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本帖最后由 lilyma06 于 2011-12-19 15:23 编辑
【中文标题】腐败的香港民主
【原文标题】The Corruption of Hong Kong's Democracy
【来源地址】http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970203430404577096012997818628.html?mod=rss_most_viewed_day_asia?mod=WSJAsia_article_forsub
【译者】doraemonls
【翻译方式】人工
【原文库链接】http://bbs.m4.cn/thread-3258118-1-1.html
【声明】欢迎转载,请务必注明译者和出处 bbs.m4.cn。
【译文】
A scandal over Hong Kong's local-level elections could change the politics of the territory as much as the massive protests over restrictions on civil liberties did in 2003. It is now clear that the Beijing government sought to corrupt Hong Kong's electoral system, even as it drags its heels in allowing greater public participation in government. This underhanded move imperils the territory's stability.
正如2003年对限制公民权利的众多抗议活动一样,香港区议会选举的种票丑闻很可能会改变香港的政治制度。现在看来,很明显是北京方面试图破坏香港的选举制度,尽管在它不情愿的允许更多公众参与政府事务的时候。这种卑劣的行径危及了香港的稳定。
Shortly after the Nov. 6 District Council polls, pro-democracy politicians noted several cases of voters registering in closely contested constituencies under false or suspicious addresses. The suspicion was that the pro-Beijing camp moved voters from its strongholds into constituencies where they could swing the result.
在11月6日的区议会选举不久之后,民主派政治家们就发现了几起案例,有人使用虚假地址在竞争激烈的选区登记投票。初步怀疑,这是亲建制派让其根据地的一些选民到其他一些他们能够左右选举结果的选区投票。
The government responded by saying that it would look into the complaints, but that it also believed the problem was not serious. Chief Executive Donald Tsang suggested that losing candidates were suffering from a case of sour grapes.
香港当局回应称他们将调查投诉的案例,但这个问题并不是很严重。香港行政长官曾荫权认为,失去选票只是一些人选葡萄心理作怪的结果。
Those remarks look increasingly dubious today. Over the last six weeks, the media have uncovered more than 800 voters with obviously fake addresses. Since these voters were particularly careless—registering addresses in buildings that no longer exist and the like—the true number of fraudulent votes could be many times greater
现在看来,这些话越来越显得可疑。在过去的6个星期的时间里,媒体已经揭露了超过800个虚假地址的选民。由于这些选民十分粗心,他们使用的地址是不存在的或是名字相似的大楼,我们有理由相信作弊选票的真实数量可能是现在的几倍或更大。
Next magazine published a letter from an association of Hong Kong tycoons serving in mainland provincial legislatures which tasked its members with recruiting more than 15,000 votes for targeted constituencies. And that is only one of several such mainland-affiliated bodies that are heeding Beijing's calls to play a bigger role in local affairs. Since the average constituency contains 17,000 voters and many of the 412 races were decided by several hundred votes or fewer, tens of seats may have been captured due to fraud.
壹周刊发布了一封来自一个香港业界大亨的协会的信件。这些巨头们供职于大陆的省级立法机关。信中要求其会员为目标选区招募超过15000位选民。这个协会只是在和大陆有关的组织之一。还有很多组织留心北京方面的要求并在当地事务处理中扮演着更重要的角色。由于平均每个选区包含了17000张选票,而412个直选议席中的很多个是几百张甚至更少的选票就可以决定的,因此,几十个席位都可能是通过欺诈行为赢得。
To the Hong Kong government's credit, the Independent Commission Against Corruption has sprung into action, arresting 31 people so far. The lead role of the ICAC, rather than the police, shows that the offenses go beyond simply providing false information and extend to a deliberate conspiracy to commit election fraud. So far none of the masterminds have been brought to justice, and this will be a critical test of whether Hong Kong's law enforcement and judiciary remain insulated from political interference.
为了香港政府的信用,廉政公署已经迅速展开行动,至今为止已经逮捕了31人。这时,是廉政公署,而不是警察们,的领头行动,表明犯罪行动早已不是简单的提供虚假信息而已,而已经发展成为一个为实施舞弊选举的蓄意阴谋。到目前为止,还没有主谋被绳之以法,这将是香港政府执法力度和司法公正性是否没有受到政治干扰的一个关键性的考验。
The government has known about vote fraud for years but chose not to reform the electoral system. In 2006, the Audit Commission reported that voters were registering under false addresses, but the government resisted requiring proof of address on the grounds that it might lower the level of registration and turnout. After the 2007 District Council elections, complaints of widespread vote planting also fell on deaf ears. It seems this response emboldened the fraudsters to undertake a larger effort to steal seats in last month's elections.
香港当局多年前就知道了选举舞弊行为的存在,但他们一直没有选择改革选举制度。在2006年,审计署就报道了选民们使用虚假地址登记注册,但政府抵制要对住址提供证明的做法,因为这可能降低登记和投票的水平。在2007年的区议会选举之后,政府对普遍的种票投诉也置若罔闻。这样的反应似乎使骗子们在上个月大选中为了争取席位更加胆大妄为。
Such a large-scale operation requires resources that could only have been mobilized by Beijing, operating through its many allies in the territory. This is arousing new fears that while the Chinese government has agreed to allow elections by universal suffrage starting in 2017, it will use whatever overt and covert means are necessary to prevent the people from freely choosing future chief executives and legislators.
如此大规模的手段需要的资源看来只能是由北京方面调动的,并且是通过其在香港的众多盟友实施的。这又引起了人们新的担忧,那就是,中国政府已经同意在2017年开始普选,如果必要,它将使用任何公开或隐蔽的手段来阻止人们自由的选择未来的行政长官和立法人员。
Respected local newspaper Ming Pao last month sounded the alarm that Beijing's corruption will destabilize Hong Kong: "If vote-rigging distorts election outcomes and worsens Hong Kong politics, citizens may no longer have confidence in the electoral system. In that event, Hong Kong cannot possibly remain stable." That earned the paper a rebuke from a China Daily columnist, who accused it of being "biased against people who love Hong Kong as well as the country."
上个月,香港较有影响力的报纸《明报》敲响了警钟,提醒人们北京可能会破坏香港的稳定。文中说“假如造票行为扰乱了选举结果,恶化了香港的政治局面,市民们将对选举制度失去信心。到那时,香港可能无法保持稳定。”这让《明报》受到了一位《中国日报》专栏作家的非难,对方指责这是“对既热爱香港又热爱祖国的人民的偏见”。
Some outside observers might shrug and ask why the outside world should care. After all, there is little that can be done to prevent China from violating its promises to preserve Hong Kong's system and way of life. Even so, it is critical that Beijing is called to account for violating promises when its word is increasingly relied upon to resolve a widening range of international disputes.
一些外界观察人士可能会耸耸肩,问为什么外面的世界如此关心香港的选举。毕竟,要阻止中国违背其保持香港的制度和生活方式的承诺,几乎没有什么事情可以做。即便如此,呼吁北京方面对违背其承诺作出解释也是非常关键的,尤其是在北京方面的意见在解决国际争端问题上变得越来越重要的时候。
A second reason to care about Hong Kong's fate is its role as a demonstration that a city under Beijing's rule can practice democracy to govern itself efficiently and stably. Its success should pave the way for eventual political reform on the mainland. If Beijing destroys this cosmopolitan and free city by forcing upon it the Communist Party's methods of control, China's ability to transform itself into a responsible great power is seriously in doubt.
关心香港命运何去何从的第二个原因就是,香港是作为在北京制度下的能够实行民主制度、有效自治并保持稳定的示范城市。它的成功为最终在中国大陆进行政治改革铺平了道路。假如北京方面强制其归于共产党的控制之下,破坏了这个自由的、世界性的大都市,那么中国本身能否成长成为一个负责任的大国就很难说了。
/**********************完,果然不熟悉的题材翻译进度还是蛮慢的呀***************************/
/***************PS:原文有个习太子的近照,手懒就没放过来了。{:soso_e154:}************************/
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