【中文标题】为什么只有超级飓风才能暴露菲律宾政坛的肮脏
【原文标题】Why It Took a Superstorm to Expose the Seedy Underbelly of Philippine Politics
【登载媒体】外交政策
【原文作者】Catherine A. Traywick
【原文链接】http://blog.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/11/19/why_it_took_a_super_typhoon_to_expose_the_seedy_underbelly_of_philippine_politics
超级台风海燕夺走了将近4000人的生命，让400万人流离失所。一周之后，救援在糟糕的路况、拥挤的机场和一大堆后勤问题的阻碍下，进展依然缓慢。红十字说它们有足够的紧急物资供受灾地区使用，但政府迟迟没有响应，加上基础设施的缺乏，让物资无法迅速发放到灾民手中。政府发放的一些纺织品被当地政客转移，长达几个小时，甚至几天的宝贵救灾时间被浪费在重新包装物资、写上政客名字、竞选口号和党派颜色上。所有这一切，就是以个人为中心的菲律宾丑恶政治面貌，其中充满了宿怨、猖獗的裙带关系和机能紊乱。
台风到来的时候，恰逢这个国家丑陋的政治行为被揭露于世。台风过后，世人都把目光集中在菲律宾身上，这些问题再也无法回避了。7月份出现的一起腐败丑闻牵涉了18名参议员，挪用并贪污2550万美元的地方发展资金。另一起丑闻是在2009年导致数千人丧生的凯萨娜和芭玛台风之后，97名地方官员瓜分了2000万美元专用救灾和重建款项。现在，海燕之后，很多人担心救灾物资会再一次落入无耻的政客口袋中。教会和社会团体迅速指出，不合标准的房屋质量和糟糕的救灾响应机制造成了如此巨大的损失，这就是猖獗的政治腐败证据。
菲律宾全国教会主席牧师Rex Reyes认为，海燕所造成的巨大损失不仅仅是计划的失败，而且是任务优先序的失败。他对《外交政策》谈到政府金库流失的数百万美元，“这些钱不应当被囤积起来，而是应当用来制订完善的计划，修建基础设施，保护我们可以抵抗这样的灾难……钱用掉了就不会流失。”
雪上加霜的是，受灾最严重的莱特岛是在已故独裁者费迪南德•马科斯的遗孀伊梅尔达•马科斯的统治之下，马科斯在位二十年敛财100亿美元，后被赶下台。马科斯家族下台之后三十年，其余威仍然在海燕造成的灾害中发挥作用。掌握莱特岛话语权的是汝姆得斯家族，这是菲律宾政坛最富有、最有影响力的家族之一，它与马科斯后裔关系密切。对于一个与菲律宾政治黑暗面有着密切关系的家族，你还能期待什么样的后果？伊梅尔达•马科斯的亲戚中至少有7位身居要职，其中包括阿尔弗雷德•汝姆得斯。这位出镜最高的塔克洛班市长曾经在他的大理石官邸接受Anderson Cooper（译者注：CNN著名记者）采访，介绍台风破坏的情况。汝姆得斯的父亲比厚——前任塔克洛班市长——在过去十年里一直是好行为政府总统委员会的腐败调查对象，这个组织的目的是追回马科斯家族统治期间那些疑似非法流失的资金和财产。汝姆得斯的姑妈茱丽叶是这个国家最富有的50人之一，净身家有1.65亿美元。他的表弟小费迪南德•马科斯——独裁者的儿子——是一名参议员。另一位表弟费迪南德•马丁•汝姆得斯是当地最富有的众议员。
鉴于莱特岛统治家族的能力的资源，汝姆得斯家族因没能良好地协调救助团体、恢复当地秩序而饱受批评。腐败丑闻之后降临的台风，更加明显地展示出富人与穷人、政治精英与他们的选民之间的不平衡。
新闻自由中心的副总监路易斯•特奥多罗说：“这个国家有钱，但钱都装在政客和他们的朋友的口袋里。这造成了非常负面的影响，灾难也引起了这种反对声。”
他在接受《外交政策》的采访时说：“军方应当充分动员起来，但是他们没有通讯设备，也没有发放救灾物资的计划。”决定权掌握在政客家族的手中，他们“洋洋自得地坐在权力宝座上”。特奥多罗在海燕过后发表的一篇社论文章中，认为灾难之后“应当唤醒菲律宾人对一个家族掌权的致命后果的关注，在灾难降临时，他们毫无贡献。人们只能等着他们自觉搬出马尼拉市中心的豪宅和五星酒店。”
对腐败问题的关注逐渐传播开，一些潜在的捐助者变得更加谨慎，担心他们的救助款被政客们“拦截”。鉴于公众对腐败和诚信使用救助款问题越来越关注，菲律宾立法机构在本周开始废除自主资金，呼吁建立新的机制保护这些救灾款项。贝尼尼奥•阿基诺三世总统的竞选口号是“没有腐败，没有贫穷”，他多次强调要清洗政府内部。
参议员议长富兰克林•德隆也被牵涉进一个腐败丑闻，他对《外交政策》说，在阿基诺的领导下，菲律宾正在进行一个“大清洗”。他认为近期的丑闻是民主过程的必然产物。
然而，无论是腐败还是反腐败，在菲律宾政坛都已经不是新鲜事了。马科斯之后每一任总统都成立了反腐败机构，可每一任都牵涉进腐败丑闻。几十年来，对腐败和渎职的关注主导了菲律宾所有的政治宣讲，但从未出现长期的效果。
即使近期对腐败的遏制取得了一些成功，它也会产生一些不可预见的后果。东南亚研究中心主任马克•汤普森指出，自主资金在菲律宾政坛起到了重要的作用。
他在接受《外交政策》采访时说：“党派在菲律宾的体制中很脆弱，没有强大的政党和执政纲领，怎么能做好一些事情呢？阿基诺在上任时可以推行一系列的改革措施，但凭借的是政治游说资金。如果你把这些资金拿走，投入到官僚政府的财政体系中，或许可以在基础设施建设上获得一些进展，但整个体制容易失去控制，给政府管理造成很多问题。
当阿基诺在国际压力和国内支持率降低的环境下，想方设法管理救灾事务的同时，采用以往的政治资助策略虽然不受欢迎，但也不失为权益之计，至少它可以做好一些事情。同时，他的响应也削弱了政治对手的力量。台风之后，阿基诺迅速地把问责丢在汝姆得斯市长的脚下，这样的举动被外界认为更多的是他的憎恶感，而不失真正的防灾不力。自从80年代阿基诺取代马科斯掌权之后，家族内部的矛盾不断。在一场重大的人道危机面前，还不忘给自己捞取政治资本，也不会太令人震惊。
台风幸存者已经陆续收到贴着党派口号的救灾物资。
原文：
More than a week after Super Typhoon Haiyan killed nearly 4,000 people and displaced another 4 million, relief efforts remain hampered by poor roadways, congested airports, and a host of other logistical nightmares. While the Red Cross says they have more than enough emergency supplies for devastated regions, the government's slow response and a lack of infrastructure have made it difficult to quickly reach affected areas. But what dry goods have been dispersed by the national government are being frequently diverted by local politicians who waste valuable hours or even days repackaging relief items to bear their names, campaign slogans, or party colors. It all adds up to an ugly introduction to the personality-centered world of Philippine politics, one marked by feuding dynasties, rampant cronyism, and, above all, dysfunction.
The storm struck just as some of the country's uglier political practices were being exposed -- and with the spotlight on the Philippines in the aftermath of the storm, those practices have become impossible to ignore. An unfolding corruption scandal that began in July implicated 18 senators in the misuse or embezzlement of at least $25.5 million, money that had been intended for local development projects. Another exposed 97 local officials who plundered up to $20 million earmarked for relief and rehabilitation efforts following the 2009 typhoons Ketsana and Parma, which also killed thousands. Now, in Haiyan's wake, many worry that relief funds will, again, end up padding the pockets of shameless politicians. Churches and civil society groups have been quick to point out that the sheer scope of the devastation -- exACerbated by substandard housing and woefully undeveloped disaster response systems -- is evidence of endemic political pilfering.
Rev. Rex Reyes, the president of the National Council of Churches in the Philippines, argues that the devastation wrought by Haiyan is not just a failure of planning, but a failure of priorities. "Instead of pocketing all that money," he told Foreign Policy of the millions stolen from government coffers, "it should have been used to produce a comprehensive plan to build this infrastructure and help us to be more resistant to these kinds of disasters...Those funds should have preserved."
Adding insult to injury, much of the destruction was concentrated in Leyte, an island ruled by the family of Imelda Marcos, the widow of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, a man who fell from grace after amassing a $10 billion fortune during his two decades in office. Thirty years after Marcos was deposed from power, the legacy of his rule is still being felt amid the devastation of Haiyan. With close ties to Marcos' descendants, the Romualdez family, one of the richest and most influential political dynasties in the Philippines, now call the shots on Leyte. The results have been about what you'd expect from a family intimately acquainted with the dark side of Philippine politics. At least seven of Imelda Marcos' relatives hold political office, including Alfred Romualdez, the much-publicized mayor of Tacloban City who from inside his marble mansion spoke with Anderson Cooper about the storm's destruction. Romualdez's father, Bejo -- who preceded him as the mayor of Tacloban -- has for the past decade been the target of a corruption investigation by the Presidential Commission on Good Government, which has long sought to confiscate money and properties that it suspects were unlawfully acquired during the Marcos regime. Romualdez's aunt, Juliet, is one of the 50 richest people in the country, with a net worth of $165 million. Meanwhile, his cousin, Ferdinand Marcos Jr.,the son of the late dictator, is a senator. Another cousin, Ferdinand Martin Romualdez, is the single wealthiest congressman in the region.
Given the reach of and resources available to Leyte's ruling family, the Romualdezes have been roundly criticized for not doing more to coordinate relief efforts and to restore order to the region. The typhoon, coming on the heels of an unfolding corruption scandal, has also cast into high relief the disparity between rich and poor, between the political elite and their beleaguered constituents.
"There is money in this country, but that money is going into the pockets of politicians and their friends," said Luis Teodoro, the deputy director of the Center for Media Freedom. "The impact is very negative, and part of that is this disaster response."
"The military is supposed to be modernizing but it doesn't have communication facilities," he told Foreign Policy. "It doesn't have planes to deliver supplies," while decisions rest in the hands of political clans who are "complacent about staying power." In an op-ed published in the days after Haiyan, Teodoro argued that the aftermath of this disaster "should result in Filipino awareness of the fatal consequences of keeping in power the same families," which are "of no earthly use during emergencies except to wait them out in their luxurious Metro Manila homes or in the capital's five-star hotels."
Concern over corruption has now spilled abroad, with potential donors wary of giving to disaster relief lest their donations be "waylaid" by politicians. Given the renewed focus on corruption and widespread public concern over the integrity of relief funds, Philippine legislators moved this week to abolish discretionary funding pots and called for new mechanisms to safeguard those meant for disaster relief. On Monday, the government launched a transparency website that tracks the source and destination of aid. President Benigno Aquino III, whose campaign slogan was "without corruption, there is no poverty," has repeatedly restated his commitment to clean government.
Senate President Franklin Drilon, who is also implicated in a corruption scam, told Foreign Policy that, under Aquino's leadership, the Philippines is undergoing "a cleansing process." He characterized the recent scandals as the natural growing pains of a democracy.
Yet, neither corruption -- nor the backlash against it -- are new developments within Philippine politics. Every president since Marcos has run on an anti-corruption platform, and every president since has been implicated in a corruption scandal. For decades, concerns over bribery, graft, and malfeasance have dominated political discourse in the Philippines, with little long-term effect.
And even if recent efforts to curb corruption are successful, it could have unforeseen consequences. Mark Thompson, the director of the Southeast Asia Research Center, notes that discretionary funding plays a critical role in Philippine politics.
"The Philippine system has weak political parties," he told Foreign Policy, "and without strong political parties or idealism, how can you get things done? Aquino was able to push through a number of measures when he was first elected, but he was able to do it through patronage resources. If you take away that patronage and put it into this bureaucratic funding, there may be some gains in infrastructure but it may make the system less manageable and it might create problems of governability."
As Aquino struggles to manage relief efforts amidst bad press and falling approval ratings, patronage politics-as-usual might be an expedient, if unpopular, way to get things done. In the meantime, his response has underscored his own political dynasty's rivalries. Following the typhoon, Aquino was quick to lay blame for the destruction at Mayor Romualdez's feet. It's a move that, according to experts, may have more to do with bad blood than any real assessment of disaster preparedness. The families have been at odds with one another since the 1980s, when the Aquinos took the presidency from Marcos. But an attempt to score political points amidst a major humanitarian crisis is hardly a shock.
Typhoon survivors are already receiving relief goods emblazoned with politicians' faces.
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