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发表于 2009-12-4 12:36
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本帖最后由 rhapsody 于 2009-12-4 13:32 编辑
The Uygurs, Muslim people of China’s resource-rich far west, are becoming strangers in their own land as Han Chinese pour in. Like the Tibetans, who face similar pressures, some Uygurs see a chance for a better life, but others protest the disintegration of their culture, even at the risk of death.
维吾尔族，中国资源丰富的遥远西部的穆斯林民族，由于汉族人的涌入，他们在自己的家乡正逐渐变成陌生人。同藏族一样，他们面对着相似的压力；一些维吾尔人发现了更好生活的机会，但另一些人抗议自身文化的式微，甚至冒着生命危险。
The first several seconds of the incident in Urumqi seemed almost lighthearted, considering the previous week. And they revealed nothing about what would follow. A cool front had swept over the city on this particular day in July, drawing people from their homes. Some shops stayed closed because their windows had been shattered, but food vendors pushed their carts out onto the street. A week earlier an ethnic clash had broken out here, killing almost 200 people in one of China’s most deadly protests since the Tiananmen Square massacre two decades ago. So the Chinese government had sent tens of thousands of security forces into the city, the capital of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, to restore order between the Han and the Uygurs. The Han dominate Chinese society, but the Uygurs (pronounced WEE-gurs), a Turkic-speaking Central Asian people, claim this western borderland as their ancestral home.
相对于前一周而言，在乌鲁木齐发生的这起事件（指的是三个暴徒行凶事件——译注）在最初几秒钟的时间几乎可以说是轻松的；根本没迹象表明会发生什么。7月的这一天，凉爽空气扫过乌鲁木齐市，人们走出家门。有些商店没开门，因为他们的窗户被打碎了，但食品商贩推着车子上街售货。一个星期前这里爆发了种族冲突，造成了将近200人死亡，成为20年前天安门大屠杀之后中国死亡人数最多的抗议活动之一。为此，中国政府派遣了数以万计的安全部队进入新疆维吾尔自治区首府乌鲁木齐市，以维持汉族和维吾尔族之间的秩序。汉人主宰中国社会，但维吾尔族，一个说突厥语的中亚民族，声称这片西部边疆地区是他们祖祖辈辈的家园。
Han security forces stood in ranks along every street in the city's Uygur quarter. They bristled with riot gear and automatic weapons. The only sound came from loudspeakers mounted on trucks that trawled the market streets, broadcasting the good news of ethnic harmony. If Urumqi had an edge of unrest on this Monday, it was sheathed in silence.
汉人的安全部队在维族居住区的每条街道上列队站着。他们满带着防暴装备和自动武器。唯一的声音就是穿梭于市场街道的卡车上安装的喇叭，在播放的民族和谐的好消息。如果本周一乌鲁木齐曾经有过不安宁的锋刃，那么这刀刃已经在沉默中入鞘了。
Most Uygurs are Muslims, and about noon I stood on the street in front of a central mosque wondering how many people might be inside. As if in answer, a mass of humanity came pouring out, hundreds of people tumbling and plunging into the street.
大部分维族人是穆斯林。中午时分我站在一个主要的清真寺前，猜想里头大概有多少人。我的问题马上得到了答案，一大群人蜂拥而出，几百人急促地涌到街上。
Bystanders watched, puzzled, but the emerging crowd offered only odd and inscrutable clues: Many hadn't had time to pull on their shoes and ran in just their socks. They cried out with alarm or possibly in celebration, and their faces glowed with either fear or joy. If they were fleeing from danger, there was no sign of it, and the group split and flew north and south. In the flicker of a moment they had disappeared.
旁观者看着他们，不明所以，但涌出的人群莫名其妙：许多人没来得及穿鞋，只穿着袜子就跑了出来。他们大声嚎叫，是报警，也可能是庆祝。他们的脸上流露出恐惧或者喜悦。没有任何迹象表明他们是在逃离危险。人群分成两边朝南北方向飞跑。一瞬间他们就消失了。
Now three men stepped from the mosque, holding what looked like wooden sticks. One wore a blue shirt, one a black shirt, and one a white shirt. They shouted and smiled, which gave their faces a buoyant quality. Their tiny rally seemed brash: Did they not see the Chinese police on every corner or hear the amplified news about manifest happiness?
这时三名男子走出清真寺，拿着看起来像木棍的东西。一人身穿蓝色衬衫，一人身穿黑色衬衫，还有一个穿白衬衫。他们欢呼着，微笑着，显得很轻松。他们的小型集会似乎有些盛气凌人：难道他们没看到每个角落都有中国警察，也没听到扩音机播报的幸福和谐新闻？
They turned southward. All three walked with peculiar long strides and waved their sticks overhead, like three baton-twirling drum majors whose marching band had run ahead of them. They passed rows of market stalls where people shouted to them to stop whatever they were doing. Shop owners slammed shut their stall doors. After two blocks the men stopped and turned back north; just before they reached me, they crossed the street. They still held up what were, more likely, rusted swords.
他们转向南行。三人都迈着大步走，举过头顶挥舞着棍棒，像走在行进乐队后边的三个挥动指挥棒的指挥。他们穿过一排排的市场摊位，人们大声喊让他们停止。商贩们赶紧关门。走过两个街区后，三名男子停下来转身往北，还没走到我站的地方他们就穿过马路，仍然举着看似生锈长剑的东西。
Once across the street, they burst into a run, heading toward a group of armed Chinese. The man in blue sprinted ahead; he seemed to catch the government forces off guard, because they turned and ran. The details of the next moment—the angle of the running man, his shirt billowing behind him, the strange coolness of the air—were etched by a sound: a gunshot. But the three Uygurs did not stop in the face of destruction. They tilted toward it.
过街之后，他们突然跑起来，冲向一群中国的武装人员。穿蓝色衣服的男子全速奔跑，他似乎将政府部队打了个措手不及，因为部队人员转身跑了。接下来的一刻——奔跑中的男人的角度、身后扬起的衬衫、空气中奇怪的凉意——被一声枪响划破了。但三个维吾尔人并没有被枪声吓住。他们反而往那个方向去。
The Tibetan struggle for independence from China has long captivated the West. Fewer people are familiar with an arguably more critical struggle in a neighboring hinterland: that of the Uygurs. Their anonymity is ironic because the West has played an unwitting role in their current crisis—and because the Uygurs, whose culture is fading toward obscurity, once occupied the center of the known world.
藏族争取从中国独立的斗争很早就已经迷住了西方。但较少人知道在相邻的腹地可以说是更为关键的斗争：即维吾尔族的独立斗争。具有讽刺意味的是，他们之所以默默无闻，恰恰是因为西方在最近的危机中扮演了不知情的角色，也因为维族人曾经占据了已知世界的中心，但他们的文化正逐渐被人遗忘。
Xinjiang sits in the middle of Asia, encircled by some of Earth's highest mountains, as though a drawstring had cinched the top of the world like a coin purse. Passes through those snowy mountains funneled ancient traders and travelers along paths that became the renowned Silk Road. "They say it is the highest place in the world," Marco Polo wrote of climbing the Pamir mountains from the Afghanistan side. When he emerged from the pass, he found the Uygur homeland and marveled: "From this country, many merchants go forth about the world."
新疆位于亚洲中部，四周环绕着地球最高的山脉，如同一条拉紧硬币钱包顶部的束带。古代商人和旅行者通过这些雪山的路径，成为著名的丝绸之路。“他们说这是世界上最高的地方，”马可波罗从阿富汗一侧登上帕米尔山区后写道。当他越过山口，他发现了维吾尔人的家园，并且惊叹：“许多商人从这个国度启程去了解世界。”
The territory became the fulcrum on which Asia and Europe balanced. Turkic raiders and later Genghis Khan, Buddhists and then Muslims, traders and tribesmen, missionaries and monks—all passed through this hemispheric crossroads, and each group left something of itself. I saw a Uygur woman wearing a Muslim head cover and holding her baby, whose head she had shaved into phantasmagoric designs, a pre-Islamic shamanistic practice to frighten away baby-stealing evil spirits. Xinjiang's history is also written in the faces of its people: dark faces with oval eyes. Also fair faces with narrow, jet eyes. And sometimes blue eyes with blond hair.
该地区成为平衡亚洲和欧洲的支点。突厥战士和后来的成吉思汗，佛教徒，然后是穆斯林，商人和游牧民，传教士和僧侣，都经过了这个半球的十字路口，而每一种人离开时都留下了一点自己的东西。我看到一个戴着穆斯林头巾的维族妇女抱着她的孩子，孩子的头部被剃成幽灵的图案，这是早期伊斯兰萨满教的做法，为了吓跑偷盗婴儿的恶鬼。新疆的历史也写在新疆人的脸上：较深的肤色和椭圆形的眼睛。也有白皮肤和细长眼睛。有些人还有金发和蓝眼睛。
Geography itself protects the mosaic of Uygur culture in Hotan, in far southwestern Xinjiang. A range of snowcapped mountains rises at the town's back, and before it lies the Taklimakan, a desert larger than Poland, which people sometimes call the Sea of Death. Hotan's inhabitants are mostly farmers, and many of them come together each Sunday outside the town for a bazaar where children eat sweetened ice shaved from chunks that float down the Karakax (Black Jade) River, women browse tents full of silk, and men gather to have their beards trimmed while they tell jokes.
远在新疆西南部的和田，地理环境本身保护了维吾尔文化的镶嵌工艺。和田市背后是一系列高耸的白雪皑皑的山脉，前边是面积比波兰还大的塔克拉玛干沙漠，人们有时称之为死亡之海。和田的居民大多是农民，不少人每周日一起到城外参加巴扎（维吾尔语“市场”、“集市”的意思——译注），孩子们吃着从喀拉喀什（黑玉）河浮冰上刮下来的，加了糖的冰霜；妇女进进出出一个个装满丝绸的帐篷；而男子们聚在一起修剪胡须，一边讲笑话。
It's an old scene, although there is an occasional sign of technology: Knifemakers sit in long rows on ancient bicycles they've reconfigured to spin grindstones, looking like an invading horde of spark-spitting cyclists. A young Uygur man named Otkur (the names of Uygurs in Xinjiang have been changed for their protection) shared his bowl of sheep's lung with me, and afterward we approached an astonishing device: a two-story-high swing set with a seat big enough for two people to stand on. Otkur smiled. "For playing," he said. Two women climbed onto the ends of the seat and swung so high they disappeared into tree branches.
这是一个古老的场景，虽然有偶然的技术痕迹：制刀者坐成长长一排，经过重新配置的古老的自行车旋转着磨刀石，看起来像一大群吐着火花的自行车手。一位名为乌提库尔的年轻的维族男子（为安全起见，文中新疆维族人的名字都改了）跟我分享他的一碗羊肺，而后我们走到一个令人惊讶的器具跟前：一个两层楼高的秋千，座位的空间足够让两个人站在上边。乌提库尔笑了。 “用来玩的，”他说。两名女子爬上了座位的两端，她们荡得那么高，都消失在树枝后边了。
In town I met Dawud, a music master who teaches a small group of students. In his school a large mural showed a mashrap, a traditional all-male gathering—now closely regulated by the Chinese—where Uygurs convene to play music, recite poetry, and socialize. Dawud fashioned a fingerpick from a piece of wire and some twine, flicked his fingers across the five strings of a tambur, and launched into a series of complex songs with roots that reach back at least five centuries.
在市区我遇到达悟，他是教授一小群学生的音乐能手。他学校里的一幅大壁画上画着麦西热甫，一种传统的男子聚会，那里人们聚在一起演奏音乐，朗诵诗歌，以及进行社交。麦西热甫现在被中国人密切监视着。达悟用金属丝和细绳做成了一个指环弹片，五指在弹不拉琴的五根弦之间跳动，弹奏出一系列复杂的歌曲，这些歌曲的历史至少可追溯到5个世纪前。
Those patchwork elements of Uygur life underscore something crucial about the Uygurs as a whole: Centuries of living at a great Eurasian way station have made them a complicated people who defy careless classification. But in time the world forgot this, with disastrous results.
维族人生活中那些点点滴滴凸显出维族整体的一些关键之处：几个世纪以来生活在欧亚大陆通道的必经之处，这使得他们成为一个十分注重类别划分的复杂民族。但早晚世界忘了注意这点，就会产生灾难性的结果。
As the Silk Road began to fray and trade took to the seas, both East and West lost interest in the Uygurs and their mountain fastness. For generations China saw little promise in this remote land—Xinjiang means "new frontier"—because the Chinese prized agriculture, and the wild west offered only dust and stones. People there ate mutton, not pork. In 1932 a British officer traveling in Xinjiang wrote with dark foresight, "Perhaps an awakening China, wondering where to settle its surplus millions of people, may have the good sense to call in the science of the West and to develop [Xinjiang]." But through the early 20th century, the Chinese government did not extend its influence to the distant region, and the Uygurs twice declared their own independent country. The second attempt at self-determination, in 1944, lasted five years, until the rise of Mao and the Chinese Communist Party, which sent in military forces and later established a nuclear testing ground, Lop Nur, in Xinjiang to eliminate any confusion.
当丝绸之路开始荒废而贸易转向海路，东西方都对维吾尔人及其山川要塞失去了兴趣。世世代代，中国在这块偏僻的土地上看不到什么希望——新疆意思是“新的疆域”——因为中国鼓励农业，而荒凉的西部只有沙石。那里的人吃羊肉，而不是猪肉。1932年，一位游历新疆的英国军官带着隐约的预感写道：“也许当觉醒的中国踌躇着不知如何安置上千万过剩人口时，可能会领悟到要运用西方科学来发展新疆。”但在整个20世纪早期，中国政府并未加大他们对这一边远地区的影响力，而维吾尔人两次宣称独立。1944年第二次企图（民族）自决，持续了5年，直到毛泽东和中国共产党上台；他们派驻了军队，后来还在新疆罗布泊建立了一个核基地以消除骚乱。
Realizing that, if nothing else, its big, empty territory provided a buffer against foreign influence, Mao's China instituted a program called the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps—combining farm, military garrison, and prison—in which settlers from other Chinese provinces would work the soil and watch the borders. The first arrivals, in 1954, included more than 100,000 demobilized soldiers. Some were coerced, but the flow gathered momentum as the government extended a railroad west to Urumqi in 1962 and used promises of food and clothing to entice residents from overcrowded cities like Shanghai.
在意识到它辽阔的地域可以为抵御外侵提供缓冲之后，毛泽东领导下的中国创立了一个称作新疆生产建设兵团的项目——集农耕、军事驻防与监狱于一身——来自中国其他省份的人们在那里安家落户，耕耘土地，守卫边防。1954年的首批到达人员包括10万复员士兵。有些人是被强制的，但当政府在1962年修建了一段向西延伸到乌鲁木齐的铁路并承诺保障衣食以吸引上海等人口过度拥挤城市的居民后，人口（向新疆）流动的势头加大了。
Meanwhile the Chinese were discovering that Xinjiang offered far more than just a border cushion: It held something vital to their very survival as a nation. Xinjiang contains about 40 percent of China's coal reserves and more than a fifth of its natural gas. Most important, it has nearly a fifth of the nation's proven oil reserves, although Beijing claims it holds as much as a third. Never mind the massive deposits of gold, salt, and other minerals. Xinjiang isn't empty. It's strategic. And with that realization, other things came sharply into focus for China's leadership: Xinjiang is the largest, most far-flung region. It borders more countries than any other. And it's home to an ethnic group that has tried twice in living memory to make a break for freedom.
与此同时，中国人渐渐发现，新疆能提供的远远不只是边界缓冲：这个地方蕴藏着一些对该国生死攸关的东西。新疆有中国40%的煤储备以及超过五分之一的天然气。最重要的是，它拥有中国已探明石油储存的近五分之一，尽管北京当局声称的比例多达三分之一。更不用说黄金、盐和其他矿产的巨大储藏了。新疆并非空空如也，它具有战略意义。意识到这点后，其他情况便集中呈现在了中国领导层的面前：新疆是最大最偏远的地区，其边境接壤的国家也最多；它是一个少数民族的家乡，而这个民族的两次企图独立自由，在人们脑海里仍记忆犹新。
In 1947, during the second incarnation of Uygur independence, about 220,000 Han Chinese made up 5 percent of Xinjiang's population. Uygurs numbered about three million, or 75 percent, the remainder being a mix of Central Asian ethnicities. By 2007 the Uygur population had increased to 9.6 million. But the Han population had swelled to 8.2 million.
1947年，在相当于维吾尔的第二次独立期间，汉族人约有22万，占新疆人口的5%；而维吾尔族人有300万，占人口的75%；剩下的是一些中亚民族。到2007年，维吾尔族人口增至960万，但是汉族人口增加到了820万。
Some Uygurs found opportunity in the influx. In the 1980s in burgeoning Urumqi, a laundress named Rebiya Kadeer grew her business into a department store, then built that into an international trading empire. She became one of the wealthiest people in China and an inspiration for her compatriots—a Uygur woman who appeared in Asia's Wall Street Journal and met with such businessmen as Bill Gates and Warren Buffett. In many ways she seemed emblematic of Xinjiang: In the last two decades of the 20th century the region's GDP increased tenfold.
有些维吾尔人在人口涌入中发现了机遇。上世纪80年代，乌鲁木齐迅速发展，一位叫热比娅·卡德尔的洗衣女工将她的生意发展成一处商店，然后又将其建成了一个国际贸易帝国。她成为中国最富有的人之一，并鼓舞了她的同胞——一位维吾尔族妇女出现在亚洲华尔街日报上，还会见了比尔·盖茨和巴菲特这样的生意人。在很多方面，她似乎是新疆的象征：在上世纪的最后20年里，这个地区的GDP增长了十倍。
But many more Uygurs languished. The big business in Xinjiang is oil, but all that oil is controlled from Beijing by state-owned energy companies. Many of the good jobs in Xinjiang are government jobs, and employees can advance more readily if they join the Communist Party, which requires renouncing their religion. And most Uygurs won't do that. The result is an ironic and combustible symmetry: As Han settlers pour in, Uygurs, unable to find work in their fantastically wealthy and spacious homeland, migrate east to work in privately owned factories in crowded coastal cities.
但是更多的维吾尔人受着煎熬。新疆的大生意是石油，但所有的石油都是受来自北京的国有能源公司控制的。新疆的许多好工作是政府工作，如果加入共产党，员工们能更便捷地发展，但是加入共产党就要放弃他们的宗教。大多数维吾尔人不愿这么做。结果便是具有讽刺意味的、一点就着的对称局面：汉族人涌入（新疆）定居；而在异常富饶和广阔的家乡找不到工作的维吾尔人，则迁徙到东部沿海拥挤的城市为私企工作。
In the past few decades local resistance has flared up around Xinjiang, fluctuating in scale and violence. During the 1980s Uygur students protested treatment by police in a handful of incidents; in 1990 a disturbance south of Kashgar against birth limits ended in perhaps four dozen deaths. In 1997 hundreds of people in a city called Gulja marched to protest repression of Islamic practices and were arrested; the number of casualties is unknown. Other examples abound, including bus bombings and assassinations.
过去数十年间，抵抗活动在新疆各地爆发，规模和暴力程度各有不同。上世纪80年代，维吾尔学生抗议警察对几起事件的处理手法；1990年，喀什南部因反对生育限制发生骚乱，以约四五十人的死亡而告终。1997年，数百人在伊宁游行抗议对伊斯兰教活动的镇压而被捕，伤亡人数不详。还有其他大量事例，诸如公共汽车爆炸和暗杀。
The Chinese government realized that it had a problem in Xinjiang, much as it had a problem in neighboring Tibet. Along with regulating mashraps—those traditional gatherings—the state monitored services at mosques, afraid they might provide a platform for dissidents. In general, officials downplayed the unrest as the work of isolated "ruffians" in a Uygur population that was otherwise blissful. In early September 2001, Xinjiang Communist Party Secretary Wang Lequan announced in Urumqi that "society is stable, and people are living and working in peace and contentment."
中国政府意识到它在新疆遇到了麻烦，正如在邻省西藏所遭遇到的一样。除了控制麦西热甫——这种传统集会以外——政府还监视清真寺的状况，担心它们可能会为异见分子提供一个平台。通常，官员们将骚乱低估成是维吾尔族中的少量“暴徒”所为，而其他的大部分人口是极为快乐的。 2001年9月初，新疆党委书记王乐泉宣称乌鲁木齐“社会稳定，人民安居乐业。”
A few days later Beijing received a potent and unexpected propaganda tool: September 11.
几天之后北京当局获得了一个意想不到的有力宣传工具：9.11。
As America and much of the West launched the "war on terror," China recognized the momentum of global public opinion and chose a new tack. The shift happened so fast it came with an almost audible crack. On October 11 a spokesman for the Chinese Foreign Ministry described China as "a victim of international terrorism." Then the government issued a report on unrest in Xinjiang blaming none other than Osama bin Laden. "It's an effective strategy," says James Millward, a professor at Georgetown University and an expert on Xinjiang, "because in America we see Muslims somewhere who are unhappy and maybe even violent, and we assume it's because of religious reasons."
随着美国和其他许多西方国家发动了“反恐战争”，中国认清了国际舆论的势头，并选择了一个新的策略。这种转变发生得如此之快，急转的声响几乎可以听见（指与之前的论调相左——译注）。10月11日，中国外交部的一个发言人把中国形容为“国际恐怖主义的受害者”。随后政府公布了一个关于新疆动荡局面的报告，所归咎的不是别人，正是本·拉登。“这是一个有效的策略”，乔治敦大学教授、新疆问题专家米华健（James Millward）指出：“因为在美国，我们见到其它地方的穆斯林不高兴甚至诉诸于暴力的时候，我们会认为这是宗教的原因。”
And just like that, the Uygurs—with the complexity of their culture, the richness of their past, the fullness of their grievance against the Chinese state—fell into a tidy classification. China asked the United States to include a group of militant separatist Uygurs on its list of terrorist organizations but was rebuffed—at least at first.
就这样，有着复杂的文化，丰富的历史，以及对中国政府满腹牢骚的维吾尔族被简单地归类了。中国要求美国把一些维吾尔族武装分离主义团体列入恐怖主义组织名单，但是被拒绝了——至少在一开始被拒绝了。
In December 2001, 22 Uygurs were captured in Pakistan and Afghanistan, where they may have received weapons training with the intent of battling the Chinese military back in Xinjiang. The men were rounded up by bounty hunters, handed over to U.S. forces, and sent to Guantánamo Bay. (Years later a U.S. court would order their release.) In August 2002 Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage traveled to Beijing to discuss, among other issues, America's upcoming mission in Iraq. While there, he announced a reversal in the U.S. stance: A militant Uygur group called the Eastern Turkistan Islamic Movement would now be listed as a terrorist organization.
2001年12月，22位维吾尔人在巴基斯坦和阿富汗被逮捕。他们可能在那里接受了武器训练从而回到新疆后对抗中国军队。这些人是被赏金猎人捕获并移交给美军的，并被监禁在关塔纳摩湾。（数年后美国法庭下令释放他们。）在2002年8月副国务卿理查德·阿米蒂奇前往北京会谈，讨论美军即将在伊拉克展开的行动以及其他议题。在北京，他宣布了美国立场的逆转：一个维吾尔族武装团体——“东突厥斯坦伊斯兰运动组织”从此被列入了恐怖主义组织名单。
The heart of Uygur tradition is the ancient capital of Kashgar. Today its Old City looks much as it must have when Marco Polo spied it after descending through the mountain pass—a warren of passageways and ancient mud-brick homes that resemble a jumble of oversize children's blocks. Early this year the Chinese government undertook a bold step: They began systematically bulldozing the Old City block by block and moving the inhabitants into a new compound on the edge of town.
维吾尔族的传统中心是古都喀什。今天这座古城看起来正像马可·波罗走下山隘发现它的时候一样，纵横交错的走廊和古老的泥砖房就像是一堆混乱的大号儿童积木一样堆在一起。今年早些时候中国政府进行了大胆的一步：他们开始有组织地逐片推倒旧城区并且把居民迁到城市边缘的新居所。
Uygurs don't discuss the subject in public for fear of imprisonment, but one man who lives in the Old City, Ahun, agreed to talk with me in his home. A rendezvous would not be easy, because for days the Chinese security services had been following me. I was to wait in the main square during the busy midday until I saw him pass under Mao's statue, then follow at a distance without acknowledgment.
维吾尔族人由于害怕遭到监禁而不敢在公开场合谈论这个话题。但是一个叫阿訇，住在老城区的人同意和我在他家中进行谈话。这样一个谈话并不容易，因为中国的安全部门已经跟踪了我好几天。中午热闹的时候，我在主广场等他，直到我看见他穿过毛主席雕像，然后保持一个不引人注目的距离跟着他。
As we walked through city streets, he stopped casually to take a drink of water at a cart and later to tie his shoe. Finally we entered the Old City. The Chinese government's ostensible reason for demolishing the neighborhood is that it's too old to withstand an earthquake. But there may be another motive. As Ahun and I wove our way deeper into the warren, I watched his shoulders relax and his gait loosen. He was hard to trace in here. The Old City is a refuge.
我们穿过城市的街道，他在一辆手推车前面若无其事地停下，喝水并系了下他的鞋。最后我们终于进入了老城。中国政府表面上拆除老城的理由是老城太旧无法抵御地震的威胁。但他们可能还有别的动机。随着我和Ahun更加深入老城，我感觉到他的肩膀和脚步都放松了下来。在这里他难以被跟踪，老城就是一个庇护所。
The homes are adjacent and interconnected, and each is two stories high and arranged around a central courtyard. I followed Ahun up a flight of stairs, and when he flung open the door, it struck me that these homes are like oysters: On the outside they're drab and crude, but on the inside whitewashed plaster walls gleam, and many-colored rugs complement painted ceilings. "I pray. When I worship, I ask Allah, 'Rescue me my house,' " Ahun said. From his house he has a clear view of a government wrecking crew at work on a nearby home. According to the demolition schedule, they'll arrive at Ahun's home in three years.
老城的房子相互毗邻并且有连接，通常有2层楼高。围绕着中央天井而建。我跟随着阿訇上了楼梯。当他打开门，我震惊于这些房子就像牡蛎一般。外表看起来黄褐色而且粗糙，但是里面确是微微发光的白色石灰墙，许多彩色的毯子装饰着粉刷过的天花板。“我祈祷，当我朝拜的时候，我请求安拉，救救我的房子。”阿訇说道。从他的房子，它可以清楚的看到政府的拆除对正在拆除附近的房屋。根据拆除计划，在3年内他们将开始拆除阿訇的房子。
He was born in the house, he said. So was his father. So was his grandfather, after his great-grandfather built it on family land. "I have two sons," he said. That's five generations who have lived in the same house.
他在这房子里出生，他说道，就像他的父亲，他的祖父在他曾祖父建了这座房子之后在此出生一样。“我有两个孩子”，他说道。已有五代人曾在这同一栋房子中住过。
If Hotan represents Xinjiang's past—with a Uygur majority that gathers to sharpen knives, trim beards, sing songs—then Kashgar is its present. Uygurs still make up most of the city's population, but their culture here is embattled. The government is working fast to tear it down.
如果说和田代表了新疆的过去——大多数维吾尔人聚集在一起磨刀子，剪胡须，唱着歌——那么喀什则代表着新疆的现在。维吾尔人仍然是城市的主要人口，但他们的文化则在此陷入困境。政府则在加速将其拆除。
Given enough time, Ahun said, China's economic development will bring political change, and hope for his people. "China will be obliged to receive a democratic system," he said. But right now, for a man who prays each day for the survival of his family home, no act is too desperate. "You do not understand our rage," he said. "In the Middle East there are human bombs, who connect their bodies with bombs. But with our rage, we don't need bombs connected. We ourselves explode."
只要有足够的时间，阿訇说道，中国的经济发展将会带来政治变革，并给他的民族带来希望。“中国将被迫接受民主体制。”他说道，但是现在，对于一个每天祈祷能保存他家房子的人来说。没有什么行为是太激进的。“你不了解我们的愤怒。”他说，“在中东，那里有人肉炸弹，那些人把自己和炸弹绑在一起。但是我们是如此的愤怒，不用绑上炸弹，我们自己就会爆炸。”
In June of this year, a disgruntled worker at a toy factory in Shaoguan, near Hong Kong, reportedly claimed that Uygurs had raped two women. A melee followed. The violence lasted several hours and left scores injured. Angry Han workers in the factory's dormitory beat to death two Uygur co-workers.
据报道，今年六月，在香港附近的韶关，一位心怀不满的玩具厂工人声称有维吾尔人强奸了两名妇女。谣言引发了一场群架，暴力持续了几个小时，造成大量人员受伤。愤怒的汉族工人在工厂宿舍区打死了两名维族工友。
This spark lit a fire 2,000 miles away, in Xinjiang. On July 5 thousands of Uygurs—the numbers reported varied widely—took to Urumqi's streets to protest the treatment of the Uygur workers. The authorities were caught off guard.
这根导火线引爆了2000英里外的新疆。7月5日，上千名维吾尔人（各种报道所称的人数大相径庭）走上乌鲁木齐街头，抗议维吾尔工人遭到的对待。当局对此措手不及。
I spoke to a young woman named Arzigul, who had attended the protest. She said it started off peacefully as young people circulated around the capital's public square. "They were screaming the name 'Uygur! Uygur! Uygur!' " she said. When security forces arrived, something happened—exactly what is unclear. Each side says the other struck first, but at some point the authorities tried to quell the crowd, which apparently devolved into a mob attacking Han on the street. Two days later a group of Han—apparently numbering in the thousands—took to the street with meat cleavers and clubs and knives. They in turn attacked Uygurs.
我采访了一位名叫阿孜古丽的年轻女子，她参加了示威。她说，一开始，年轻人环绕着首府的公共广场和平抗议。“他们高叫着‘维吾尔！维吾尔！维吾尔！’”她说。当安全部队到达时，事件发生了——而这正是不明确的地方。双方都说是对方先发起的攻击，但是某一时刻，当局试图制止示威民众的时候，人群显然转而在街头暴力攻击汉人。两天后，一群汉人——显然有上千人——手持刀具棍棒走上街头。他们反过来也攻击维吾尔人。
Chinese officials say they're protecting their citizens from terrorists. In July, Vice Foreign Minister He Yafei called the riots "a grave and violent criminal incident plotted and organized by the outside forces of terrorism, separatism, no comma after separatism in original source and extremism." James Millward, the Xinjiang expert, says many Han—even officials—sincerely believe Xinjiang faces a threat from terrorists and interlopers. "It's what they are constantly told." Eventually military forces and police clamped down on Urumqi, and there seemed no possibility of further unrest. That's when the three men emerged from the mosque in the Uygur quarter, scattering people in every direction.
中国官方称他们正在保护公民免遭恐怖分子的袭击。7月，外交部副部长何亚非称这起骚乱为“一起由境内外民族分裂势力、宗教极端势力和暴力恐怖势力精心策划和组织的严重暴力犯罪。”新疆问题专家米华健说许多汉人——甚至包括政府——确实相信新疆面临着恐怖分子和境外干涉势力的威胁。“（因为）他们一直都是这么听说的。”终于，军队和警察封锁了乌鲁木齐，进一步的骚乱似乎不可能发生了。而就在此时，那三人冲出了维吾尔聚居区的一家清真寺，将人群朝四面八方驱散开。 |
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楼主: rhapsody
狗仔卡
发表于 2009-12-2 13:07
显身卡
发表于 2009-12-2 15:47
发布的时候会参考这些资料加以注释的
发表于 2009-12-7 10:50
