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【中文标题】中美如何成为一个经济体以及为什么世界的繁荣有赖于此 【原文标题】How China and America became one economy, and why the world's prosperity depends on it. 【登载媒体】Foreign Policy 【来源地址】http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2009/12/04/superfusion?page=0,0 【翻译方式】人工 【声明】本翻译供Anti-CNN使用，未经AC或译者许可，不得转载。 【原文库链接】http://bbs.m4.cn/thread-213641-1-1.html
【译文】
Superfusion
How China and America became one economy, and why the world's prosperity depends on it.
BY ZACHARY KARABELL | DECEMBER 4, 2009
过熔
中美如何成为一个经济体以及为什么世界的繁荣有赖于此
Companies like Kentucky Fried Chicken did more than remake themselves in China; they also transformed Chinese society and the global economic system. That is the unwritten story of the past 20 years. Multinationals and the Communist Party of China should have been strange bedfellows, but much of history is the product of odd and unexpected alliances. As companies such as Procter & Gamble, Kentucky Fried Chicken, Avon, Nike, General Electric, Siemens, and IBM went to China in the late 1980s and 1990s, they constructed a new international system of trade, production, and capital flows. Yes, China produced cheap retail goods, and the United States and Europe consumed them. Less noticed but equally important was that China itself became a voracious consumer not only of imported goods and services but above all, knowledge. 肯德基之类的公司在中国所做的远远超过了改造它们自己；它们改变了中国社会和全球经济体系。这是过去20年没有写下来的故事。跨国公司和中国共产党本该是临时的伙伴，但是很多历史都是偶然而意外的结盟的产物。当像宝洁、肯德基、雅芳、耐克、通用电气、西门子和IBM等公司在80年代末和90年代进入中国时，它们建立了新的国际贸易、生产以及资本流动体系。是的，中国生产廉价的零售商品，美国和欧洲则消费他们。较少被注意到但同样重要的是，中国自己也成为了如饥似渴的消费者，不只是消费进口货物和服务，更重要的是消费知识。 Everywhere, there is deep discomfort with what this system has done to the world. In the United States and Europe, China has been blamed as the cause of job loss. Then the implosion of the U.S. economy in 2008 and into 2009 cast into sharp relief just how much America's economic sovereignty had been eroded and how much China's economic power had increased. In China itself, attitudes are more optimistic, yet the events of the past two years also shook China's leadership and led to questions about the wisdom of closer integration with the West and with the United States. 所有地方都对这一体系对世界的所为存在着深深的不安。美国和欧洲指责中国造成了他们的失业。美国从2008年一直延续到2009年的经济崩溃使关于美国的经济霸权受到了多大的侵蚀以及中国的经济实力上升了多少的忧虑明显趋向缓和。中国自身的态度更加乐观，尽管过去两年的事件也使中国领导人心烦，导致了一些疑问，就是与西方和美国更紧密的整合是否明智。 Even as they speak of interdependence as a fact, Chinese and Americans continue to see themselves locked in a great power rivalry. Chinese leaders in 2009 did not disguise their blame of Wall Street as the cause of the economic crisis, yet they rarely took full responsibility for their role in shaping the global economy. American leaders have their own blind spots. In its annual assessment of global threats, the U.S. intelligence community in 2008 emphasized China's rising power and its potential to use its economic leverage for political aims, and the Pentagon in early 2009 warned that China was seeking new weapons to counter the U.S. military in the Pacific Rim. 即使他们正在谈论彼此互相依存这一事实，中国人和美国人仍继续视自己为彼此的大对头。尽管对自己在塑造全球经济中所起的作用也很少负全责，中国领导人在2009年并不掩饰地指责华尔街造成经济危机。美国领导人也有自己的盲点。在对全球威胁的年度评估中，美国情报机构在2008年强调中国上升的实力及其使用经济杠杆来达到政治目的的可能，五角大楼在2009年初则警告说，中国正寻求新的武器以在太平洋地区对抗美国军队。 These old ways of approaching the world -- these us-versus-them dyads -- are not just benign anachronisms. Clinging to them can and will have serious consequences, most of them negative. The current global economic system is unlike anything the world has known before. National economic data do not capture the mutual interdependence and exaggerate the quaint, and false, idea that each country is its own economic island. The longer we cling to old theories and past precedents, the longer it will take to grasp what is going on. The fusion of China and America is more important to divining what the future holds than most of the economic and political theories that have guided governments, academics, and business leaders over the past century. 这些与世界打交道的旧方法——这些我们对他们的二元方式——不仅仅是一般的过时的方法。坚持这些方法能而且会造成严重的、大多是负面的后果。当前的全球经济体系不像世界以前所熟知的任何事物。国家经济资料并不正确记录双方的相互依存，反而夸大了古怪而错误的观点，就是每个国家都是经济孤岛。我们坚持旧的理论和既往范例越久，我们理解正在发生什么花费的时间就越长。在推测将来会如何上，中国和美国的融合比大多数曾在上个世纪指导政学术机构和商业领导人的经济和政治理论更重要。 The path ahead offers at least two possibilities. Either America -- and to some extent Europe as well -- works with China to refine and develop this system to our mutual benefit, or we fall back on old binary concepts that see every gain for "them" as a decline for "us." For the United States, if we choose to embrace our interdependence with China, we stand a chance of not only working through our current challenges and retaining our prosperity but enhancing it meaningfully in the decades ahead. While that may mean a shift in the relative position of the United States in the world, the benefits will far outweigh the costs. 现在至少有两种可能。要么美国——某种程度上欧洲也一样——和中国合作，为了我们的共同利益完善和发展这一体系，要么我们转而依靠旧的双边概念，视“他们”的任何所得为“我们”的损失。对美国来说，如果我们选择拥抱和中国的相互依存，我们就有希望不仅通过现在的挑战并重获繁荣，而且在未来几十年大大的增进繁荣。尽管这可能意味着美国在世界上位置的相对变化，然而所获得的利益远大于代价。 As of now, however, the United States has a "China problem." It is not, as commonly assumed, a problem with the challenges of China as a rising economy. It is a problem with the very fact of China as a force to be reckoned with. For a half century, the United States fought for the creation of a global capitalist system. Now that one exists, however, Americans seem to have forgotten one little thing: capitalism means risk and sometimes chaos, and the global position of the United States is not a birthright. 然而到目前为止，美国有一个“中国问题”。这不像通常所认为的那样，是应对经济崛起的中国的挑战的问题。这是关乎中国作为不可忽视的力量这一事实的问题。整整半个世纪，美国致力于全球资本体系的创造。不过，尽管有了这个体系，美国人似乎忘了一件小事：资本主义意味着风险，有时是混乱，美国的全球地位不是与生俱来的。 The fundamental question for the United States is whether to accept or resist the fusion with China and all that it entails. While the election of Barack Obama signifies a return of a more pragmatic approach to the world and a wiser recognition of the limits of both economic and military power, many Americans remain locked in a mentality that sees the United States as a nation that can remain powerful only by being more powerful than everyone else. The likely outcome? Rather than recognizing that this old framework is flawed, Americans remain wedded to it, and contest the rise of China every step of the way. The outcome will not be good. Rather than hobbling China, the United States may end up hobbling itself. In response, China will forge partnerships with others in the world who are more willing, including -- oddly enough -- U.S. corporations that will then become even less tied to the United States and in time become American only in name, and perhaps not even that. In trying to prevent China from assuming its place at the table, we instead evict ourselves. 对美国来说，最基本的问题是是接受还是拒绝和中国的融合及融合所带来的一切。尽管巴拉克·奥巴马的当选意味着回归更加务实的对待世界的方针以及对其有限的经济、军事实力的更加明智的认识，许多美国人还是陷于这样一种心态中，即认为美国仍然是一个强大的国家，只要能比所有其它国家更强大。可能的后果？美国人还是执着于此，在此道路的每一步上与中国的崛起竞争，而不是承认旧的框架是由缺陷的。结果不会好。美国可能以束缚自己收场，而不是束缚中国。作为回应，中国将和世界上其他更愿意与之发展关系的各方发展伙伴关系，包括——这够稀奇的——美国公司，他们将与美国有更少联系并最终只是名义上是美国的，甚至名义上都不是。为了阻止中国占据一席之地，我们放弃了自己的位置。 Because companies have been the most obvious beneficiaries of this superfusion, it has been easy to portray this emerging system as simply one more example of the way that capitalism and corporations satisfy the interests of the few and fail to enrich the many. Witness the populist anger at Wall Street and avaricious companies that generated obscene, and illusory, profits while the vast majority of everyday people saw their incomes pressured and their purchasing power eroded. Then, to add to the insult, these companies proved to be not just venal but incompetent, and placed the entire financial system in jeopardy. 因为公司一直是这种过熔的最明显的受益者，所以可以很容易的将这种正在显现的系统描述成资本主义和公司满足少数人的利益而不能使大多数人富裕的另一个例子。看看平民对华尔街和贪婪公司的怒气，他们产生了可恶而貌似真实的收益，绝大多数普通人则看见自己的收入被压缩，购买力下降。然后，为了加强侮辱，这些公司还被证明不仅腐败而且无能，将整个金融系统置于危险之中。 There can be no argument that U.S. companies reaped extraordinary profits from the growth of China. For more than five years, I ran an investment fund that focused on American, Chinese, and multinational companies whose growth was being fueled by China. And for nearly seven years, I helped run an asset management firm in New York. Before that, I spent many years as an academic, writing, studying, and teaching about international relations, and my perspective stems as much from that experience as from my years on Wall Street. Whether or not the rise of China is desirable, it is a fact. How that is managed, by the Chinese themselves, by the United States, and by other vital actors in the international system, will determine the arc of this century. 无可争辩的是美国公司从中国的增长中得到了巨大的利润。在超过五年的时间里，我管理一个主要关注美国、中国以及跨国公司的投资基金，这些公司的增长为中国所推动。在接近七年里，我帮助运作纽约一家资产管理公司。在此之前，有很多年我都是作为一名学者，写作、研究、教授国际关系，我的观点来自于这部分经历的部分和莲子华尔街岁月的一样多。中国的崛起是一个事实，无论是不是合意。这一事实如何被中国人自己、美国以及其他国际体系中的重要成员处理将决定本世纪的走向。 | 
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