【中文标题】马蒂的正义：一个年轻女孩的谋杀案怎么演化成对可口可乐的抵制
【原文标题】(Some) Justice for Martine - How a young girl’s murder led to a boycott of Coca-Cola.
【登载媒体】新闻周刊
【原文作者】Liv Buli
【原文链接】http://www.newsweek.com/2011/03/20/some-justice-for-martine.html
法鲁克.阿不杜哈克因强奸和谋杀马蒂.维.马格努森的罪名被警方通缉。
她被杀害的那个晚上，开始于一个庆祝聚会。
2008年早春的一个晚上，马蒂.维.马格努森，23岁的挪威美女，打理好她金色的长发，在蓝绿色的眼睛上涂好眼影，和朋友一起到伦敦的Maddox俱乐部，庆祝即将到来的假期和她刚刚在摄政学院考试中取得的好成绩。
在伦敦市中心社交地区俱乐部中等待她的，是她的朋友法鲁克.阿不杜哈克——一位也门亿万富翁的公子哥。他的朋友后来回忆，他在那天晚上没有表现出平常无忧无虑的愉快心情，因为他父亲强烈要求他改变花花公子的形象。
警方认为，虽然阿不杜哈克的情绪异常，但马格努森还是在聚会结束之后与他一起离开。第二天早晨她还没有回到公寓中，她的朋友们开始担心了。在一部挪威的纪录片中，她的朋友描述了如何通过Facebook联系阿不杜哈克，试图询问她在哪里。他们发现阿不杜哈克那天早晨在网络上的状态变换了4次，“法鲁克独自在家”。他们对电视台工作人员说，不久之后，阿不杜哈克的信息就消失了。
两天后，警方在阿不杜哈克公寓的地下室中发现了被垃圾掩盖的马格努森尸体。一只耳环被扯下，脸部有严重的瘀伤。从尸体到阿不杜哈克二楼房间的楼梯井通道上有血迹，还有打斗的痕迹。一位邻居报告，曾经在午夜听到奇怪的声音。2009年，英国当局把阿不杜哈克列为苏格兰场头号通缉犯，罪名是强奸和谋杀马格努森。他们同时发布了国际通缉令。但是，阿不杜哈克早已离境。调查人员发现，谋杀案发生后几个小时他就离开伦敦，前往开罗，又从埃及搭乘他父亲的私人飞机回到也门。
法鲁克的父亲沙尔.阿不杜哈克是也门最有权势的商人之一。在谋杀案发生期间，他的商业帝国包括一系列豪华的酒店，并拥有也门最大的移动通信网络。他还是梅塞德斯的主要进口商，持有大量的中东地区可口可乐生产和分销业股票。
由于也门与英国之间没有引渡条款，因此马格努森的父亲奥德.培特.马格努森尝试了各种外交途径，但依然希望渺茫。与挪威外交部和英国高层人士之间的会议只带来了一些承诺，没有结果。与此同时，也门政府建议在国内审判阿不杜哈克。根据伊斯兰教法，这个国家野蛮、腐败的司法体系会以死刑来惩罚强奸和谋杀罪犯。即让罪犯面部朝下伏地，向其脑后开枪。还有一些人主动向马格努森申请，他们可以飞到也门，亲手杀死阿不杜哈克。但他认为这都无法给女儿伸张正义，他想看到的是阿不杜哈克在英国法庭上接受审判。他对新闻周刊说：“这是唯一向我女儿的回忆致敬的方式。谁也不能在一个地方杀人后，坐公车跑开，然后就不用承担任何后果。”
沙尔.阿不杜哈克至今为止拒绝接受媒体采访，但他通过伦敦的公关人士确认他的儿子在也门。他说儿子的经济状况是独立的，他曾经要求他回到英国，但一直被拒绝。他还说两人之间的关系其实相当紧张。
与此同时在挪威，这个案件引起了轰动。2010年底，7名挪威立法者草拟了一系列信函，发给若干与沙尔贸易公司有业务往来的跨国公司，要求他们在道德和伦理的立场上与其断绝业务关系（沙尔.阿不杜哈克威胁要控告这些政客的诽谤和恶意造谣）。戴姆勒奔驰于是停止了与沙尔.阿不杜哈克的业务往来，但是没有确认这与收到的信函有任何直接关系。施乐也在关注此事。但是可口可乐却说，这与自己无关。可口可乐挪威沟通部门负责人Steir Rømmerud在接受Verdens Gang报纸采访时说，公司理解这个家庭的感受，但这应该是当地和国际警方处理的事情。“我们与犯罪嫌疑人没有业务关系，嫌疑人的父亲只不过通过投资生产业务而间接参与了可口可乐的运作。”但是一个名为“马蒂的正义”的组织不满足这样的说辞，他们决定在网络上对阿不杜哈克开战。通过Facebook，组织成员号召从3月1日开始抵制可口可乐产品。活动开始的第一周，有53000人宣布加入。组织者Marcus Rolandsen说：“我们要让沙尔.阿不杜哈克知道，这件事情绝不会不明不白地过去。”（该组织向挪威法庭提交了民事诉讼，控告阿不杜哈克不回应法院传票。还准备在美国采取进一步的法律行动。）虽然抵制活动并未让这家庞大的公司遭受很多经济损失，但毕竟对可口可乐的品牌形成了一定的威胁。3月14日，公司发布了一份声明，宣布已经决定与阿不杜哈克划清界限。可口可乐欧洲发言人Joel Morris说，沙尔.阿不杜哈克与利比亚和埃及的生产线已经没有经济关系，并且同意退出埃及可口可乐董事会主席的位置，还准备放弃他在也门的投资。Morris提到，这些事情在抵制活动之前就开始了运作，但是“我们与活动组织者之间的交谈加快了事情进展的速度”。
社会媒体作家Clay Shirky说，抵制活动的胜利显示出，Facebook和其它社会媒体网络通过低成本、高可见度的方式，成功地对跨国公司施加了影响。“善意在与资产负债表的战斗中不会永远失败。”尽管阿不杜哈克依然在逃，马格努森的父亲相信事情很快就会解决。“你必须相信人们的善良本性，伦理和公正必定会得到伸张。”
原文：
Farouk Abdulhaq is wanted for the rape and murder of Martine Vik Magnussen.
The night of her murder began with a celebration.
On an early spring evening in 2008, Martine Vik Magnussen, a 23-year-old Norwegian beauty, curled her long, blond hair and accented her blue-green eyes with eye shadow, before heading to the smart London club Maddox with friends to celebrate upcoming holidays and high scores on her latest Regents College exams.
At the club in London’s Mayfair district was her friend Farouk Abdulhaq, the jet-setting son of a Yemeni billionaire, who, friends recalled later, had been feeling pressure from his father to clean up his party-boy image and, on this night, didn’t appear his usual lighthearted self.
Despite Abdulhaq’s peculiar mood, Magnussen left with him when the club closed, police believe. When she didn’t return to her apartment the next day, her friends became concerned. In a Norwegian documentary, they recounted how, reaching out to Abdulhaq over Facebook to see if he knew of her whereabouts, they noticed that he had changed his status around 4 that morning. “Farouk,” it said, “is home alone.” Soon after, Abdulhaq’s profile disappeared, they told the TV crew.
Police say they found Magnussen’s body in the basement of Abdulhaq’s apartment building two days later, partly covered with garbage. One of her earrings had been ripped from her ear, and her face was badly bruised. There was a blood trail from her body up the stairwell to Abdulhaq’s second-floor apartment, which showed signs of a struggle. A neighbor reported hearing strange noises in the middle of the night, and, by 2009, British authorities placed Abdulhaq on Scotland Yard’s Most Wanted list in connection with the rape and murder of Magnussen. They also issued an international warrant for his arrest. But, by then, Abdulhaq had left the country. Investigators found that he had left for Cairo just hours after the murder, flying onward from Egypt to Yemen on his father’s private jet.
Farouk’s father, Shaher Abdulhaq, is one of Yemen’s most powerful businessmen. At the time of the murder, his business empire included a range of luxury hotels and ownership of Yemen’s primary cellular network. He was also the main Mercedes importer and counted a large ownership stake in Coca-Cola bottling and distribution in the Middle East.
Since Yemen holds no extradition agreement with Great Britain, Magnussen’s father, Odd Petter Magnussen, tried diplomatic channels but with little luck. Meetings with the Norwegian foreign ministry and high-level British politicians brought promises but no results. Meanwhile, the Yemeni government offered to try Abdulhaq in country. The nation’s brutal and corrupt legal system, based on Sharia, punishes rape and murder with death; the convict is usually shot in the back of the head while laying facedown on the ground, and Magnussen’s father felt that neither that nor the unsolicited offer he got from strangers who suggested they’d fly to Yemen and kill Abdulhaq themselves would offer real justice for his daughter. What he wanted was for Abdulhaq to stand trial in Britain. “It is the only way to honor my daughter’s memory,” he told NEWSWEEK. “It can’t be possible to take a life in one place, get on a bus, and not have to suffer the consequences.”
Shaher Abdulhaq has so far declined media interviews but confirms through a PR person in London that his son is in Yemen. However, through his representative, he asserts that his son is not financially dependent on him; that he has encouraged him to return to Britain but that his son, so far, has refused; and that, in fact, the two have a strained relationship.
In Norway, meanwhile, the case has become a cause célèbre. In late 2010, seven Norwegian lawmakers drafted a series of letters to a number of multinational corporations connected with Shaher Trading, asking them to cut ties with the company on moral and ethical grounds. (Shaher Abdulhaq responded by threatening to sue the politicians for defamation and malicious falsehood.) Daimler-Benz subsequently dropped all business dealings with Shaher Abdulhaq but would not confirm that this was a direct result of the letters. Xerox started looking into the matter but Coca-Cola, effectively, said it wasn’t their problem. Communications director of Coca-Cola in Norway, Steir Rømmerud, told the Verdens Gang newspaper that while the company felt for the family, it was the responsibility of local and international police to solve the matter. “We have no ties to the suspect, and the suspect’s father is only indirectly involved in Coca-Cola as an investor in bottling operations,” he said, according to the paper. But a group called Justice for Martine wasn’t appeased and decided to take the battle against Abdulhaq online. Via a Facebook page, members encouraged a boycott of Coca-Cola products, starting March 1 this year. Within the first two weeks, more than 53,000 people signed up. “What we had hoped to achieve was to show Shaher Abdulhaq that this issue will not be swept under the table,” said Marcus Rolandsen, chairman of the foundation. (The foundation has also filed a civil complaint against the younger Abdulhaq in Norwegian courts for failing to respond to summons, and is considering further legal action in the United States.) While the boycott didn’t represent a massive economic impact on the behemoth company, the campaign was a potential threat to the Coca-Cola brand, and on March 14, the company released a statement announcing its decision to sever all ties with Abdulhaq. Joel Morris, spokesperson for Coca-Cola Europe, says Shaher Abdulhaq no longer holds financial interests in bottling operations in Libya or Egypt, has agreed to step down from the board of directors of the unit in Egypt, and is in the process of divesting his investments in Yemen. Morris adds that discussions on this matter began before the boycott, but that “our conversations with the campaign group did bring new urgency to the process.”
The boycott’s success shows how Facebook and other social-media networks make it possible to take on multinational corporations, using a low-cost but very visual form of campaigning, says Clay Shirky, an author of several books on the effects of social media, “It’s not called good will in the balance sheet for nothing,” he says. Although the younger Abdulhaq remains at large, Magnussen’s father is optimistic that a solution is imminent. “You have to believe in the good in people, and that ethics will prevail in this case.” |
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