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本帖最后由 满仓 于 2016-3-11 11:47 编辑
【中文标题】为什么中国不收容叙利亚难民？
【原文标题】Why China Isn’t Hosting Syrian Refugees
【登载媒体】中参馆
【原文作者】Liang Pan
【原文链接】http://www.chinafile.com/reporting-opinion/media/why-china-isnt-hosting-syrian-refugees
2015年10月23日，一个男人在希腊莱斯伯斯岛莫里亚营地抱着他的孩子。几乎所有从土耳其进入希腊的船只上搭载的都是来自叙利亚、伊拉克和阿富汗战区的难民。
叙利亚的内战已经持续了将近五年，伊斯兰国的恐怖主义进攻导致了全世界几十年来最大的难民危机。超过470万叙利亚人逃离家园，涌入周边国家和欧洲。难民潮的到来凸显了这个地区的资源紧张，同时煽动起欧洲一些国家的排外情绪和本土主义，让极端右翼党派有了生存的空间。
但是中国这个世界上人口最多的国家、第二大经济体，却在袖手旁观。根据联合国难民署驻北京的高级专员提供的信息，截止到2015年8月，只有9名来自叙利亚的难民和26民寻求政治庇护的人目前在中国境内。他们属于被联合国定义为“问题人群”，或者“流离失所”的795人中的一部分，大部分来自索马里、尼日利亚、伊拉克和利比里亚，他们在中国暂作停留，等待被转移到下一个目的地。东亚巨人有着复杂的政治问题，面临着人口、宗教和经济挑战，这使得它无法接受移民入境。尽管如此，如果中国想要成为一个负责任的全球大国，它必须要重新检视那些让自己无法扮演积极解决全球危机的角色的意识形态。
中国当局认为，是西方国家造成了叙利亚局势的动荡，从而导致人民大规模逃离，他们有责任给出解决方案。2015年10月，前中国驻埃及和沙特阿拉伯大使和中东地区特派员吴思科在党报《人民日报》上的一篇评论员文章中说，美国及其盟友的中东“民主化”进程是造成难民危机的根本原因。上海复旦大学中国发展模式研究中心主任张维为，于2月15日在党刊《求实》上撰文称，西方国家必须为他们的“傲慢”付出“欧洲难民危机的代价”。中国网民普遍拥护这一观点。当叙利亚儿童艾兰•库尔迪的尸体被冲到土耳其海滩上的照片在2015年9月在网络上疯传的时候，中国的网民感到悲痛，他们大多指责美国是造成叙利亚混乱，让孩子溺亡的元凶。
暂且不论这种观点是否站得住脚，目前看来，背负着收容难民沉重包袱的国家，都是那些非西方国家，它们的经济实力弱小、安全机制不稳固。根据大赦国际提供的数据，土耳其、黎巴嫩、约旦、伊拉克和埃及共收容了超过450万叙利亚难民，而其它所有国家收容难民的总数也不到20万人。这些数字与坐拥庞大人口、广袤土地和雄厚经济实力的中国比较起来，不啻于九牛一毛。实际上，假如中国收容了所有470万叙利亚难民，也只不过相当于每1000个居民中有3.5个难民——这远远低于土耳其目前每1000个居民中有23.7个难民的比例。根据世界银行提供的最新数据，中国与约旦的人均GDP基本相当，分别是4515美元和4371美元。但是截止到2015年中，约旦已经收容了68.5万名来自多个国家的难民。约旦的人口只有6600万，而中国的人口是13亿。
但是中国几乎没有计划采取任何安置难民的行动，任由该地区的其它发展中国家背负着沉重的难民潮包袱。中国的确缺少有助于安置大规模移民的政策。虽然它签署了1982年的联合国“关于难民地位的议定书”，但这个国家依然缺少可实际执行的政策。直到2012年，中国才修订了“出入境管理法”，允许公共安全部门向难民和难民申请者发放身份证明。根据2015年联合国难民事务高级官员的情况说明书，中国政府没有为境内的难民提供任何协助。
这就是中国的“绿卡”。纽约大学法学院美亚法律研究所的研究员梅里莎•莱弗克威茨说，它是一条“通往居民身份的狭窄通道”。中国的官方统计数字显示，在2013年，中国境内的60万外国人中只有7300人获得了永久居留资格。（2013年，有将近100万人获得了美国了永久居留权。）入籍者更是凤毛麟角。
中国在政治意识形态上坚决反对接受外国移民，不干涉其它国家内政是它的外交政策的原则之一，而接受难民往往会被视为对其它国家的政治表态。中国与西方国家不同，它强烈反对外部势力干涉叙利亚内政，尤其是军事干涉。如果接受来自那里的难民，中国会面临放弃现有外交原则的风险，同时可能遭受到它本打算用来警告西方的中东地区崩溃的影响。
安置难民的行为也缺少群众支持的基础。北京长期以来奉行严厉的人口控制政策，它执行了长达几十年的计划生育政策，利用高额的罚金、法律手段，甚至强迫流产和节育等措施执行这项政策。尽管近年来相关的政策有所松动，但是如果政府突然宣布接收难民，民众恐怕无法接受这种增加人口的举措。
与一些欧洲国家和美国相同的一点是，中国也面临着复杂的宗教问题。伊斯兰教是中国政府所允许的若干项宗教活动之一，当然也有很多前提条件。中国政府对于穆斯林回族的控制相对宽松，因为这个民族的文化比较温和，而且长期与汉族混居。但是在西部地区新疆，当地的1000万穆斯林维吾尔族群众，长期以来对于中央政府出于担心政治分裂而采取的严密管制和残暴统治愤怒不已。越来越多的维吾尔穆斯林逃亡土耳其。过去几年中，维吾尔人发动了几起针对平民的重大恐怖袭击。接纳来自中东地区的大规模穆斯林难民，将会让中国的宗教状况和身份政策面临重大威胁。
中国的经济同样不允许难民因素的介入。在2015年联合国峰会期间，中国主席习近平承诺提供20亿美元的国际援助，同时宣布免除巨额债务，以帮助贫穷的发展中国家。国际社会当然欢迎这个举措，但是国内铺天盖地的批评质疑中国的对外表态，认为政府在国际慈善事务方面过于慷慨，但是国内还有大量的人口生活在贫困线之下。如此尖刻的批评让北京不得不动用宣传机器来平息民意。鉴于中国目前的经济气候，也就是缓慢的增长前景，民众期望政府更好地利用财政资源来使经济回暖，而不是去帮助外国人。
但是，不愿接受难民的态度从根本上说，或许是一个文化问题。正如学者本迪特•安德森写到，这个国家“像一个社区，因为尽管内部存在着大量的不平等和剥削现象，但国家整体上一直被视为一个根深蒂固的、平等的同志关系。”对于美国的描述往往是动态和包容，这个国家把自己描述为人民抛弃自己的过去而创造崭新事物的土地、一个“大众渴望呼吸自由”的地方。对中国的描述相对静止、排外，它强调的是共同的历史和遗产。尽管北京提倡民族多元化的概念，但政府的口号是56个民族大团结。
中国历史上的难民安置记录显示出这个国家狭隘的民族和文化认同策略。中国最近一次大规模接收难民是在1979年的中越战争期间，当时有大约30万来自越南、柬埔寨和老挝的难民在中国西南部的农村地区定居。这些难民大部分是华人。而在2015年，当数千名来自缅甸和孟加拉国的罗兴亚难民因遭受迫害和贫穷逃离家园的时候，中国对自己周边国家的人道主义危机事件不闻不问。
需要提出的是，中国并不是唯一拒绝收容难民的国家。阿拉伯国家，包括沙特阿拉伯、卡塔尔、科威特和阿联酋，以及发达国家日本、新加坡和韩国，都对叙利亚难民展示出冰冷的后背。尽管美国比所有其它国家都收容了更多的难民和政治庇护申请者，但根据美国国务院下属的难民处理中心提供的信息，美国自2011年起仅安置了不到3000名叙利亚人。
尽管如此，中国依然打算在该地区维持一个影响力不断增加——当然是极为谨慎——的形象。它参与了多项国际事务调停工作，包括“支持叙利亚”和由英国、德国、科威特、联合国共同发起的地区会议，也参与了“支持叙利亚组织”，其成员包括美国、英国、阿拉伯国家联盟、欧盟和其它国家。在中国主席习近平出访若干中东国家并出席G-20峰会之后，中国还承诺提供1.35亿美元的人道主义援助。
如果中国渴望屹立世界之强，满足国际社会的期望，那么它最好振作起政治勇气，重塑自身。这其中包括很多事情。这个东亚巨人有着稳定的社会环境、低失业率，它的大城市有先进的公共交通网络，但是没有点缀在很多发展中国家的贫民窟。随着人口老龄化的临近，它的人口危机迟早会降临。引入移民或许可以预防由于缺少年轻劳动力和持续膨胀的退休人员压力而带来的经济停滞。
正如国际关系学者阎学通所说，一个新的中国外交政策来源于儒家的道德哲学。阎认为，中国传统的行为规范强调“王者都从整个世界的角度考虑政策，而不仅仅是一个国家。”
原文：
A man holds his child at the Moria camp on the island of Lesbos, Greece, October 23, 2015. Nearly all of those entering Greece on boats from Turkey are from the war zones of Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan.
The civil war in Syria, now spanning almost half a decade, and the Islamic State’s territorial advances there have led to the world’s worst refugee crisis in decades. More than 4.7 million Syrians have left their homeland, pouring into neighboring countries as well as Europe. The influx of refugees has strained resources in the region and fomented xenophobia and nativism in countries throughout Europe, helping to buoy the rise of extreme right-wing parties there.
But China, the world’s most populous nation and its second largest economy, has sat on the sidelines. According to the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Beijing, by the end of August 2015, there were nine refugees and 26 asylum seekers from Syria in China. They were among the 795 U.N.-registered “persons of concern,” or displaced people, mainly from Somalia, Nigeria, Iraq, and Liberia living in China temporarily while waiting to be transferred. The East Asian giant faces complex political, demographic, religious, and economic challenges that have prevented it from considering allowing migrants inside its borders. Even so, if China is to become a responsible global power, the country must reevaluate the ideology that has prevented it from taking an active role in ameliorating a global crisis.
Chinese authorities argue that Western countries caused the meltdown in Syria that resulted in the mass exodus, making its resolution their responsibility. In an October 2015 opinion piece in Communist Party mouthpiece People’s Daily, Wu Sike, former Chinese Ambassador to Egypt and Saudi Arabia and former Special Envoy on the Middle East, argued that the Middle East “democratization” agenda of the United States and its allies lies at the root of the migrant refugee crisis. In a February 15 piece in Party journal Seeking Truth, Zhang Weiwei, Director of the Center for China Development Model Research at Fudan University in Shanghai, contended that the “European refugee crisis is a price” that Western countries must pay for their “arrogance.” Chinese web users largely agreed. After the photos of Syrian toddler Aylan Kurdi’s body washed up on a Turkish beach went viral in September 2015, netizens in China shared in the grief and largely blamed the United States for the chaos in Syria which had led to the boy’s drowning.
Regardless of the validity of this outlook, however, it is non-western countries with little economic power and precarious security situations that are bearing the brunt of the displaced population. Statistics from the nonprofit Amnesty International show that while Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, and Egypt have absorbed more than 4.5 million Syrian refugees, other countries around the world have offered to resettle fewer than 200,000. Such numbers would be a mere drop in the bucket for a country with the population, land area, and raw economic might of China. In fact, even if China were to host all 4.7 million Syrian refugees, that would only amount to 3.5 refugees per every 1,000 inhabitants—that’s a far lower proportion than even Turkey, at 23.7 refugees per 1,000 inhabitants, actually hosted in 2015. The per capita GDPs of China and Jordan are roughly equal—$4,515 and $4,371, respectively, according to recent data from the World Bank. But by mid-2015, Jordan was hosting 685,000 displaced people of multiple nationalities. Jordan’s population is 6.6 million; China’s is over 1.3 billion.
Yet China almost certainly will not adopt a refugee resettlement plan that will help relieve the heavy burden faced by the other developing countries in the region currently overwhelmed by the influx. China lacks the institutions conducive to supporting immigration on a mass scale. Although it ratified the U.N.’s “Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees” in 1982, the country still lacks related national institutions. It was only in 2012 that China adopted a revised Entry-Exit Administration Law that allows public security authorities to issue identity certificates to refugees and refugee status applicants. According to an August 2015 UNHCR fact sheet, the Chinese government does not provide assistance to refugees in China.
Then there’s the Chinese “green card,” which provides only a “narrow path to residency,” according to a memo by Melissa Lefkowitz, a program officer at the U.S.-Asia Law Institute at the New York University School of Law. China’s official statistics show that, as of 2013, only 7,300 among 600,000-plus foreigners living in China had permanent residence. (In 2013 alone, almost a million people became permanent residents in the United States.) Naturalization is extremely rare.
Chinese political ideology actively discourages the acceptance of non-Chinese migrants: non-interference in other countries’ domestic affairs is the cornerstone of its foreign policy, and accepting refugees is often viewed as demonstrating a political preference of the country of origin. Beijing even claims its foreign aid has “no political strings attached.” Unlike major western powers, China vehemently opposed external interference in Syria—in particular military intervention. By taking in refugees from the region, China could risk forsaking its diplomatic principle and partaking in the fallout of a failed Middle East policy against which it had tried to warn the West.
There’s also little public support for refugee resettlement. Beijing has long been heavy-handed on population control, implementing a planned birth policy that has spanned decades, enforced via draconian fines and penalties and even forced abortions and sterilizations. Although the policy has become less strict in recent years, it would be a tough sell to the people if the government suddenly allowed foreign refugees to populate the country.
Mirroring the concerns of some in Europe and the United States, religion is also a factor. Islam is one of the religions whose practice is permitted in China, albeit with many preconditions. The Chinese government exercises relatively fewer controls over the Muslim Hui ethnic group, due to the group’s cultural affinity and long-time integration with the majority Han Chinese. But in the western region of Xinjiang, the native Muslim Uighur population of about 10 million has long chafed at the close monitoring and often repressive regulation by a central government fearful of secessionist political movements. A growing number of Uighur Muslims have fled to Turkey, and over the last few years Uighurs have carried out several major terrorist attacks on civilians. Taking in a large number of Muslim refugees from the Middle East could further complicate China’s religious landscape and identity politics.
The move would also be unpopular economically. During a 2015 U.N. summit, Chinese President Xi Jinping pledged $2 billion and announced major debt forgiveness to assist development in poor countries. The international community welcomed the move, but domestic critics carped at China’s foreign-bound munificence, arguing that the government had overdone international philanthropy when a large population at home was still below poverty line. The criticism was so scathing that Beijing had to set its propaganda machine in motion to counter public opinion. Given the current economic climate in China, with growth slowing substantially, the people expect their government to use its financial resources to fix the economy, not help foreign nationals.
But the reluctance to take in refugees is perhaps, at its root, a cultural problem. As the scholar Benedict Anderson wrote, the nation is “imagined as a community, because, regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, the nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship.” The narrative of nationhood of the United States is dynamic and inclusive. The country describes itself as a nation renewing itself through arrival of people leaving their past behind and a place for the “huddled masses yearning to breathe free.” China’s narrative of nationhood is more static and exclusive. It emphasizes shared history and common heritage. Although Beijing advocates the concept of ethnic diversity, the rhetoric focuses on the symbiosis of the 56 ethnic groups recognized by the government.
China’s patchy refugee resettlement record speaks volumes about the narrow scope of the national and cultural identity. The last time China accepted refugees on a large scale was in 1979 during the Sino-Vietnamese war. About 300,000 refugees from Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos were resettled in rural areas in southwest China. These refugees were mainly of Chinese ethnic origin. By contrast, when thousands of Rohingya refugees escaped Myanmar and Bangladesh in 2015 because of persecution and poverty, China was almost irresponsive to this humanitarian crisis in its own neighborhood.
To be sure, China does not stand alone in its reluctance to host refugees. Arab countries, such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates, as well as developed nations such as Japan, Singapore, and South Korea, all give Syrian refuges the cold shoulder. While the United States resettles more refugees and asylum seekers than any other country in the world, it has resettled just under 3,000 Syrians since 2011, according to the Refugee Processing Center, an organization operated by the U.S. Department of State.
Still, China has sought a growing, if still largely reticent, role in the region. It has participated in multilateral peace mediation, such as the Supporting Syria and the Region Conference, co-hosted by the United Kingdom, Germany, Kuwait, and the United Nations, and the International Syria Support Group, which includes the United States, the United Kingdom, the Arab League, the E.U., and others. China also pledged a combined $135 million in humanitarian aid after Chinese President Xi Jinping’s tour of several Middle Eastern countries and participation in a recent G-20 summit.
If China aspires to rise among the global powers and meet the international expectations it’s long courted, it has to pluck up the political courage to re-envision itself. It’s got a lot to work with. The East Asian giant boasts a stable, low unemployment rate. Its many large cities feature extensive public transportation networks and lack the slums so common in many other developing nations. And with a prematurely aging population, it’s facing a looming demographic crisis; immigration could help prevent long-term economic stagnation associated with a shortage of young workers and a growing number of retired dependents.
As international relations scholar Yan Xuetong noted, a new Chinese foreign policy could find the source for its conduct in Confucian morality. The traditional Chinese system of ethics, as Yan interpreted, asserts that the “sphere of concern for any humane ruler should be the whole world, not just the people of one state.”
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