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本帖最后由 遥远的冬天 于 2010-1-7 16:47 编辑
【中文标题】共产主义中国有多共产主义？
【原文标题】How Communist Is Communist China?
【登载媒体】Newsweek
【来源地址】http://www.newsweek.com/id/224340 【译者】遥远的冬天 【翻译方式】人工
【声明】本翻译供Anti-CNN使用，未经AC或译者许可，不得转载。
【原文库链接】http://bbs.m4.cn/thread-208714-1-1.html
【译文】
Karl Who?
China is a Communist country, but I have yet to meet an actual Communist.
中国是共产主义国家，但是我还没有见到一个真正的共产主义者。
On several occasions during my 10 days in China, I've been told that there are 70 million members of the Chinese Communist Party. And yet it's nearly impossible to find an orthodox Marxist in Beijing. When you stand in Tiananmen Square and look toward the Forbidden City, you see a huge portrait of Mao flanked by slogans. The slogans used to say things like "Long Live Marxism-Leninism." Today, they're simply nationalistic: "Long Live the People's Republic of China!”
在中国的十天里，我有好几次被告知中国共产党有7000万党员。不过要在北京找到一个正统马克思主义者几乎是不可能的。当你站在天安门广场，看向紫禁城，你看到两侧伴有标语的毛的巨幅肖像。这些标语曾经宣扬的是“马列主义万岁”。如今，它们仅仅关乎国家主义：“中华人民共和国万岁！”
【什么是正统马克思主义，什么是西方马克思主义，有兴趣的可以Google之。】
While class struggle and common ownership of property may have motivated the revolution, Mao's heirs are more interested in outcomes than process. At least a dozen times, officials and businesspeople have quoted Deng Xiaoping's line about not caring whether a cat is black and white, as long as it catches the mouse. Chinese structures—whether socioeconomic theories or apartment buildings—don't have to be elegant; they just have to stand up. And so far, 30 years into the great China experiment, the elites are confident that the grafting of capitalism onto a state-controlled economy, overseen by a government controlled by a Communist Party, is standing up.
虽然阶级斗争和财产公有制可能激发了革命，但是毛的继承者对结果的兴趣甚于过程。至少有一打的次数，官员和商人引用邓小平不管黑猫白猫，只要抓住老鼠就是好猫的言论。中国的结构——无论是社会经济理论还是公寓建筑——不需要优美，只要站得住脚。迄今为止，伟大的中国实践进行了30年后，社会中坚分子坚定的认为，将资本主义移植到国家控制的经济中，由共产党控制的政府来监管，是站得住脚的。
The headquarters building of the China Academy of Engineering is a testament to the nation's growing ability to create elegant structures. Light spilled in through a large glass wall. The green building was paved with recycled marble tiles and boasts a sophisticated heating and cooling system that relies on recirculating water from deep in the ground. In a large reception area, whose centerpiece was a glass case filled with trains and planes, we met Xu Kuangdi, a veteran apparatchik, engineer, manager, and leader. Xu, an academic who served as mayor of Shanghai from 1995 through 2001, is vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference and president of the Chinese Academy of Engineering Sciences. And while the format of the meeting was old-school—we sat in large, comfortable chairs in a setting more like an audience than interview—there were several times during the meeting when I felt as if I were on the set of CNBC's Kudlow & Co. For the only class struggle this veteran Communist discussed was the struggle of the newly rich to hold onto their gains.
中国工程院总部大楼证明了这个国家在创造优美建筑上正在上升的能力。光从巨大的玻璃墙透射进来。环保的大楼贴着回收利用的大理石瓷砖，并拥有精巧的冷暖系统，这一系统有赖于深入地下的不断循环的水流。在中央放置着装满火车和飞机模型的玻璃容器的大接待区域我们见到了徐匡迪，一个经验丰富的官僚、工程师、经理、领导。徐，一个曾经在1995—2001年担任上海市长的学术工作者，是中国人民政治协商会议全国委员会副主席、中国工程院院长。尽管会见的形式是老套的——我们坐在大而舒适的椅子上，陈设更像是观众而非会谈——会谈中间我有好几次觉得我像是在CNBC的Kudlow & Co。【CNBC由美国媒体巨头国家广播公司创办，是全球财经媒体中公认的佼佼者，Kudlow & Co是一家公司。】这位老牌的共产主义者唯一谈到的阶级斗争是新贵们奋力抓牢他们的收益。
【这一段翻得很艰难，欢迎拍砖】
Xu boasted China's engineering triumphs: the 88-story building in Shanghai, designed by an American architectural firm but built by Chinese engineers; the 67 bridges over the Yangtze River; the Olympic structures; high-speed rail; supercomputers. And when we asked how we would square the experience of modern China—parts of Beijing are a luxury retailer's paradise—with Communist Party doctrine, he had a ready response. Karl who? "We're not a bookish party," he said. Besides, the Communist Party has always been flexible when it comes to dealing with national priorities. It cooperated with the Kuomintang to fight the Japanese. "Mr. Marx is still widely respected by the party and the party members. He's a great mind in the people's history." Just because many of his ideas are outdated—they were devised in a period without today's developments in science and technology—it doesn't means he's forgotten. "I want to compare it to God in your mind. Maybe you don't go to church every week. But that doesn't follow that God is not in your heart." Marxism, like religion, is "still a power that controls the morality of the people."
徐历数中国的工程成就：上海88层的大楼，由一家美国建筑公司设计，但是由中国工程师建造；长江上的67座桥；奥林匹克建筑；高速铁路；超级计算机。当我们问到我们怎么才能将现代中国的经历——北京的一部分是奢侈品零售商的天堂——和共产主义学说融合起来呢？他有一个现成的答案。Karl who？“我们不是一个拘泥的政党”，他说。而且中国共产党在处理有关国家重要问题时从来都是灵活的。她和国民党合作抗击日本人。“马克思先生仍然被党和党员广泛尊重。他是人民历史中的伟人。”仅仅是他的许多想法已经过时——这些想法是在不存在今天的科技发展的时代产生的——并不意味着他被忘记了。“我想将这一情况和你心里的上帝进行比较。可能你不会每周都去教堂。但是那并不意味着上帝不在你心中。”马克思主义，就像宗教，“仍然是控制人们思想的力量。”
Of course, in China, Marxist morality shifts over time. And today, the most moral thing that Chinese policies and people can do is promote economic growth and development, regardless of the distributional outcomes. In our time in China, we heard several reasons why the massive country simply couldn't adopt Western-style democracy. The population is too large and too diverse. Democracy promotes the sort of arguing that hinders growth. The performance of other Asian countries seemed to have suffered when fractious democracies emerged from authoritarian or military rule. Xu added a new one: It would promote unhealthy class warfare. If elections were to be held in a large geographical area where gaps between the rich and poor are wide, and in which people have different educational backgrounds, "it might cause turbulences to society," he said. "If somebody just went out in the street and shouted, 'I will divide the property of rich people into poor people,' I think he would be elected. But it is useless, as parity will not solve the problem of economic development." Yes, the creation of wealth in China has been wildly uneven. But this, too, is consistent with the party's goals, doctrine, and history, according to Xu. "Sometimes when we have the faith we have to take different approaches to realize our beliefs. The ultimate goal is the common prosperity, but we have to let a group of people to get rich first."
当然，在中国，马克思主义思想随着时间而变化。在今天中国的方针以及人民能做的最有意义的事是促进经济增长和发展，不管分配后果怎样。这个庞大的国家为什么不能简单地采用西式民主制度，在中国的时候我们听到了几个原因。人口太过庞大而多样化。民主会导致一些妨碍发展的争论。当贸然地从威权或者军事统治进入难以控制的民主时其他亚洲国家的表现看来很糟糕。徐补充了一个新的原因：西式民主将导致不健康的阶级战争。如果选举将在贫富差距很大、人民拥有不同教育背景的辽阔地理范围内举行，“可能会造成社会的震荡”，他说。“如果有人到街上大喊，‘我会将富人的财产分给穷人’，我想他将会当选。但是这是没有用的，平均主义不会解决经济发展的问题。”没错，在中国财富的创造是不平衡的。但是就徐来看，就连这也与党的目标、原则和历史一致。“有时候当我们拥有信念，我们不得不采取不同的方法来实现。最终的目标是共同富裕，但是我们不得不让一部分人先富起来。”
How do you say "trickle down" in Mandarin?
你们在普通话中怎么说“trickle down”？
【涓滴效应 Trickle-down effect，又译作利益均沾论，指在经济发展过程中并不给与贫困阶层、弱势群体或贫困地区特别的优待，而是由优先发展起来的群体或地区通过消费、就业等方面惠及贫困阶层或地区，带动其发展和富裕。由此还有“涓滴经济学”（trickle down economics），常用来形容里根经济学或供应经济学，因为里根政府的经济政策理念，救济不是救助穷人最好的方法，而应该通过经济增长使总财富增加，最终使穷人受益。】 |
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