题” ，而这是服务于德国地缘政治扩张政策的。和过去一样，其目的在于利用西藏来和中国的中央政权作对，并利用几十个民族的离心力从内部把北京当局拖垮。德国外交政策网将在这个聚焦内耗战略的系列的余下部分里会曝光德国和日本拉拢蒙古成为盟友，共同对付中国的计划。

【译注】
[7]相当于德国国防军中尉
[8]纳粹的党旗符号为卐（左旋），而佛教的“万”字一般为卍（右旋）

rhapsody

Last weekend, parliamentarians of the Germanophonic minority in Northern Italy ("South Tyrol") visiting the headquarters of the Tibetan "exile government" in India, declared Tibet’s being part of the People’s Republic of China to be "illegal" and called for the secession of this Western Chinese autonomous region. South Tyrolean public authorities are collaborating with forefront organizations of German foreign policy and have been counseling the "exile government" for several years on questions of German "Volksgruppen" (ethnic group) policies. A member of the current delegation is demanding the secession of "South Tyrol" along the lines of the Montenegrin model. These attacks on China’s territorial integrity are coming just a few days after the German government launched its anti-Chinese offensive. Berlin is supporting Tibetan separatists also through large scale lobbying in Mongolia and is seeking to pit the populations of all autonomous regions in Western and Northern China against the central government. Similar political concepts date back to the 1920s and are being echoed still today in Japan, the former Axis partner of the German Reich, and China’s fiercest rival.
上周末，意大利北部（“南蒂罗尔”）德语少数民族的国会议员拜访了印度西藏“流亡政府”总部，并宣称西藏属于中华人民共和国是“非法的” ，呼吁将这个中国西部的自治区分离出去。南蒂罗尔的公共权力部门同德国外交政策的前沿组织合作，已经就日耳曼“少数族裔群体”政策相关问题，为“流亡政府”提供了数年的咨询。一名现任代表团的成员正在要求依照黑山独立的模式，将“南蒂罗尔” （从意大利）分离出去。这些对中国领土完整的攻击，发生在德国政府发动其反华攻势仅仅数日之后。柏林当局还通过在蒙古进行大规模的游说活动，以及试图挑动中国西北部所有自治区的人民反对中央政府的方式来支持西藏分离主义者。类似的政治理念可以追溯到上世纪二十年代，时至今日仍被日本仿效。日本这个当年德意志第三帝国的轴心国伙伴，是中国最凶猛的竞争对手。

Last week, a delegation of North Italian parliamentarians held extensive talks with the Tibetan self-proclaimed "exile government" at its headquarters in Dharamsala, Northern India. This is important for the foreign policy of Germany, because "South Tyrol" has many links to the networks of ethnic German "Volksgruppen" policy. Franz Pahl’s party (leader of the delegation), the Südtiroler Volkspartei (South Tyrolean People’s Party), is a member of the Federal Union of European Nationalities (FUEN), that was founded by Nazi "Volksgruppen" experts and is today still financed by the German government. The FUEN is also supported by the Autonomous Region Trentino - South Tyrol and the Autonomous Province of Bozen. The "South Tyrol" autonomy is patterned after concepts of the German "Volksgruppen" policy and was established after a series of terrorist attacks, instigated by German residents. Former "South Tyrol" terrorists are still sheltered on German soil.
上周一个由意大利北部地区议员组成的代表团在印度北部达兰萨拉的流亡政府总部和这个藏人自称的“流亡政府”进行了广泛的交流。这对德国外交政策来说很重要，因为“南蒂罗尔”与德国的日耳曼“少数族裔群体”政策网络有着千丝万缕的联系。弗朗茨·帕尔斯（代表团团长）所属的南蒂罗尔人民党是欧洲各民族联盟（FUEN）成员——FUEN由纳粹“少数族裔群体”政策专家设立，如今仍然得到德国政府的资助。FUEN也得到了特伦蒂诺-南蒂罗尔自治区及波森自治省的支持。 “南蒂罗尔”自治是以日尔曼“少数族裔群体”的政策理念为指导，在当地日耳曼族居民发动了一系列的恐怖袭击之后建立起来的。当年的“南蒂罗尔”恐怖分子，如今仍然在德国境内受到庇护。

藏人的西藏 (Tibet for the Tibetan)

All relevant Tibetan exile organizations participated in the talks with the Northern Italian delegation: the "exile government", the "exile parliament", exile administrations, social and cultural associations, as well as the exiles’ controversial spiritual and worldly leader, the Dalai Lama. For years, Tibetan exiles have been counseled on the ways and means of German "Volksgruppen" policy in Bolzano, the center of "South Tyrolean" autonomy (german-foreign-policy.com reported). "China’s occupation of Tibet is illegal", the delegation leader Franz Pahl asserted: "We support the Tibetan cause and are doing everything in our power to strengthen it." "Tibet for the Tibetan!" demanded Eva Klotz, who participated in the delegation: "Tibet must be liberated". Eva Klotz, a member of the regional parliament, is a descendant of an influential family of the Germanophone minority. Only recently she had been in the news because she demanded "South Tyrol’s" secession from Italy - patterned on the Montenegrin model.
所有相关的流亡藏人组织——“流亡政府” 、 “流亡议会” 、流亡行政机关、社会和文化联合会，以及颇具争议的流亡精神及世俗领袖达赖喇嘛——都参与了和意大利北部地区代表团的交流。几年来，流亡藏人一直接受着关于波尔扎诺（南蒂罗尔自治区首府）日尔曼“少数族裔群体”政策的方法和手段的专业建议（德国外交政策网曾报道过） 。 “中国占领西藏是非法的” ，代表团团长弗朗茨·帕尔斯断言， “我们支持藏人的理想，并将竭尽所能支持该理想” 。代表团成员埃娃·克洛茨表示： “西藏应归藏人所有，必须解放西藏” 。身为区议员的埃娃·克洛茨是德语少数民族里颇有影响家族的后裔。由于她要求“南蒂罗尔”按黑山模式从意大利分离出来，最近才在新闻上出现。

奥运会前 (Before the Olympics)

The Bolzano Tibet offensive, succeeds the German chancellor’s meeting with the Dalai Lama and Prime Minister of Hesse, Roland Koch’s announcement that western support for Tibetan separatism will increase before the Olympic Games. Berlin is flanking its activities against Beijing with lobbying projects, that, at first sight, seem to have nothing to do with China but to gain influence in another sovereign state: Mongolia.
继德国总理会见达赖喇嘛和黑森州长罗兰·科赫宣布奥运会前西方将加强对西藏分离势力的支持后，波尔扎诺的西藏攻势接踵而来。柏林当局还利用游说活动从侧面攻击北京当局——这种方式乍看上去与中国无关，而只是在另外一个主权国家取得影响力——蒙古。

原材料 (Raw Materials)

This summer the German government conspicuously intensified its cooperation with Mongolia. The German Minister of Economics, Michael Glos, visited that country in July 2007, accompanied by a large business delegation. In August, a delegation of managers from the German Asia-Pacific
Business Association followed. Already in the first semester of 2007, business between the two countries had increased by approx. one-third. Berlin’s business endeavors are focusing "particularly on mining cooperation" according to the minister of economy. Mongolia is rich in metal (copper, gold) deposits. "Germany and Mongolia are splendidly supplementing one another" cooed German Parliamentary President, Norbert Lammert to his Mongolian counterpart, last September: "you have the raw materials that we need, and we can contribute to your knowledge and technology for the refinement and processing of your raw materials."
今夏，德国政府显著加强了与蒙古的合作。2007年7月，德国经济部长迈克尔·格洛斯带领一个大型商务代表团访问蒙古。8月，德国亚太贸易协会的经理代表团紧随而来。2007年第一季度，两国的商业往来增加了约三分之一。据经济部长说，柏林当局的商业意图“特别集中在矿业合作上” 。蒙古蕴藏着丰富的金属（铜、金）矿藏。去年9月，德国议长诺伯特·兰默特对蒙古议长亲切地说： “德国和蒙古能有效地互补，你们有我们需要的原材料，我们能给你们提供冶炼及处理原材料的知识和技术。”

成吉思汗 (Genghis Khan)

From the "foreign policy dialogue" concluded between Berlin and Ulaan Baatar in April 2006, it is evident that Berlin’s influence is not only directed at a dependent supplier of resources needed by German industry. Possible lines of impact were exposed in a spectacular exhibit, inaugurated a year earlier by Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, in the company of the Mongolian Prime Minister, in the government’s Art and Exhibition Hall in Bonn. With much publicity, the results of German research in Mongolia were presented under the motto "Genghis Khan and his Heritage." This occurred just before the 800th anniversary of the founding of the Greater Mongolian Empire was to be celebrated with much pageantry in Ulaan Baatar in the presence of the German parliamentary president. The exhibition in Bonn also caught the attention in Inner Mongolia, an autonomous region in Northern China, that holds Genghis Khan in high esteem - as the symbol of aspirations of a Greater Mongolia.
从2006年4月柏林与乌兰巴托当局的“外交政策对话”中可以明显看出，柏林当局施加影响的目的不仅仅在于其工业所需的资源供应。一年前德国总理施罗德在蒙古总理的陪同下，出席在政府艺术与展览大厅举行的一场盛大的展览开幕式，暴露了其可能施加影响的路线。在媒体广泛曝光下，德国在蒙古的研究成果在“成吉思汗及其遗产”的名义下展出。这正好发生在乌兰巴托为庆祝大蒙古帝国建立800周年而举行的盛大纪念仪式之前，德国议长出席了该仪式。而在波恩举办的展览同样吸引了内蒙古这个位于中国北部的自治区的注意——内蒙古对成吉思汗怀有崇高的敬意，因为他是大蒙古帝国的雄心壮志的象征。

间谍活动 (Espionage)

German interests in Mongolia and the Chinese Inner Mongolian region extends back to the 1920s. Berlin invited the Mongolian minister of education to make a tour of Germany in 1924. Ulaan Baatar sent 35 students to Germany for classes in 1926. The goal was to create a long-term close relationship, to counteract Mongolia’s strong dependence on Moscow. In 1927, the German foreign ministry sent an expedition to Inner Mongolia and Xinjiang (today another autonomous region of China). As recent investigations show, Berlin sent several military personnel, camouflaged as researchers, to China to accompany the pro-German Swedish scientist, Sven Hedin, to do espionage in the rebellious minority regions. Both initiatives were unsuccessful. In the spring of 1928 Beijing refused to allow the German military expedition to continue its journey and due to pressure from Moscow, the Mongolian students had to return home in 1929/1930.
德国在蒙古和中国内蒙古地区的利益可以追溯到上世纪20年代。1924年，柏林当局邀请蒙古教育部长访问德国。1926年，乌兰巴托当局派遣35名学生前往德国求学以期建立长期的紧密关系，从而消缓蒙古对莫斯科的严重依赖。1927年，德国外交部向内蒙古和新疆（现今中国的另一个自治区）派遣了探险队。近期调查表明，柏林当局派遣了数名伪装成研究者的军职人员，到中国陪同亲德瑞典科学家斯文·厄丁去造反的少数民族地区从事间谍活动。这两个行动都未获成功：1928年春，北京当局拒绝让德国的此次军事考察活动继续其行程；而迫于莫斯科当局的压力，那批蒙古学生不得不于1929到1930年间返回国内。

缓冲国 (Buffer State)

The idea of gaining a foothold in Asia with the cooperation of Mongolia and forces struggling for a Greater Mongolia has never been abandoned. As the Wehrmacht continued its eastward advance in 1942 and Japanese troops reached the borders of Tibet, the plans to create a buffer state (a "Pan-Mongolian Federation") between the world powers, were reactivated. This Federation, comprised of Tibet, seeking to enhance its relations with Berlin, Mongolia and Inner Mongolia, that in 1937, with the aid of Japan, had won its sovereignty, would be under the hegemony of Germany and Japan. Only the defeat of the World War II aggressors thwarted the application of these plans.
德国从未放弃通过与蒙古以及争取建立“大蒙古”的势力的合作从而在亚洲取得立足点的想法。1942年，纳粹国防军继续向东方推进，同年日本军队到达西藏边界，在世界大国间建立一个缓冲国（ “泛蒙古联邦” ）的计划被重新启动。这一联邦将处于德日势力支配之下，包括了一直寻求与柏林当局加强关系的西藏，以及于1937年在日本的帮助下已经赢得了主权的（外）蒙古和内蒙古。只是二次世界大战中轴心国的失败，才挫败了这些计划的实施。

达赖喇嘛 (Dalai Lama)

Since the mid 1980s, Germany has been actively reviving its traditions of cooperation that had been established by the SS in the 1930s. Relations to Mongolia have been systematically intensified since 1991. Good contacts to Inner Mongolia have mainly been maintained by Berlin’s Axis partner, Japan. The 3 regions are not only united in their aspirations to achieve comprehensive independence from China, they also maintain close cultural ties to one another. Tibetan Buddhism is the main religion in Mongolia and Inner Mongolia, and the religious leader, the Dalai Lama is highly revered. As the god king himself explained in a recent interview in the German press, eventual upheavals in Tibet will also have "repercussions" on Inner Mongolia. Berlin’s Tibet offensive is not motivated by its concern for a minority culture, as it likes to pretend, it is the repeated attempt to lay hand on about half of the Chinese territory and to use its population for the struggle against Beijing.
上世纪80年代中期以来，德国一直积极恢复30年代党卫军建立过的德藏合作传统。1991年以来，德国与蒙古的关系也得到了全面强化。与内蒙古的良好往来，则是主要由德国的轴心国伙伴日本来维持。这三个地区联合在一起，不仅因为它们都渴望从中国全面独立出去，还因为他们之间有着紧密的文化纽带。藏传佛教是蒙古和内蒙的主要宗教信仰，宗教领袖达赖喇嘛在这里备受敬重。正如这位政教合一领袖最近在德国接受采访时所说的那样，西藏迟早会发生的动乱也将在内蒙古产生“后果” 。柏林当局之所以采取西藏攻势，并不是像它喜欢假装的那样，为了保护少数民族文化，而是为了染指近一半的中国领土，也为了利用这些地区的人民对抗中国政府。

rhapsody

German foreign policy makers, are upping their political pressure on Beijing, and holding talks with a Chinese separatist. As the Munich based "World Uyghur Congress (WUC)" announced, its president, Rebiya Kadeer will also be received by the foreign ministry. The Uyghurs, a Muslim minority from the autonomous region Xinjiang (Western China), are seeking the secession of their region "East Turkestan" from the People’s Republic of China. Rebiya Kadeer’s appearance in the German capital has been carefully stage managed for high profile in conjunction with US activities. Following the Dalai Lama’s German Chancellery visit, Berlin has been escalating its anti-Beijing secessionist offensive. For decades, Germany - including foreign intelligence circles - has been cultivating relations to Uyghur exile politicians.
德国外交政策决策人士正在向北京当局施加更大的政治压力，并且正同一个中国分离主义分子保持对话。正如设在慕尼黑的“世界维吾尔代表大会” （世维会）所宣称的那样，其主席热比娅·卡德尔也将受到德国外交部的接见。维吾尔族是（中国西部）新疆自治区的一个穆斯林少数民族，一直试图将他们的“东突厥斯坦”地区从中华人民共和国分离出去。热比娅·卡德尔高调现身在德国首都是经过精心导演的，与美国的活动相配合。继达赖喇嘛到访德国总理府之后，柏林当局持续加剧了对抗北京的分裂主义攻势。数十年来，德国——包括国外情报界——一直在培养同维吾尔流亡政治人物的关系。

有例可循 (Precedent)

Rebiya Kadeer is visiting Berlin shortly after the Dalai Lama ended his European tour that provoked strong protest from Beijing. In September, the head of the self proclaimed Tibetan exile government visited the Spanish province Catalonia that, after having gained extensive autonomy rights, is seeking secession. He continued his trip to Portugal and Austria, meeting with the head of the Viennese government. In Berlin, the would-be god king was received for the first time by the German Chancellery. Shortly thereafter, the US government created another precedent: in a public ceremony, President Bush presented the Dalai Lama the Congressional Medal of Honor, the highest civilian award bestowed by American lawmakers. Now it is Rebiya Kadeer, who is making a tour. Coming from the USA, where she lives in exile, her first stop-over was London, where she had talks with MPs, representatives of the foreign ministry and members of the government. She then proceeded to Berlin, where she is at present.
在达赖喇嘛结束其激起北京当局强烈抗议的欧洲之行不久后，热比娅·卡德尔也将造访柏林。九月，自称是西藏流亡政府领导人的达赖喇嘛出访西班牙加泰罗尼亚[9]，该地区在得到广泛的自治权后仍在寻求独立。他随后访问了葡萄牙和奥地利，并同维也纳当局的政府首脑举行了会晤。在柏林，这位本会成为政教合一领袖的转世活佛首次受到了德国总理府的接见。此后不久，美国政府再次制造了一个先例：在一个公开庆典上，布什总统将国会金质勋章授予给达赖喇嘛，这是美国国会授予民间的最高奖章。现在轮到了正在周游列国的热比娅·卡德尔。她从流亡居住地美国出发，第一站到访伦敦，并在那与一些英国的议员、外交部代表以及政府成员举行了会谈。紧接着她访问柏林——目前仍在。

政策顾问 (Policy Advisor)

Current transatlantic activities promoting anti-Chinese separatism and weakening Beijing, are based on decades of German-US cooperation. Erkin Alptekin, a Uyghur living in exile, is one of the protagonists. His father, Yusuf Alptekin had already participated in the 1930s secessionist movement in Western China. From 1933 - 1934 he was General Secretary of the provisional government of the "Turkish Islamic Republic East Turkestan". The Uyghurs are still calling the region they inhabit in the People’s Republic of China, "East Turkestan", because they consider themselves to be of ethnic Turkish descent. Some of them are striving for a pan-Turkish federation combining regions in Central Asia with Turkey. After finishing his studies in Istanbul, Erkin Alptekin, whose family is held in high esteem in Uyghur circles, moved to Munich in 1971, where he became "Senior Policy Advisor" to the director of the US station "Radio Liberty".
现时跨越大西洋的推动反华分离主义和削弱北京当局的活动是建立在数十年的德美合作基础上。艾尔肯·阿尔普特金，一个流亡国外的维吾尔人，就是这类活动中的一个主要鼓吹者。他的父亲尤素夫·阿尔普特金曾参与上世纪30年代中国西部的分离主义运动。从1933到1934年，他曾担任“东突厥斯坦土耳其伊斯兰共和国”临时政府的秘书长。维吾尔人仍然称呼他们居住在中国的这片区域为“东突厥斯坦” ，因为他们认为他们是突厥人[10]的后裔。他们中的一些人正在寻求建立包括中亚部分地区和土耳其在内的泛突厥联邦。在伊斯坦布尔完成学业之后，其家族在维吾尔人圈子里很受尊重的艾尔肯·阿尔普特金于1971年移居慕尼黑，并在那成为了美国电台“自由广播电台”主管的“高级政治顾问” 。

中央情报局 (CIA)

It was at that time, that the CIA began to establish contacts to Uyghurs seeking secession. "Some, like Erkin Alptekin, who have worked for the CIA’s Radio Liberty, are - in the meantime - on the forefront of the secessionist movement" writes analyst B. Raman, the former Indian government’s cabinet secretary. In Munich, Alptekin founded the "East Turkestan Union in Europe" in 1991 and in April 2004 the "World Uyghur Congress" and was named its founding president. From German territory, the congress is steering numerous Uyghur exile organizations around the world, of which some must be classified as being in the terrorist milieu, according to Chinese government information.
就在那时，中央情报局开始与寻求独立的维吾尔人建立联系。 “一些（维吾尔）人，比如曾在中情局的自由广播电台工作的艾尔肯·阿尔普特金，与此同时，走到了分离主义活动的前台” ，前印度政府内阁秘书、分析员B·拉曼写到。在慕尼黑，阿尔普特金于1991年创立了“欧洲东突厥斯坦联盟” ，2004年4月他又创立了“世界维吾尔代表大会” ，并被提名为创会主席。从德国本土开始，世维会引导着全世界众多维吾尔流亡组织，而根据中国政府的信息，其中一些组织必须被归入恐怖组织行列。

三地联系 (Connected)

The Munich based exile movement seeks to merge the Uyghur secessionist movement with the Tibetan and the Mongolian movements, to break up the Chinese nation from several of its peripheral regions. In 1985, former CIA advisor Alptekin participated in the foundation of the "Allied Committee of the Peoples of East Turkestan, Tibet and Inner Mongolia". He supported in 1998, an international conference in New York, organized by this Committee, where representatives of the US government were in attendance. The strategy of ethnic movements is shared by the Dalai Lama. In his message of greetings to the conference in New York, he wrote: "Geography, history and currently Chinese occupation is connecting our three peoples. I remain optimistic that the true aspirations of the peoples of East Turkestan, Inner Mongolia and Tibet will be fulfilled in a not too distant future."
以慕尼黑为基地的流亡团体试图将维吾尔族的独立运动与西藏和蒙古的独立运动汇合，将这几个边缘地区从中国分裂出去。1985年，前中情局顾问阿尔普特金参与了“东土耳其斯坦，西藏和内蒙古人民联合委员会”的创立。1998年，他支持了一个由该委员会组织的在纽约举行的国际性会议（美国政府的代表也有到场出席） 。这一民族运动战略得到了达赖喇嘛的认同。他在给这次纽约大会的贺信中写道： “地理、历史以及现今被中国占领的事实正在使我们三族人民团结起来。东突厥斯坦、内蒙古和西藏人民的真切期望在不久的将来会得到实现，对此我保持乐观。”

公众关系 (Public Relations)

Rebiya Kadeer, currently in Berlin for political consultations, is continuing Alptekin’s activities - and is also receiving German-US American support. At the end of the 1990s, Rebiya Kadeer, - at the time the wealthiest business woman in the People’s Republic - ran into conflict with Beijing, because of her separatist activities, provoking her arrest. Through pressure from the US, she was able to leave China for the United States in March 2005, where she joined her husband. He is still working for Radio Free Asia, the Asian counterpart to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, also said to have close links to the CIA. Rebiya Kadeer has been systematically groomed as the unifying representative of the Uyghures. She has been nominated several times a candidate for the Nobel Peace Prize. A Bertelsmann Corporation publishing house recently published her biography - in German. The book has been receiving wide acclaim in the German media. In June 2007, shortly after her audience with US President Bush, it was presented at the Federal Press Conference in Berlin with interested Green parliamentarians in attendance.
目前在柏林进行政治协商的热比娅·卡德尔继承了阿尔普特金的衣钵，也同样受到了德国和美国的支持。在上世纪90年代末，热比娅·卡德尔，彼时中国的女首富，由于其分离主义行径，与北京当局发生冲突，并遭到逮捕。通过美国施压，她得以于2005年3月离开中国前往美国，和她的丈夫团聚。他现时仍在自由亚洲电台工作，该电台是亚洲版的自由欧洲电台或自由广播电台，被指与中情局有密切联系。热比娅·卡德尔一直被有计划地培养成为维吾尔人的统一代表。她已数次被提名为诺贝尔和平奖的候选人。贝斯塔曼公司的一家出版社最近出版了她的德语版传记，该书受到了德国媒体的普遍好评。2007年6月，在她和美国总统布什会见后不久，柏林的联邦新闻发布会[11]上展示了这本书，其间有热心的的绿党议员在场。

政策升级 (Escalating)

Rebiya Kadeer visited Berlin for the first time in November 2006, during her trip to Germany to be elected president of the "World Uyghur Congress" in Munich. Her current Berlin visit follows on the heels of a resolution passed by the US Congress, calling for Beijing to grant Uyghurs new rights of autonomy and to liberate incarcerated separatists, including two of Rebiya Kadeer’s sons. She will be received not only by the German Foreign Ministry, but will also have consultations with the Federal Parliament’s Human Rights Commission as well as with representatives of party affliated Foundations. This clearly shows that Berlin is escalating its Uyghur policy.
热比娅·卡德尔于2006年11月首次到访柏林，在德访问期间，她被推选为设在慕尼黑的“世维会”新任主席。在她的柏林之行前，美国国会刚刚通过一项决议，呼吁北京当局给予维吾尔人更多的自治权利，并释放被关押的分离主义分子，其中包括热比娅的两个儿子。她不仅会受到德国外交部长的接见，还将与联邦议会人权委员会以及党派附属基金会代表举行会谈。这明确表示了柏林当局正在对维吾尔族政策进行升级。

佩特拉·凯利奖 (Petra Kelly Prize)

This is being aided by the "Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO)" founded at the beginning of 1991 and based in The Hague. The Dalai Lama and the Uyghur secessionist Alptekin are among the co-founders. 69 "nations" are currently members of this organization, including "East Turkestan", Tibet and Inner Mongolia. The organization is demanding the "right of self-determination" for these regions of sovereign nations. In the meantime, six former UNPO members, among them Estonia, Latvia and Georgia have obtained the statehood, they had been demanding. The UNPO has a "coordination office" in Washington and has several "peoples" in reserve for use in the political strategies of Western powers. Among the UNPO members are Kurdish separatists from Iraq and Iran as well as secessionists form Serbia (Kosovo), who have long since been brought into position against their central governments, but also collectives in Russia and Myanmar seeking autonomy, who can be deployed whenever it becomes politically feasible.
The UNPO was honored with the "Petra Kelly Prize" by the German, Green Party affliated, Heinrich Boell Foundation.
德国的维吾尔政策还得到了1991年初成立、总部设在（荷兰）海牙的非联合国会员国家及民族组织（UNPO）的帮助。达赖喇嘛和维吾尔分离主义分子阿尔普特金都是该组织的联合创始人之一。目前该组织有69个“会员国” ，其中就包括“东突厥斯坦” 、西藏和内蒙古。该组织要求相关主权国家给予这些地区“自决权” 。其中，六个前UNPO“成员国” ，包括如今已成为主权国家的爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚和格鲁吉亚，已经如愿以偿。UNPO在华盛顿有一个“协调办事处” ，并有一些“人员”储备为西方大国的政治战略所用。在UNPO的成员里，既有长期被置于与中央政府对立的位置上，来自伊拉克和伊朗的库尔德分离主义分子和来自塞尔维亚的（科索沃）分离主义分子；也有一旦政治上有需要、就能被随时加以利用的在俄罗斯和缅甸寻求自治的群体。
UNPO被德国绿党下属的海因里希·伯尔基金会授予佩特拉·凯利奖。

【译注】
[9]西班牙的一个自治区，首府为巴塞罗那
[10]原文为turkish（土耳其），疑有误，应为turkic（突厥）
[11]德语Bundespressekonferenz，德国的官方新闻发布机构

jundaomc

谢谢编译；
辛苦了！

俺捐金条200；

medien

attrition翻译成内耗是有问题的，因为德语原文是削弱和消耗的意思。

个人认为，翻译成削弱或者消耗都更好一些。

“内”这个意思，在德语和英语里都是不存在的。

rhapsody

attrition翻译成内耗是有问题的，因为德语原文是削弱和消耗的意思。

个人认为，翻译成削弱或者消耗都更好一些。

“内”这个意思，在德语和英语里都是不存在的。 ...
medien 发表于 2009-9-8 21:32

多谢楼上的意见 字面意思上看的确不够贴切，不过就与全文表达内容的关联来看，偶觉得是可以添加“内”这层意思的，所以在几个提法（包括楼上提到的）里面，还是选用了现在这个

連長

翻译辛苦，国庆放假再看。

rlsrls08

Good job!

音乐盒

原来South Tyrol是这么回事儿，我才知道，呵呵。

各位辛苦了，送花~

medien

那個內字，你認為合理，因為你是中國人，從這個角度來看的。

但是，文章的作者是德國人，從他們的角度來看，這不是內耗，而是他們要推動的對中國的削弱和消耗。

希望能考慮這個文章作者本來的角度。不反對意譯，但是不能憑空加上意義。

一仙飞天

先过个记号  晚上再看

rhapsody

那個內字，你認為合理，因為你是中國人，從這個角度來看的。

但是，文章的作者是德國人，從他們的角度來看，這不是內耗，而是他們要推動的對中國的削弱和消耗。

希望能考慮這個文章作者本來的角度。不反對意譯，但 ...
medien 发表于 2009-9-9 04:59

看来我们对“内”这层意思的理解有些偏差，偶的理解是：让对手（爆发）内乱从而消耗、拖垮之——从这层意思上看对于德国人也是适用的；作为战略而言，当然是让对手内耗，而不是自己内耗，因而本人认为“内耗”并不是单就中国人的角度来看的。
再次感谢楼上的意见

連長

那個內字，你認為合理，因為你是中國人，從這個角度來看的。

但是，文章的作者是德國人，從他們的角度來看，這不是內耗，而是他們要推動的對中國的削弱和消耗。

希望能考慮這個文章作者本來的角度。不反對意譯，但 ...
medien 发表于 2009-9-9 04:59

你们别争了，还是看内容吧

反正意思都差不多，楼主的翻译更容易理解倒是真的，至少一看标题就知道大致在说什么。

好了。就此打住。

讨论一下内容吧，这样更有意思

rhapsody

同意楼上观点，就此打住吧（如还有类似疑问的话可PM本人讨论），大家还是把注意力放到内容上来。

红色的血

看了 这个世界没有糊涂人,都是揣着明白装糊涂的人.就如法国闹的欢的时候有个上电视的议员对民众说:别假装天真了,科索沃也是说自治.德国也一样,其实都明白也知道在干什么事情..........................

willpan

我想知道，德国的外交政策网站到底是什么背景的？

rhapsody

我想知道，德国的外交政策网站到底是什么背景的？
willpan 发表于 2009-9-9 21:25

其网站上只说是一群独立的记者和社会科学（研究）人员，其他外界的背景资料没找到

"Information on German Foreign Policy" (german-foreign-policy.com) is compiled by a group of independent journalists and social scientists who observe, on an ongoing basis, Germany's renewed attempts to regain great power status in the economic, military and political arena.

详见：http://www.german-foreign-policy.com/en/info/

medien

这也是我尽量不看翻译的书和文章的理由，翻译过的东西已经成了译者再加工的东西，某种程度上不再是原文。

所以，才学了很多语言。

vivicat

这篇终于发出来了。。。撒花祝贺~编译们辛苦了！