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【原文标题】On the eve of Obama's visit, China reveals an identity crisis
【中文标题】中国在奥巴马来访前夕展露身份危机
【登载媒体】Newsweek 新闻周刊
【来源地址】http://www.newsweek.com/id/222844
【译者】遥远的冬天
【翻译方式】人工
【声明】本翻译供Anti-CNN使用，未经AC或译者许可，不得转载。
【原文库链接】http://bbs.m4.cn/thread-206850-1-1.html
【译文】
Which China will receive President Barack Obama on his first trip to Asia—the China of growing influence (and foreign-exchange reserves) or the one that acts like an accidental superpower? Obama will be delivering a fairly straightforward message that the two countries must work together to tackle global—and not just bilateral—problems. Washington wants Beijing to assume more responsibility and leadership on everything from the global economic recovery to climate change to nonproliferation to regional-security headaches.
哪一个中国会接待第一次到访亚洲的巴拉克奥巴马总统呢——影响力（以及外汇储备）不断扩大的中国还是表现得像“accidental Superpower（【译者注】The ‘accidental superpower’ is a description traditionally used to describe Britains involvement in India. Trade agreements were not defended by political settlement but by militarism and hegemonic exploitation at the expense of all.）”一样的中国？奥巴马将传达一个相当坦率的信息，那就是两个国家必须携手合作以克服全球而不只是双边问题。华盛顿想要北京在从全球经济复苏到气候变化再到防止核武器扩散以及区域安全问题等所有事情上承担更多的责任和实施领导。
But not all of Beijing's leaders are interested. "China doesn't want to lead the world—it doesn't even want to be seen as a leader of the developing world," says Brookings Sinologist David Shambaugh, who currently lives in Beijing. "The result is that Beijing has multiple personas. It's asking 'what kind of power are we?' "
但是并非所有北京领导人都（对此）感兴趣。“中国不想领导世界——她甚至不愿被认为是发展中国家的领袖。”居住在北京的布鲁金斯汉学家David Shambaugh说，“结果是北京具有多重特征。她在询问‘我们是什么样的国家？’”
For its part, the United States has been watching its own leadership tested in the region. In the shadow of China's rise, American clout in the Pacific also declined markedly under George W. Bush's presidency. The dysfunctional new power dynamic—neither party wants to take a backseat for the other but neither wants to seem presumptuous and give offense—is painfully evident as both sides ponder unpalatable options in Afghanistan. Aside from being a quagmire for the U.S. and NATO, the war threatens to bleed over a common border into China and inflame Muslim unrest in the western region of Xinjiang, where Uighur riots took place this summer.
作为太平洋的一部分，美国一直关注其领导在此区域受到的考验。在中国崛起的阴影下，乔治W布什总统任期内美国在太平洋的影响也显著下降。功能失调的新权利动态——双方都不愿屈居次席但是又不想看起来专横和得罪对方——在双方考虑在阿富汗的艰难选择时令人痛苦的明显。除了是美国和北约的泥潭外，阿富汗战争有在中国边境制造流血事件以及在夏季曾发生暴乱的新疆西部引发穆斯林骚乱的威胁。
Still, Washington is clear on what it wants. Even as American officials feud internally over how many more troops to send to Kabul or even whether the Afghan government is a reliable partner, they're eager for China to stop free-riding and show more leadership in its own part of the world. Shambaugh thinks China's armed police should train Afghan cops, for example.
不过，华盛顿明白她要的是什么。正当美国官员在国内就再派遣多少军队去喀布尔亦或是阿富汗政府是不是一个可以信赖的伙伴而争执时，他们热切的希望中国停止坐享其成，在其自身领域承担更多的领导责任。比如Shambaugh认为中国的武装警察应该训练阿富汗警察。
But Beijing shuns anything close to putting boots on the ground. "Every foreign power that goes in has failed—so why should China join the list of failures?" as Tsinghua University foreign-policy expert Yan Xuetong says. One Chinese Netizen put it more tartly in a chat room posting: "Now NATO wants China to help wipe its ass."
但是北京回避任何接近派兵驻阿富汗的事情。“到那里去的外国军队都失败了，为什么中国要加入到失败者的名单中呢？”清华大学外交政策专家阎学通说。一个在聊天室发帖的中国网民说得更加刻薄：“现在北约想要中国为他们擦屁股。”
/The United States and China are also the world's biggest carbon emitters, and as the ambassador to Beijing Jon Huntsman says, "If our two countries can't get our acts together to combat climate change, nobody else will." Yet Beijing authorities want Washington to bankroll a big chunk of China's anti-pollution technology upgrades, arguing that the United States and other developed countries have this responsibility since they've been belching emissions for a century.
美国和中国还都是世界上最大的碳排放国，正如驻北京大使Jon Huntsman 所说，“如果我们两国不能统一行动与气候变化作斗争，没有任何其他国家可以。”但是北京当局要求华盛顿为大部分防污染技术升级提供资金，理由是美国和其它发达国家有这个责任，因为他们已经大肆排放了一个世纪.
Within Chinese government circles, explains Shambaugh, there is an escalating debate over whether the country should assume the role of a "responsible big power" or just continue practicing the late Chinese strongman Deng Xiaoping's more veiled and ambiguous strategy of "biding time, hiding capabilities, but doing some things." Skeptics in the Beijing leadership believe China simply isn't ready to take on much greater global responsibilities—and yet "some people want Beijing to overextend itself precisely so that Chinese growth will be stifled," says Professor Yan. "China is terribly conflicted internally over this issue," Shambaugh says, quipping that when Chinese and American leaders meet next week "maybe there should be a third chair for a psychiatrist to analyze these two psychologically wounded, ambivalent, schizophrenic countries.",
Shambaugh解释说，在中国政界，国家是应该承担“负责任大国”的角色还是延续缘故中国强人邓小平更低调模糊的“韬光养晦，有所作为”的策略存在逐渐升温的争论。对北京的领导有所疑虑的人相信中国只不过不情愿承担更大的全球责任——“有人希望北京过多的承担责任，从而使中国的增长被遏制。”阎教授甚至这样说。“中国内部对此非常矛盾，”Shambaugh戏谑地说，下周中美领导人会晤的时候“也许应该有第三把椅子提供给精神病医生来分析这两个心理上受伤的、矛盾的、精神分裂的国家。”
To be sure, there's much that the world wants to see Washington and Beijing handle together—especially on the global economic recovery (which requires China to keep buying U.S. Treasury bills) and on grappling with a recalcitrant North Korea. Recognizing that gives them every incentive to whitewash simmering trade disputes over tires, disagreements over the value of each other's currencies, and the failure to agree on how developed and developing countries should tackle global climate change. Such differences will be discussed during Obama's visit, even though nobody expects breakthroughs.
无可否认，世界想要华盛顿和北京一起应对许多事情——尤其是全球经济复苏（这要求中国持续购买美国国债）和稳定对抗性朝鲜。认识到这点给他们提供了所有的动机以掩饰逐渐升温的对轮胎贸易争端、对对方货币价值的分歧以及就发达国家和发展中国家应该怎样解决全球气候变化达成一致上的失败。这些分歧将会在奥巴马到访时予以讨论，即使没人期待会有所突破。
But while they agree they really have to get along, there are still major cultural problems keeping them apart. One perennial thorn is that China seeks symbols—a state banquet unmarred by pesky protests, a perfect Great Wall photo op—while America often focuses on substantive "deliverables." So even as Air Force One took off for Japan, the first stop in Obama's Asian overture, American and Chinese authorities were still scrambling to hammer out details of his China visit.,
但是尽管他们同意他们确实不得不相处，仍然有很大的文化问题将他们分开。一个长期存在的问题是，中国寻求象征——没有烦人的抗议者的国宴、完美的长城摄影工作——而美国常常关注于实际的“deliverables”。所以甚至当空军一号起飞附奥巴马对亚洲示好的第一站日本时，美国和中国当局还在就他出访中国的细节扯皮。
The high point of Obama's China visit, for example, is meant to be a "town hall" meeting with young Chinese in Shanghai—and his aides want it to be broadcast live on Chinese TV and streamed live over the Internet. But Beijing remains nervous about unscripted interactions with ordinary Chinese; the last-minute haggling underscored Beijing's jitters about the issues of freedom of speech and human rights that Obama's team intends to raise. Thursday, State Department officials briefed a number of mostly Chinese bloggers in Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou in an attempt to mobilize the social-media tools that Obama used so successfully to communicate with American voters. The irony of the situation wasn't lost on the bloggers, who asked if Chinese would be able to access news of Obama's visit on Twitter or Facebook, which remain blocked by the Great Firewall of China.
举个例子，普遍认为奥巴马中国之行最精彩的部分是在上海和中国年轻人的市政厅会见——他的助手希望能在中国电视节目和因特网直播。但是北京仍然对奥巴马与普通中国人的脱稿互动感到紧张；最后一刻的讨价还价突出了北京对奥巴马团队打算提起言论自由和人权的焦虑。星期四国务院官员从北京、上海和成都整理了一些大多是中文的博客以试图动员社会媒体工具，奥巴马曾成功地运用它与美国选民沟通。情况的尴尬在博客上也不例外，博主们问道中国人是否能在Twitter和Facebook上接触到奥巴马来访的消息，Twitter和Facebook仍旧被中国防火墙屏蔽。
Another telling detail, as Beijing prepared for the state visit, was the sudden appearance of fast-selling T shirts emblazoned with Obama's face topped with a Mao-style green cloth cap. Then, just as swiftly, municipal authorities descended on souvenir shops to confiscate the "Maobama"shirts, apparently worried they might offend American sensibilities. Attendants at one shop in a popular tourist district of Beijing told the "T shirt police" that they were not selling the Maobama souvenirs. Perhaps simply wanting to be seen to be doing something—anything—the authorities instead carted off T shirts featuring Mao Zedong himself.
另一个生动的细节是，当北京准备国事访问时，印有头戴毛式绿色布帽的奥巴马头像的热卖T恤的突然出现。然后，同样迅速的，市政当局突袭纪念品商店没收了“Maobama”T恤，显然是担忧它们会冒犯美国人的感情。在一家位于北京很受欢迎的旅游区的商店里售货员告诉“T恤警察”他们没有出售Maobama纪念品。也许只是为了看起来在做一些事——任何事——当局带走了印有毛泽东本人的T恤。
One reason for all the paranoia is that, at heart, the countries still don't totally understand each other. China's hamfisted style of one-party rule remains at odds with American democracy: "It lies at the heart of the distrust between these two countries," says Minxin Pei, a China expert at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
这些偏执多疑的一个原因，本质上是两个国家仍然不完全理解对方。中国僵化的一党制和美国民主格格不入：“这植根于两国的互不信任之中，”卡耐基国际和平基金的中国专家Minxin Pei说。
So at the same time that China remains uncomfortable with its new role (but craves recognition of its rise), the United States needs real help overcoming global challenges but doesn't want to give offense. Analyze that!
同时中国对他的新角色仍然感到不安（但是渴望得到对其崛起的承认），美国需要真正的帮助来战胜全球挑战但是不想得罪对方。分析一下这个！ |
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狗仔卡
发表于 2009-11-18 14:44
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楼主
发表于 2009-11-18 18:11
