本帖最后由 满仓 于 2009-10-2 15:11 编辑
【原文标题】China’s Mr. Wu Keeps Talking
【译文标题】中国的吴先生永不沉默
【登载媒体】纽约时报
【原文链接】http://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/27/business/global/27spy.html
【译者】满仓
吴敬琏帮助中国建立起市场经济体制，现在他正在为保卫它而与共产党的保守强硬路线者斗争。
现年79岁的吴敬琏被认为是中国最著名的经济学家。
在80年代和90年代，他是包括邓小平在内的中国领导人的顾问。他帮助完成了中国最早期的市场改革，为中国波澜壮阔的发展铺平了道路。这为他赢得了一个绰号“吴市场”。
去年，中国政府控制的媒体用一个新绰号抽了他一个耳光——间谍。
吴先生没有被审讯，也没有被起诉和监禁。但是包括《中国日报》在内的政府媒体却被允许发布网络谣言，声称他曾因作为美国间谍而被捕。这表示他激怒了政府内部非常重要的角色。
消息刚刚发布，他立即表示否认，中国政府也拒绝承认正在调查此事。
但是，在一个经常逮捕批评人士的国家，吴先生似乎是在试探北京所允许的事情的极限。尽管很多经济学家都认为中国的发展模式存在缺陷，但是极少有政府内外的知名人士像吴先生那样坦诚地发表对中国领导层存在问题的看法。
吴先生目前仍然在一家研究机构任职，这家机构与国务院——中国的内阁有着密切的关系。他有一头白发和一张和蔼的脸，看起来很脆弱的一个人却经常发布刺耳的观点。在他的书里、讲话中、采访中和电视节目中，他警告说，党内的保守强硬派已经在政府中取得了一定的影响力，他们试图破坏自己帮助建立起来的市场改革成果。
他抱怨说，商业大亨和腐败官员已经绑架了中国的经济，为己所用，他称此为“权贵资本主义”。他甚至呼吁北京效仿英国的民主制度，说政治改革在所难免。
挑衅性的报道让他变成了一个唱反调的经济学家，同时揭开了共产党最高层幕后存在的激烈争论。争论的内容是有关中国半市场化、半社会主义的经济体制。
从各种角度来看，这都是已经持续了三十年的争论的延续：政府应当在中国的这种混合经济体制中扮演什么角色？
吴先生说有关间谍的谣言是“卑鄙的行为”，是批评他的人用来诋毁他的手段。
在最近的一次采访中他说：“我有两个敌人——权贵资本主义者和毛泽东主义者，他们用尽各种方式来攻击我。”
然而，有些分析人士认为，吴先生的言论是在支持政府权力斗争中的一方。他因此而受到保护。
他的亲市场思想影响了一代年轻的经济学家，这些人中很多都在担任政府的高级职务，包括中国银行行长周小川和中央汇金主席楼继伟。
Laurence Brahm编写过几本中国改革历程的书籍，他说：“吴在这里就像一个经济学教父，他所说的话就是改革的蓝图。”
评论人士说吴先生的影响力正在消退。（他们引证说他没有被邀请参加每周的经济学研讨会，参加研讨会的是中国最高领导人，包括总理温家宝。）
有鉴于此，一些人说吴先生的直言不讳正在引火烧身。
西北大学的政治科学系教授Victor Shih说：“你必须要记住，中国是一个独裁国家，他们总有办法让他闭嘴的。”
既然存在这样的风险，我们就很难不质疑，一个中国改革的设计师为什么变得这么消极、这么气愤、这么冒犯？
吴先生的性格特征和他混乱无序的人生经历可以为此作注解。即使是他的支持者也承认他有好斗的冲动，并且把他描述成一个顽固的理想主义者。经过多年的艰苦生活和政治斗争，他练就了高超的辩才。
吴先生的学生张春林（音译）说：“他总是用最极端的方式表达自己的见解，从不讲究策略。即使快到80岁了，他还会和记者争辩。”
他的长寿也足以出乎他双亲的意料了，他们是富裕的知识分子，他们在南京开办的报社是中国最大的独立报社之一。他儿时患有肺结核，曾经被认为活不过一年。他年轻时期的大部分时间都与床榻作伴，伴随他的还有俄国小说和20年代中国非常有影响的作家鲁迅的作品。
他最早期的记忆之一是在1937年，7岁的时候和父母一起逃离南京，来到战时首都重庆，躲避日本侵略者。憔悴的黄包车夫停下来抽鸦片，难民随处可见。
他回忆道：“在上海或者南京，乞丐会帮你的忙，然后向你要钱。但是在重庆，他们会从你嘴边抢夺食物。”
这样的经历把他塑造成一个有理想的社会主义者，就像那个年代的很多中国人一样。他在上海复旦大学学习马克思主义经济学，1954年以优异成绩毕业。这让他在国家的顶级研究机构，中国北京社会科学院获得了一个职位。
然而来到北京不久，中国社会就被政治运动吞没了，比如大跃进，这样的运动不需要任何的研究工作。最残酷的是1966年到1976年的文化大革命，知识分子和地主的子女被视为“反革命”。吴先生说，在北京，红卫兵把她妻子周南的头发刮掉一半，还抄了他母亲的家。
毛泽东希望把知识分子都送到农村地区“接受再教育”。于是在1969年，几乎整个科学院都被送往河南省，在偏远的农村学习耕种和修建房屋。
周女士被送往山西省做农民。他们的两个孩子，一个4岁、一个6岁，被留在北京的亲戚家。
吴先生神情肃穆地说：“当我离开的时候，就做好了不再回来的准备。他们告诉我们要做一辈子的农民。”
吴先生说痛苦的时刻是他被指责是反毛泽东思想者。当别人逼他坦白，逼他揭发别人的时候，他拒绝这样做，然后就遭到了殴打，并被单独监禁。
他说：“他们让我上台坦白，然后开始打我。我当然无比气愤，但是我知道这一切都是暂时的，因为太荒谬了。”
这些事没有动摇他对社会主义的信仰，但是他不再相信毛周围的人，这些人把他这样的追随者称做人民的敌人。
他后来说，自己当时唯一的安慰是和一位叫顾准的学者之间的友谊，他是早期中央计划工作的评论家，曾经投身市场改革工作。顾先生鼓励他学习英文，探索外边的世界，他说这是中国发展的唯一希望。
当吴先生在三年后的1972年回到家中的时候，他的女儿说他依然“笼罩在共产主义的魔症中”，部分原因是他对于生长在一个富裕的家庭怀有负罪感。
他46岁的女儿Shelley回忆说：“他说一个人只需要一件衬衫，他不喜欢我和姐姐在自己的物品上写上名字。”
随着毛在1976年去世，文化大革命也结束了。吴先生说他开始发现，毛的经济政策正在把国家带到崩溃的边缘。
1978年，邓小平开始推行大胆的改革方案，目标是让国家更加开放。1974年去世的顾先生的思想和建议深深影响了他，于是他开始学习英文，1983年以访问学者的身份来到耶鲁大学。他在那里的大部分时间都用来学习现代经济理论。
吴先生在1984年回到北京，当时中国的经济改革正在党的领导人和首席经济策划师赵**的领导下积蓄力量。
那一年，吴先生说他帮助一个高级政府顾问马宏草拟了一篇论文，确定了中国从计划经济向市场经济转变的基调。他说：“这是中国经济史上非常重要的一个转折点。”
在这个建议被接受之后，吴先生被提升到发展研究中心工作，这个机构与国务院有密切的联系。很快，他被邀请到中南海，北京领导人的办公地，去提供建议、参与经济政策的讨论。
若干个研究机构在那里向赵先生和邓先生纳谏，议题是如何在陈旧的社会主义体制中引入自由交易的新元素。参与会议的一些人说吴先生在争论经济政策时是个好辩、棘手的家伙，即使在面对赵先生时也是如此。
然而，这场改革改变了国家前进的轨迹、加速了增长、赢得了广泛的认可。
但是在80年代末期，改革的同时也造成了腐败和通货膨胀的飙升。公众们愤怒的情绪引发了1989年学生示威事件。
在××行动前，赵先生被清理出国务院。改革进程停滞了。
不久之后，吴先生和其它改革人士因倾向西方市场体系而受到攻击。
赵先生的副手包童（音译）说，改革家们面临来自接受苏联教育的经济学家们的强烈反对，他们执着的是中央计划经济思想。
吴先生在最近一次的电话采访中说：“第一个投身于市场体制的人是相当危险的。”
他就是其中之一，所以他被戏称为“吴市场”。有一段时间，出版商们都拒绝销售他的作品。
Barry J. Naughton是加利福尼亚大学圣迭戈分校的教授，是《中国经济》一书的作者。他说：“这个时候，保守派开始发言，声称改革把一些都搞乱了。”
Naughton先生说：“吴敬琏直接回应这些攻击，他说：‘我们需要更多的改革，而不是更少。’”
邓先生在1992年的“南巡”中呼吁，改革要更大胆，鼓励人们致富。之后，改革阵营变得越来越强大。
很快，吴先生对政府的影响力增加了。90年代，他担任国家最高领导人朱镕基和江泽民的顾问，帮助他们加速改革，改组积重难返的国有企业。
每前进一步，他都要回击反对的声音、公开争论改革的步伐和方式。
广东社会科学院的经济学家梁贵全（音译）说：“这些针对市场经济的争论是中国改革开放30年来最重要的讨论，现在还在持续，而吴敬琏每次都是争论的焦点。”
总体而言，中国的经济转型是一个令人瞩目的成功。每个来到中国的人都可以看到：人们生活水平的变化、城市建设的改观——现在这些都被人称作中国经济奇迹。
但是吴先生依然看到了其中的缺陷：政府不断“干涉”市场、拉大的收入差距、低效率的垄断行为，以及权贵资本主义。
在2003年江泽民离开主席职位之后，他的声音尖锐了许多，他的角色也被淡化了。
在采访中，吴先生说他觉得有责任仗义执言，因为保守派和“旧式毛泽东思想者”从2004年开始在政府中的影响力开始扩散。他说这些人试图回到中央计划经济体制，并且把腐败和社会不平等现象强加在他所倡导的市场改革上来。
与此同时，吴先生说，腐败的官僚分子在推动政府扮演更重要的经济角色，这样他们可以在自己的位置上收获更多的贿赂和报偿，还可以引导商业联盟。
吴先生说：“我对未来并不乐观。毛泽东思想者希望回到中央计划经济体制，权贵们希望更加富有。”
原文：
Wu Jinglian helped to create China's market economy, and now he is defending it against conservative hardliners in the Communist Party.
AT 79, Wu Jinglian is considered China’s most famous economist.
In the 1980s and ’90s, he was an adviser to China’s leaders, including Deng Xiaoping. He helped push through some of this country’s earliest market reforms, paving the way for China’s spectacular rise and earning him the nickname “Market Wu.”
Last year, China’s state-controlled media slapped him with a new moniker: spy.
Mr. Wu has not been interrogated, charged or imprisoned. But the fact that a state newspaper, The People’s Daily, among others, was allowed to publish Internet rumors alleging that he had been detained on suspicions of being a spy for the United States hints that he is annoying some very important people in the government.
He denied the allegations, and soon after they were published, China’s cabinet denied that an investigation was under way.
But in a country that often jails critics, Mr. Wu seems to be testing the limits of what Beijing deems permissible. While many economists argue that China’s growth model is flawed, rarely does a prominent Chinese figure, in the government or out, speak with such candor about flaws he sees in China’s leadership.
Mr. Wu — who still holds a research post at an institute affiliated with the State Council, China’s cabinet — has white hair and an amiable face, and he appears frail. But his assessments are often harsh. In books, speeches, interviews and television appearances, he warns that conservative hardliners in the Communist Party have gained influence in the government and are trying to dismantle the market reforms he helped formulate.
He complains that business tycoons and corrupt officials have hijacked the economy and manipulated it for their own ends, a system he calls crony capitalism. He has even called on Beijing to establish a British-style democracy, arguing that political reform is inevitable.
Provocative statements have made him a kind of dissident economist here, and revealed the sharp debates behind the scenes, at the highest levels of the Communist Party, about the direction of China’s half-market, half-socialist economy.
In many ways, it is a continuation of the debate that has been raging for three decades: What role should the government play in China’s hybrid economy?
Mr. Wu says the spy rumors were “dirty tricks” employed by his critics to discredit him.
“I have two enemies,” he said in a recent interview. “The crony capitalists and the Maoists. They will use any means to attack me.”
Nevertheless, some analysts believe that Mr. Wu’s critiques are aiding one government faction in a power struggle with another, and that he is protected.
His pro-market ideas have influenced a generation of younger economists who now hold senior government posts, including Zhou Xiaochuan, the leader of China’s central bank, and Lou Jiwei, chairman of the country’s huge sovereign wealth fund.
“He is like the father of economics here,” says Laurence Brahm, who wrote several books about China’s reform period. “What he said was the blueprint for reform.”
Critics say Mr. Wu’s influence on government is waning. (They note that he is not invited to weekly economics seminars held for top leaders, including Prime Minister Wen Jiabao.)
Given this, some people say, Mr. Wu is courting danger by speaking out.
“You have to remember, China is a dictatorship,” says Victor Shih, a professor of political science at Northwestern University. “If they want to shut him up, they can.”
GIVEN the risks, it’s hard not to wonder why one of the architects of China’s reforms has turned so negative, so angry and so defiant.
Mr. Wu’s personality and tumultuous life story provide some clues.Even his supporters acknowledge that he has a combative streak and describe him as a stubborn idealist whose verbal jousting skills were honed during years of hardship and political warfare.
“He always expressed his ideas in the sharpest way,” says Zhang Chunlin, who was a student of Mr. Wu. “He’s not diplomatic. Even at close to 80 years old, he argues with journalists.”
That he has lived such a long life would have surprised his parents, wealthy intellectuals who ran one of the country’s largest independent newspapers, in Nanjing. A sickly child with tuberculosis, he was not expected to live past the age of 1. He spent much of his youth confined to bed, reading Russian novels and the works of Lu Xun, an influential Chinese writer from the 1920s.
One of his earliest memories is arriving in the wartime capital, Chongqing, in 1937, at the age of 7, as his family fled Nanjing and the invading Japanese. The emaciated rickshaw driver stopped for opium; the destitute were everywhere.
“In Shanghai or Nanjing, beggars would help you and then ask for money,” he recalls. “But in Chongqing, they’d grab food from your mouth.”
Such experiences helped mold him into an idealistic socialist, as many Chinese were during that era. He studied Marxist economics in college and graduated with honors in 1954 from Fudan University in Shanghai. That won him a position at the country’s elite research institute, the Chinese Academy of Sciences in Beijing.
Soon after he arrived, however, China was engulfed by political campaigns, like the Great Leap Forward, that required little research. The cruelest was the Cultural Revolution, from 1966 to 1976, when intellectuals and the descendants of landlords were identified as “counterrevolutionaries.” In Beijing, Mr. Wu says, Red Guards shaved half the head of his wife, Zhou Nan, and ransacked his mother’s home.
Mao Zedong wanted intellectuals sent to the countryside to be “re-educated.” So in 1969, virtually the entire Academy was sent to Henan Province to learn to farm and to build houses in remote villages.
Ms. Zhou was ordered to work as a peasant in Shanxi Province; their two children, ages 4 and 6, were left with relatives in Beijing.
“When I left, I was prepared never to return home again,” Mr. Wu says solemnly. “We were told we’d farm for the rest of our lives.”
Mr. Wu says the hardships included sessions in which he was denounced as an anti-Maoist. When pressed to confess, or to denounce others, he says he refused, and then was beaten and placed in solitary confinement.
“They sent me to the stage to confess, then they started beating me,” he says. “Of course I felt extreme anger. But I realized it wouldn’t last for long; it was too absurd.”
This didn’t shake his faith in socialism, but he began to distrust the people around Mao who were calling believers like him enemies of the people.
His only solace, he later said, was the friendship he developed with a scholar named Gu Zhun, who was an early critic of central planning, and an advocate of market reform. Mr. Gu encouraged him to learn English and to explore the outside world, which Mr. Gu said was the only hope for China to develop.
When Mr. Wu returned home three years later, in 1972, his daughter said he was still “under the spell of Communism,” partly because of the guilt he felt for having grown up in a wealthy home.
“He said a person should have just one shirt,” recalls his daughter, Shelley, 46. “And he didn’t like my sister and I to write our names on our personal property.”
AFTER the Cultural Revolution ended with Mao’s death in 1976, Mr. Wu says he began to see that Mao’s economic policies had brought the country to the brink of collapse.
In 1978, when Deng Xiaoping began to press ahead with bold reforms aimed at opening up the country, Mr. Wu was heavily influenced by the thought and advice of his colleague Mr. Gu, who had died in 1974. He learned English, and in 1983 went to Yale as a visiting scholar. Much of his time there was spent studying modern economic theory.
Mr. Wu returned to Beijing in 1984, just as China’s economic reforms were gathering momentum under Zhao Ziyang, the party leader and chief economic planner.
That year, Mr. Wu says he helped Ma Hong, a top government adviser, draft a paper that defined the country’s shift from a planned to a market economy. “This was a very important turning point for China’s economy,” he says.
Once the proposal was accepted, Mr. Wu was elevated to the Development Research Center, the institute affiliated with the powerful State Council. Soon, he was visiting Zhongnanhai, Beijing’s leadership compound, to offer advice and debate economic policy.
Several research institutes advised Mr. Zhao and Mr. Deng on how to remake the old socialist system with elements of free enterprise. Some who sat in on those meetings say that Mr. Wu was argumentative and prickly when debating economic policy, even with Mr. Zhao.
The reforms, though, fueled strong growth and are widely credited with changing the course of the nation.
But by the late 1980s the reforms also opened the doors to corruption and soaring inflation, feeding public anger that contributed to the 1989 student demonstrations in Tiananmen Square.
Mr. Zhao was removed from office just ahead of the bloody assault on the students and the campaign against dissent and “liberalization.” The reforms stalled.
Not long after, Mr. Wu and other reformers were attacked for favoring a Western-style market system.
Bao Tong, a former aide to Mr. Zhao, said the reformers faced strong opposition from Soviet-trained economists who were wedded to the ideas of central planning.
“For the first guys who advocated a market system, it was pretty dangerous,” Mr. Wu said in a recent telephone interview.
He was among them, and so he was derisively branded “Market Wu.” For a time, publishers refused to sell his books.
“That’s when the conservatives came in and said the reforms had messed everything up,” says Barry J. Naughton, a professor at the University of California, San Diego, and author of “The Chinese Economy.”
Mr. Naughton says: “Wu Jinglian fought against the backlash. He said, ‘We need more market reform, not less.’ ”
The reform camp became stronger after Mr. Deng’s famous 1992 “southern tour” — in which he called for bolder reforms and encouraged people to get rich.
Soon, Mr. Wu’s influence in government grew. In the 1990s, he served as an adviser to Zhu Rongji and Jiang Zemin, the country’s top leaders, helping them speed up reforms and restructure badly run state-owned companies.
Every step of the way, he fought off opposition, and debated, often publicly, the shape and pace of the reforms.
“This debate about the market economy is the most important discussion throughout the 30 years of reform,” says Liang Guiquan, an economist at the Guangdong Academy of Social Sciences. “And it’s still going on now. Wu Jinglian has always been at the center of that debate.”
BY most measures, China’s economic transformation has been a resounding success. Anyone who travels here can see it: the change in people’s living standards, the makeover of big cities — what has come to be called China’s economic miracle.
But Mr. Wu sees the defects: a government prone to “meddling” in the marketplace; a widening income gap; inefficient monopolies; and crony capitalism.
His critique sharpened considerably after Jiang Zemin stepped down as president in 2003, and Mr. Wu’s role was diminished.
In interviews, Mr. Wu says he feels compelled to speak out because conservatives and “old-style Maoists” have been gaining influence in the government since 2004. These groups, he said, are pressing for a return to central planning and placing blame for corruption and social inequality on the very market reforms he championed.
At the same time, Mr. Wu says, corrupt bureaucrats are pushing for the state to take a larger economic role so they can cash in on their positions through payoffs and bribes, as well as by steering business to allies.
“I’m not optimistic about the future,” Mr. Wu said. “The Maoists want to go back to central planning and the cronies want to get richer.” |
狗仔卡
发表于 2009-10-2 15:10
提升卡
变色卡
抢沙发
千斤顶
显身卡
发表于 2009-10-2 15:19
这个老头是谁啊？？？ 没听过啊
