本帖最后由 ch7 于 2010-3-14 19:06 编辑
标题：
Saturday Profile：Heartthrob’s Blog Challenges China’s Leaders
周六人物：偶像博客挑战中国领导层
英文：
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/13/world/asia/13hanhan.html?hp
译文：
http://blog.tianya.cn/blogger/post_show.asp?BlogID=534653&PostID=22395156&idWriter=2368945&Key=403840628
韩寒——写博客挑战体制的赛车手
韩寒：政府希望中国成为一个文化大国，可我们的领导却太没文化了
By ANDREW JACOBS
Published: March 12, 2010
Rita Lee/译
上海报道。
韩寒的生活有他自己的苦恼，这位玩心跳的卡丁车赛手同时也是位有名的小说家以及中国拥有读者最多的博主。
对于他来说，低调出行是不可能的。当地官员也经常邀请他就一些鸡毛蒜皮的小事发表意见（他婉拒了这些邀请），相思的女粉丝总在他的比赛结束后带着情书来找他（韩寒说有冒名顶替他的人欺骗了这些女人）。
不过比起这些苦恼，韩寒面临着更大的挑战：看不见摸不着的互联网审查员肆意删除他们认为敏感的博文、他主编的杂志《独唱团》由于内容太“生猛”而迟迟通不过出版业审查。“政府希望中国成为一个文化大国，可我们的领导却太没文化了。”他耸耸肩，咧嘴乐起来，“如果情况一直这样下去的话，中国对于外国人来说，就只剩下熊猫和茶叶了。”
从2006年韩寒开博时起，他持续不断的讽刺领导人和那些对屁民（不幸没有政府职位或关系的人）不利的政策，并且有愈演愈烈的趋势。这位年轻人可能是目前在世的最受关注的作家，他的博客有3亿的访问量。
近期在他上海办公室的一次访谈中，韩寒称党内官员为“废物”和说废话的家伙，不过他使用了更委婉中肯的语言：“他们的生活与我们完全不同。这些人和年轻人唯一的共同点是他们也有20多岁的女朋友，只不过他们的女朋友都是地下的。”
从19岁出版了他的第一部小说时开始，韩寒就一举成名了。但最近几个月中，随着其博文的传播，他变的炙手可热起来。他的文章反映了中国80后的时代精神。这是国家执行计划生育政策后独生子女的一代人，生长在中国经济不断发展前进的时期，他们曾被认为是垮掉了的一代，急躁的一代，对官方媒体的报道持怀疑态度。
韩寒巧妙的把他对贪污腐败、严苛的审查制度和社会不公的尖锐攻击隐藏在其博文幽默讽刺的风格背后。在最近的一篇有关强制拆迁的文章里，他建议政府直接利用监狱的图纸把农民的村庄建好，送房给大家。这样做有两个好处：其一，以后再也没有拆迁的烦恼，其二，有人犯了事，直接没收他家钥匙就行了。
他最近在博客中发起了《亚克西》填词大赛，大奖可以获得人民币5000元（约730美元）的奖励。《亚克西》是今年央视向全国约4亿观众播放的一如既往极具催眠作用的春节晚会的一个节目，节目中维族演员载歌载舞的歌颂党的政策。
毛驴货巾里塞满了人民币的维族人买买提歌颂党的政策免除了农业税、建立了合作医疗，但只字未提其他的种种。
虽然有些博文被“和谐”了（一种被审查员删除的委婉说法），韩寒在新浪网（中国最有名的博客网站）的博客目前还没有被封禁。重庆作家和博主冉云飞认为韩寒的博客之所以还能延续，一方面是因为他的名人效应，另一方面，也与韩寒的博文谨慎的避开了那些最敏感的政治话题有关。
冉云飞的博客在中国国内被屏蔽了，只有那些能够翻墙的人才能看到。他评论道：“韩寒用幽默机智的文字嘲笑那些他眼中的不平事。也许当局目前还能容忍他的原因是他的时评从来不涉及具体人名，也从来不直指问题的核心——一党专政制度。”
与其他主业是学者或记者的时评人不同的是，韩寒靠写作和赛车谋生，已出版的14本书和他在赛车场上的成绩为他赢得了经济独立。其他人一旦碰触政府的底线可能会丢掉饭碗，而他则不会有这种忧虑。
不过政府最近找到了打击韩寒的方法：迟迟不让他主编的杂志通过审核。韩寒说，主要的尺度问题可能集中在一篇详尽列出了名列政府黑名单的演员的文章上。当记者问及如果他的努力得不到结果，或有一天他的博客也被关闭的话，他会怎么做时，韩寒微笑着，用他一贯的冷幽默答道：“那我会成为更强的车手。”
韩寒从高中辍学并一举成为中国最知名的作家之一后，一直在按照他自己的方式前进。他的第一部小说《三重门》描述了深受学校和家长压抑的青春期生活，这本小说出版了200万册，是近20年来最畅销的小说。《三重门》和后来韩寒一些小说的主人公都和他自己一样，是小地方成长起来的年轻男人，他们藐视权威，特别是教师的权威。韩寒甚至有时把教师和娼妓做类比。
在他的成长过程中，韩寒的父母对他实行宽松式管理。他的父亲是一家地方党报的头版编辑，他的母亲在社会服务局工作。“我母亲使我懂得了体谅弱者。”韩寒说。
韩家有很多文学作品。韩父用心良苦的把好书（建国以前出版的书籍）放在8岁的儿子触手可及的地方。“他把建国后出版的那些烂书摆的很高，那样我就够不着了。”韩寒说。
当他挑战权威的写作生涯影响到其父母在国营单位的工作时，韩寒劝说他们提前退休，并提出用他的收入来赡养父母。
被评论家们定位为任性自大的叛逆分子后，韩寒的关注点逐渐从与诗人、明星和其他博主的笔战中转移到了社会更深层次的问题上：高昂的房价给中国新兴中产阶级带来的沉重经济负担和精神焦虑及低俗的当代文化。
他谴责地方政府将为了获得政绩，把土地买给出价最高的地产商，以此来制造两位数的GDP增长率。出售土地的高额收益又为官僚们的贪污腐败提供了经济来源。
政府这样做的后果是年轻的上班族为了还房贷只能全身心扑在工作上，无暇顾及国内的其他问题。“政府乐于见到房价上升。人们不得不去购买他们根本负担不起的房子，然后生活在朝不保夕的恐惧中。”他笑了，“这效果不是很完美么？”
与他讽刺挖苦的写作风格不同的是，韩寒其实是个乐观主义者。他认为：互联网早晚会促使中国变得更加开放，再严格的审查也封锁不了所有的言论自由。“我想政府现在正在为当初开放了互联网而后悔，”他顿了顿，“最开始他们认为互联网将会像报纸或电视那样，为他们的舆论导向服务。可他们没想到的是人们也能在互联网上发表自己的反对意见，这下他们可真头疼了。”
March 12, 2010
Heartthrob’s Blog Challenges China’s Leaders
By ANDREW JACOBS
SHANGHAI
IT’S not so easy being Han Han, the heartthrob race car driver and pop novelist who just happens to be China’s most widely read blogger.
Traveling incognito is all but impossible. Local officials frequently vie for his endorsement of their latest architectural boondoggles. (He politely declines.) And love-lorn young women often approach him after races with letters bearing his name. (He says the women have been duped by impostors who have assumed his identity.)
But Mr. Han’s most vexing challenge comes from a more formidable nemesis: the unseen censors who delete blog posts they deem objectionable and the publishing police who have held up the release of his new magazine, “A Chorus of Solos,” a provocative collection of essays and photographs. “The government wants China to become a great cultural nation, but our leaders are so uncultured,” he said with a shrug, offering his characteristic Cheshire-cat grin. “If things continue like this, China will only be known for tea and pandas.”
Since he began blogging in 2006, Mr. Han, 28, has been delivering increasingly caustic attacks on China’s leadership and the policies he contends are creating misery for those unlucky enough to lack a powerful government post. With more than 300 million hits to his blog, he may be the most popular living writer in the world.
In a recent interview at his office in Shanghai, he described party officials as “useless” and prone to spouting nonsense, although he used more delicate language to dismiss their relevance. “Their lives are nothing like ours,” he said. “The only thing they have in common with young people is that like us, they too have girlfriends in their 20s, although theirs are on the side.”
Mr. Han has enjoyed widespread fame since he published his first novel at 19, but his popularity has ballooned in recent months through blog posts that seem to capture the zeitgeist of his peers, the so-called post-80s generation born after the economic reforms introduced by Deng Xiaoping.
Theirs is a generation of only children, the result of China’s one-child policy, and one that has known only uninterrupted growth. Whether true or not, it is also a demographic with a reputation for being spoiled, impatient and less accepting of the storyline fed to them by government-run media.
If Mr. Han’s tongue is sharp, he is careful to deliver his barbs through sarcasm and humorous anecdotes that obliquely take on corruption, censorship and everyday injustice
In one recent post about redevelopment projects that often end in violence and forced evictions, he suggested that the government build public housing in the form of prisons. The benefits would be twofold, he explained: Tenants could make no claim on the apartments and those who make a fuss could simply be locked up in their homes.
His current gambit is a wryly subversive competition that will award $730 to the person who comes up with new lyrics to a song-and-dance routine that was broadcast last month during the reliably soporific Chinese New Year television gala.
The performance, staged by China’s national broadcaster and viewed by an estimated 400 million people, featured merry members of the Uighur minority belting out praise for Communist Party policies.
These were not the policies that many Uighurs bemoan as oppressive — and which may or may not have provoked the deadly riots in the western region of Xinjiang last summer — but ones that supposedly reduced taxes, increased health benefits and according to the singing farmer Maimaiti, filled his donkey sack with cash.
ALTHOUGH his posts are sometimes “harmonized” — a popular euphemism for censorship —his blog, published by one of China’s most popular Web portals, has so far been allowed to continue. Ran Yunfei, a writer and blogger in Sichuan Province, says that Mr. Han is partly insulated by his celebrity, but also by his avoidance of the most politically charged topics.
“He uses humor and wit to laugh at the injustices he sees,” said Mr. Ran, whose own blog is blocked in China and available only to those with the technical means to hop over the Great Firewall. “Perhaps the reason he’s tolerated is because he does not name names directly and he doesn’t go after the heart of the problem, which is China’s one-party dictatorship.”
His other trump card is his financial independence. With 14 books to his name and a successful career as a race car driver, he is not susceptible to pressures that constrain other critics, many of them academics or journalists whose jobs tend to evaporate when their public musings cross an invisible line.
But the government has lately found a way to pique him by holding up the release of his magazine. Mr. Han said the main objection appears to be an article that details the blacklisting of actors who have angered the authorities. Asked what he will do if his endeavor is thwarted, or if one day his blog is banned entirely, Mr. Han smiles and offers trademark sarcasm, delivered deadpan. “I’ll just become a better driver,” he said.
MR. Han has been reinventing himself since he dropped out of high school and promptly went on to become one of China’s best known writers. His first novel, “Triple Door,” plumbed the adolescent angst of those withering under the pressures of family and school. With two million copies in print, it is the best-selling book of the last 20 years.
The protagonists in that novel and several that followed were young men like himself, raised in small rural townships and disdaining authority, especially teachers, whom Mr. Han sometimes likens to prostitutes.
Growing up, Mr. Han says he was given wide latitude by his parents. His father was the front-page editor of a local party newspaper and his mother worked for a social service bureau helping the needy. “My mom gave me an appreciation for the underdog,” he said.
His family’s home was packed with literature, he said, and his father made sure to put the good stuff — books published before the Communist revolution — low enough for an 8-year-old to reach. “He put all the poorly written books published after the founding of the People’s Republic of China high enough so I couldn’t reach it,” Mr. Han said.
When his anti-establishment writings began to affect his parents’ state-run jobs, Mr. Han encouraged them to retire early, offering to support them financially.
Once viewed by critics as petulant and self-consciously rebellious, Mr. Han has moved beyond ad hominem attacks on poets, pop stars and fellow bloggers. These days his attention is largely drawn to society’s deeper problems: a surge in nationalism; the lackluster quality of contemporary culture; and the albatross of sky-high real-estate prices that keep China’s nascent middle-class in a constant state of anxiety.
He blames the high prices on local officials, who sell off land to the highest bidder in an effort to finance public works and pump up the double-digit economic growth figures that keep Beijing happy. High property values, he adds, also pay for all those dinners and fancy gifts that seem to be the birthright of officialdom.
The grim result is a country of young professionals so overworked and distracted by mortgage payments that they have no time to care about what ails China. “The government is happy to see prices go up, people are forced to buy property they can’t afford and they end up living in fear.” Then he smiles and adds, “It’s a perfect situation, right?”
Despite the sarcasm and griping, Mr. Han is an optimist at heart. The Internet, he says, will eventually prod China toward greater openness. No army of censors can completely constrain free expression. “I think the government really regrets the Internet,” he said, pausing for effect. “Originally, they thought it would be like the newspaper or the television — just another way to get their view out to the people. What they didn’t realize is that people can type and talk back. This is giving them a really big headache.”
Li Bibo contributed research. |
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