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[公知观察] 求辟谣,黄世仁好像是虚构的角色啊?

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 楼主| 发表于 2011-10-15 14:38 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
@欧阳国忠的微博:【真实黄世仁与杨白劳】黄世仁河北平山人家产千亩。与杨白劳自小结拜兄弟。黄世仁为人善良常济邻里。杨白劳之父杨洪业为豆腐大王。杨继承父业后欠下巨额赌债无力偿还,黄借给他大洋1000元,并收留其未成年的女儿喜儿。无脸见人的杨外出躲债,误喝卤水身亡。黄世仁厚葬了杨白劳(据百度百科)@北京李海

其中:欧阳国忠----环球活动网董事长兼CEO
            北京李海----中国改革报记者李海

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当然是戏曲,丫初中没有毕业呀  发表于 2011-10-21 22:41
发表于 2011-10-15 14:42 | 显示全部楼层
http://weibo.com/1706155964/xsH7g6w2F#a_comment
好像是这个地址
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发表于 2011-10-16 11:15 | 显示全部楼层
这个不是剧本吗?真有人较真?
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发表于 2011-10-16 11:47 来自 四月社区 手机版 | 显示全部楼层
基督山伯爵好像也是虚构的……
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发表于 2011-10-16 11:54 | 显示全部楼层
happyzhou 发表于 2011-10-16 11:15
这个不是剧本吗?真有人较真?

如果用了真人的姓名就不算剧本了。

黄继光堵枪眼,火烧邱少云,算不算剧本?
当然不算,这是真实人物,但文中描写的细节合常理吗?
肉体堵得住机枪的冲击力吗,人在被火烧的情况下真能不动吗?
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发表于 2011-10-16 12:25 | 显示全部楼层
不感到意外。前些日子汪精卫,袁世凯等要复活,这次该轮到黄世仁了。。。
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发表于 2011-10-16 12:52 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 everglory 于 2011-10-16 13:03 编辑
Strongman 发表于 2011-10-16 12:25
不感到意外。前些日子汪精卫,袁世凯等要复活,这次该轮到黄世仁了。。。 ...


让僵尸复活,给伟人抹黑。这就是JY们在做的。
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发表于 2011-10-21 20:56 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 happyzhou 于 2011-10-21 21:08 编辑
毛将军 发表于 2011-10-16 11:54
如果用了真人的姓名就不算剧本了。

黄继光堵枪眼,火烧邱少云,算不算剧本?


三国演义也使用了真名的,关键就在这个“演义”,戏剧不是纪实文学,不可能不包含戏剧化文学化的成分~~如果都较真的话,那只有去看对很多人来说很乏味的纪录片了,而且总跟戏剧情节较真的话,人也会变得乏味,不是吗?
至于黄继光和邱少云,你我都没看过当时到底是怎么回事,这个很显然。但是,有一件事要清楚,我们不能按照我们这个时代和我们所拥有的价值观和人生观来度量一个数十年前那个时代的人,个人觉得那个时代的人比我们都纯粹得多,能做出的事情也不是我们能做到的或者能想象到的,有时候想一个人一件事总是完全按照我们自己的标准的话,个人觉得会造成明显的“人为误差”,是吧~~或许结合当时的时代背景,听听看看那个时代的人的音容笑貌,会更有帮助些~~
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发表于 2011-10-21 21:11 | 显示全部楼层
everglory 发表于 2011-10-16 12:52
让僵尸复活,给伟人抹黑。这就是JY们在做的。

消灭一个民族的灵魂,首先要先消灭她的信仰和偶像,他们在汉学儒道已经有了很多收获,现在又在这方面下手了,呵呵~~也许咱们和咱们的子孙都与西方人无二致才会消停点~~
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发表于 2011-10-21 22:29 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 stern 于 2011-10-21 22:40 编辑

http://www.chinashakestheworldbook.com/Section_27.htm


第七章 土地与革命
       
CHAPTER VII

LAND AND REVOLUTION
第二十七节 农民说话了
       
27. The Peasant Speaks
  抗战胜利以后,共产党提出要敢于同蒋介石进行斗争。他们很快意识到,要推翻国民党的国家机器,仅靠现有的力量是远远不够的,必须动员全国人民投入这场解放战争。那么,以什么名义来动员人民呢?以社会主义还是以共产主义的名义?显然都不行。只能以人民群众自己的名义。提出了一般性的号召,还必须有具体的纲领,才能有实现的可能。共产党的土地改革政策正是这种具体的纲领。

  土地改革,乍听起来像是一个学术名词,但它所引起的如此巨大的激情,却是前所未闻的。共产党对中国农村土地关系所进行的改革,实际上也就是对整个中国社会进行改革。中国土地关系大变动的过程,丰富多彩,可歌可泣。它使这个古老的国度发生翻天覆地的变化,整个中华民族的精神为之振奋。它明确指出了共产主义东方世界今后的民主、自由以及宗教、财产和婚姻关系的发展方向。它是了解中国人民革命动力的钥匙。但更重要的,它是共产党夺取政权的实录。

  共产党的土地政策,在中国夺取政权的斗争中,起了决定性的作用。因为它动员了多少年来受压抑的广大群众奋起推翻旧社会。土地革命从两个方面打破了中国农民似乎是千古不变的蛰伏状态,一方面是精神的,另一方面是物质的;一方面是从内部起作用,另一方面是从外部起作用。在精神方面,土地改革唤起了农民的希望。这是他们生平第一次产生的激情。在物质方面,土地改革给农民提供了与地主进行斗争的手段。

  土改过程中,这种政策与希望之间、手段与情感之间相互作用的情况,是很难用笔墨记录下来的,勉强为之,必然徒劳。尽管如此,我仍相信,下面的几段叙述,也许能为本书最后部分所涉及的更为激烈的事件提供一个轮廓,也可能有助于剖析共产党的战略,看看他们是如何把中国广大农村从蒋介石手中争夺过来的。顺便在此说明一下,文中历述的华北农民奋起斗争的情况井非是哪位共产党高级干部描绘我听的,而是根据我自己到地方干部和农民群众中采访以及亲身考察而整理的。
       

AFTER V-J Day when the Communist party decided it dared struggle against Chiang Kai-shek, it soon appeared that their power resources were insufficient for opposing the Kuomintang state apparatus, and it became necessary for the party to require the almost total participation of the people in the war. In whose name could the Communists make such a demand? In the name of socialism? Communism? Emphatically no. It had to be in the name of the masses themselves. Such an abstract rallying cry, however, could only be effective when it was rooted in a definite material program. This program was found in the Communist land-reform policy.

  The words land reform have an academic ring, but few words have ever aroused such tumultuous emotions. When the Communists started out to change land relationships in China, they really began an effort to reform all of Chinese society. The story of the upsetting of land relations in China is a rich cross-section of a new epoch that has dawned in an ancient land, a tale of a whole people in the grip of a mighty passion, an important guide to the future of property, liberty, democracy, religion and marriage in the Communist Orient, a key to the understanding of the Chinese people's sources of action and above all a record of the Communists' drive for power.

  The Communist land policy was decisive in the struggle for power in China because it brought hitherto apathetic masses into open revolt against existing society. Land reform shattered the seemingly immortal torpor of the peasant in two revolutionary ways, the one spiritual, the other material, the one acting from within, the other from without. On the spiritual side, the land reform gave to the peasant one emotion that had perhaps hitherto been lacking from his life - hope. On the more material side, the Communist land reform gave to the peasant a method of struggie against his village rulers.

  This interaction between politics and passion, technique and emotion, is not easy to trace and any attempt to do so is likely to prove heavy going. Nevertheless, I believe the following paragraphs may furnish a chart of understanding to some of the more violent events that occupy the last part of this book and may give a revealing insight into Communist strategy and just how it weaned rural China away from Chiang Kai-shek. Incidentally perhaps, it is best to remark here that this story of the peasant upheaval in North China was not given me by any high Communist officials, but was pieced together by myself from conversations with local cadres and peasants and from my own experiences.
  考察土地革命时,首先必须对农民群众有一个正确的看法:他们不仅是自然意义上的人,而且也是政治意义上的人。由于对外界的情况十分闭塞,农民的政治视野往往局限于他们耕作的地界的范围之内。所以托洛茨基指出,农民对本村的地主绝不妥协,但对体现地主阶级专政的国家,则往往认识不清,束手无策,“因此农民总是幻想一个理想国家来取代现实的国家。”这是符合中国情况的。在中国历史上,农民中产生过如《水浒传》中所描写的一百单八将式的反朝廷的好汉。太平军揭竿而起后,在人世间建立太平天国的理想也曾激励了广大农民群众。中国内战重起以后,农民团结在共产党的“土地与解放”的旗帜之下,尊奉毛泽东为人民的“大救星”。

  由于农民普遍具有乌托邦思想,所以许多正统的马克思主义理论家认为.农民本身无法进行社会革命,必须由另一个阶级来领导他们,如十八世纪法国的第三等级和十九世纪俄国的无产阶级。俄国革命的经验又促使这些理论家认为,今天的落后国家只有在工人阶级的领导之下,才能进行革命,并认为这是一条颠扑不破的规律。俄国社会革命党的历史似乎证实了这一论点。他们在与谁联盟的问题上思想混乱不堪,以致为了维持他们与银行资本家的联盟而坚决不让农民获得土地。由于社会革命党不赞成没收地主的土地,于是失去了广大农民的支持,直接导致他们一败涂地,而使布尔什维克取得了政权。一九三六年十二月西安事变后,中国共产党为了建立包括国民党和地主在内的抗日民族统一战线,停止实行没收地主土地的政策。在整个抗日战争期间,他们始终坚持不让农民夺取地主的土地。

  然而中共不仅没有因此失去农民的支持而垮台,反而更加受到农民的衷心拥护,愈加发展壮大起来。原因究竟何在?中共到底有什么与众不同之处?

       

  First of all, in a revolution, it is necessary to understand the peasant, not only as a human being, but as a political animal. Because he is isolated from the rest of the world a peasant generally cannot raise his political horizons beyond the boundary of his fields. For this reason, as Leon Trotsky noted, he is implacable in his struggle against the landlords but most often impotent against the general landlord incarnate in the state. "Hence his need," said Trotsky, "to rely on some legendary state against the real one." These remarks are applicable to China. In olden times the peasantry created such pretenders to the throne as the 108 immortal heroes of the Shui Hu Chuan, and during the Taiping Rebellion, they rallied around the idea of a Peaceful Kingdom of Heaven on Earth. (1)

  After the recommencement of the civil war, the peasants united under the Communist banner Land and Liberty, sometimes deifying Mao Tze-tung as the "Saving star" of the people.

  These utopian tendencies of all peasants once led many orthodox Marxists to declare that the peasantry cannot make a social revolution by themselves; they must have another class to lead them, such as the Third Estate in eighteenth-century France or the proletariat in nineteenth-century Russia. The experiences of the Russian Revolution caused many of these theoreticians to make it an almost iron-clad law that backward nations today cannot produce a revolution except under the leadership of the workers. The history of the Russian Social Revolutionaries, who got so tangled up in their coalitions that they zealously kept the muzhik away from the land in order not to lose their allies among the bankers, seemed to prove such a thesis. For as a direct result of their failure to come out for land confiscation, the Social Revolutionary party lost the support of the peasantry and collapsed before the Bolsheviks who took power. In like manner, after the kidnaping of Chiang Kai-shek in December 1936 the Chinese Communists, in exchange for a united front with the Kuomintang and the landlords against the Japanese, abandoned their program of land confiscation. Throughout the whole war they resolutely guarded the land from peasant seizure.

  Yet, far from losing the support of the peasants and going to pieces, the Communists planted themselves more firmly in the hearts of the farmers and grew stronger. Why? What was the difference?
原注一:太平天国的领导人洪秀全,是一个以救世主自居的落魄秀才,跟一个早期新教徒学了一些教义。他主张推翻满清统治,建立“人间的天堂”——太平天国。         (1) The leader of the Taiping Rebellion, Hung Hsiu-chttan, a poorly educated scholar of messianic vision, who had met an early Protestant missionary and become a Christian, advocated the overthrow of the Mancbus and the establishment of Tai Ping Tien Kuo - the Peaceful Kingdom of Heaven.
  抗日战争所造成的客观环境可以说是全部的答案。托洛茨基分子之所以震恐,并不在于中国共产党同意接受蒋介石的领导,而在于他们为了建立统一战线而放弃了“最基本的原则”。这在托洛茨基分子们看来,无疑是对革命的彻底背叛。然而,在抗日战争中,当务之急是挽救民族的危亡,根本谈不上进行国内革命。共产党人被迫在敌后坚持抗战,处于敌人包围之中,必须依靠人民群众建立根据地,才能生存。如果在当时当地发动一场解决阶级矛盾的国内战争,势必使这些根据地毁于一旦。

  因此,中共以民族战争代替了阶级战争。这种民族战争本身也是革命战争,它在人民中所起的动员作用,往往比土改的作用更大更快。抗日战争把自古以来就是分散经营、基本上各顾各的农民组织起来了,使他们认识到同心协力、集体行动的力量。农民在部队里接触了许多人,学到许多新思想,这本身就是一种革命的催化剂。在营房里,在练兵场和枪林弹雨的战场上,农民战士对共产党及其方针政策逐渐熟悉,这在和平时期是无法做到的。

  在开展游击战的人民战争中,农民战士又学会了分清谁是自己的敌人,谁是自己的朋友。由于以上原因,停止土地革命,并未像有人当初顾虑的那样,产生不利于革命的后果。
       


  The answer can be found almost entirely in conditions produced by the Japanese war. Trotskyites were horrified, not at the fact that the Communists submitted to the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, but that they gave up "the heart of their program" to obtain an alliance. This seemed to them like a complete betrayal of the revolution. But in fighting the Japanese there was no question of making a revolution, there was only a question of existing. Doomed as they were to fight in the heart of enemy territory, surrounded on all sides by hostile forces, the only way the Communists could even remain alive was to find bases among the people. To have started a class war would have endangered these bases.

  So the Communists abandoned class war for national war. But this national war, in itself, was revolutionary and often produced more ferment more quickly than the land reform might have done. In drawing hitherto scattered and essentially selfish peasants together, the war taught people the value of co-operation and collective action. The mingling of men and ideas was a revolutionary catalyst in itself. In the barracks, on the training ground and the battlefield, the peasant became familiar with the Communist party and its program in a way that would have been impossible in peacetime.

  In taking to guerrilla warfare, which depends almost entirely on the people, the peasant also learned to distinguish between friend and foe. Because of all these circumstances, the abandonment of the revolutionary land program did not have such unrevolutionary results as might have been expected from first glance.
  然而中共停止土地革命的做法,确曾使一部分贫雇农不满意。从他们饱经忧患的阅历之中,农民群众懂得,不应轻信那些到他们村中花言巧语进行游说的知识分子。只有分给他们土地,才能博得他们的信任。当中共取消了没收地主土地的政策,规劝贫雇农以抗日大局为重,不要触动地主时,这些农民心想,你的葫芦里卖的原来也是那种狗皮育药,于是暗自骂一声:“放NMD狗屁!”便悻悻而去。

  尽管有一部分贫雇农不满意,中共仍然坚持暂不把地主的土地分给农民,而只是根据国民党在一九二六年所通过的纲领,实行二五减租。从表面上看来,共产党似乎与国民党毫无二致。但是实际上,共产党的干部与国民党的官员是截然不同的,前者坚决执行了减租减息的规定。农民群众把这一点看在眼里,原来共产党的干部到底不一样,于是不再骂娘,又拥护共产党了。

  可是农民群众还是不敢大胆投入减租减息斗争,担心日本鬼子打过来,八路军一撤走,地主老财就会变本加厉地逼他们缴租子。另外,共产党也不可能同时在所有的地方开展减租减息,因为他们的工作跟不上。他们先在一些地方进行访贫问苦,召开诉苦大会发动群众。这样的活动很快在巩固的游击区内普遍开展起来。通过这种方式,共产党唤醒了农民群众的觉悟,使他们认识到,实行减租减息是他们的合法权利。每个村子都召开了群众大会,由贫雇农对地主破坏减租减息的罪行进行公开揭发和控诉。反对奴役式的租佃制以及反对高利贷的斗争,是抗日战争时期农民运动的主要内容。此外,长工、雇农反对地主、富农的斗争,也是这一时期农民运动的重要组成部分。佃农为减轻地租而斗争,雇农的斗争则是为了改善劳动条件。

  农村的这两股力量,看到他们能够清算地主的某些剥削行为,于是进而为一些与地租无关的剥削形式,如苛捐杂税和无偿劳役之类,向地主提出了赔偿的要求。此时,地主只好眼睁睁地看着自己的统治发生动摇而束手无策。在减租减息运动中表现最积极的,往往是那些武装民兵,他们放下地里的话去保卫村子免遭日本鬼子入侵,因此要求地主给以补偿。虽然地主也并非是一点实力也没有,但除了投敌搬兵以外,无计可施。

  同时,农民群众的要求与日具增,终于形成了以诉苦和斗争会为中心的群众运动。这种诉苦和斗争会注定成为中国革命常用的形式。
       

  Nevertheless, the Communist program did alienate some of the poor peasants, the tenants and the long-term workers. From bitter experience the peasant had learned to distrust any intellectual who came to his village with fine promises. Only if you gave him land did the poor peasant think you meant business. When the Communists abandoned land confiscation and told the tenantry and the rural workers that they must forget about the landlords and fight the Japanese, these dispossessed men saw behind such fine promises nothing but the ancient double cross. "Fang kuo pi" ("dog-wind-blowing"), they muttered under their breath and went on their way.

  Despite all the importunities of the poor, the Communists resolutely kept the land from the peasants and merely went ahead with a rent-reduction program based on Kuomintang legislation passed in 1926, which cut all rents by one-quarter. Outwardly, this identified the Communists with the Kuomintang. The difference, however, between the Kuomintang was that cadre tried to enforce rent-reduction regulations. When the peasant saw this, he stopped and turned around. Here was a different kind of official.

  Even then the peasant did not rush into a struggle to reduce his rents. He was afraid that if the Japanese drove away the 8th Route Army, the landlord might demand back much more than he had been forced to give up. Nor could the Communists themselves enforce rent reductions everywhere. They simply did not have the, apparatus. All they could do was seek out a few poor peasants and listen sympathetically to their tales of woe. In a few villages, they suggested that these peasants call meetings and publicly tell their troubles. When one or two villages had done just this, the process by contagion spread from village to village throughout the more firmly established guerrilla areas. As the Communists awakened the peasant to his legal rights, each village held meetings at which tenants publicly accused landlords of violating the regulations for rent reduction. This struggle against peonage conditions of rent and also against the high interest rates of the usurers became during the Japanese war the chief element of the peasant movement. A smaller, but still important place was occupied by the struggle of "long-term" workers which brought them into opposition, not only to the landlords but to the rich peasants. The tenant struggled for the alleviation of conditions of rent, the worker for improvement of conditions of labor.

  When these two forces in the villages saw that they could hold landlords accountable for specific deeds of exploitation, they began to go further and demand compensation for other forms of exploitation not necessarily connected with land rents - such as surtaxes, grain levies and labor requisitions. If the landlord saw the ground slipping beneath his feet, there was not much he could do about it. The very farmer who was most active in demanding rent reductions was often an armed militiaman who wanted recompense for the time spent from his fields in guarding the village from the Japanese. Short of turning over to the enemy and calling in his troops, the landlord was, while not powerless, hamstrung.

  In the meantime the peasant demand swelled until it shaped into mass movements, centered around Accusation, Speak Bitterness and Struggle meetings. These were destined to become the organs of the Chinese Revolution.
  一切社会革命,与宫廷政变不同,都具有真正的创造性。在革命时期,那些受旧社会压迫的人们,为了摆脱他们所处的绝境的迫切需要,创造了夺取政权的新形式和新方法。中国农民所创造的各种机构,向中国共产党提示了争取人民群众最有效的途径。这些初期的民意机构意义非同小可,不论如何估计也不致过份。它们并非工会组织,也不是苏维埃,更不是理事会,只不过是一种讲坛,农民可以在这里公开发表他们的意见,倾诉他们的疾苦。这本身就是革命。山西有句俗话:“天下没有穷人的理”,这是千真万确的。一个贫苦的佃户,如果他既没有加入什么秘密会社,又无某位有势力的人物作为靠山,那他就不可能被当作人来看待,只不过是地主收租簿上的一个帐号而已。这类贱民往往连个大名也没有,人们就根据其身体上的某些特征来称呼他们,如“王麻子”、“李歪脖”、“张长耳”,等等。在中国,这样的无名氏比比皆是。正是这一类人物,现在居然在大庭广众中,当着村里的穷哥儿们和财主老爷们,站起来说话了。这本身就是革命,就是宣告与过去彻底决裂。他们一举撕下了禁闭了他们一生的嘴上封条,也就砸碎了禁锢他们的封建枷锁。他们有生以来头一回在这样的场合开口说话,开始时有点不习惯,但一言既出,使如江河奔泻,滔滔不绝地倾诉心头之恨。

  一次又一次,一村又一村我聆听了那些苦大仇深的农民当众倾吐苦水。一个贫苦的农民站了出来,诉说他的父亲是怎样饿死的,因为地主抢走了他们家的粮食去抵阎王债。又一个拖儿带女、靠纺线糊口的寡妇站起来说:“大伙儿瞧瞧,俺死了男人,又没地。俺一年里收不上两斤棉花,可他们硬逼俺交五斤棉花的租子。俺哪里交得起呢!他们就逼俺的孩子们替他们干活。可怜俺一个妇道人家,整天价干的都是男人的活。吃都吃不饱,哪里有力气?还成天挨打受骂……”说到这里,她禁不住痛哭流涕,泣不成声。这是悲愤的泪水,也是出气的泪水。她总算找到了能对之哭诉自己满腹苦楚的人了。


  这不仅具有心理上的意义,而且还具有更广泛的社会意义。一人诉苦,引起众人的共鸣。听众中就有人感到他们有着共同的不幸遭遇,不禁叹道:“唉!俺也受过那份罪啊!”往往一个人还没讲完,另一个就站起来抢着说;“你讲的敢情是够苦的,可听俺说,俺受的苦还要大。”通过这种途径,那些向来各顾各的农民们,有了同病相怜之感。他们开始从政治上进行归纳,不但把自己看作是个人,而且看作是整个社会的一部分。但眼下他们的斗争仍未超出其所在的村子的范围。
          Every social revolution, as distinct from a palace revolt, is truly creative. Out of the urgent necessity to escape from the blind alley where society has cornered them, people in times of revolution invent entirely new forms and methods by which they can struggle to power. So these various organs created by Chinese peasants themselves suggested to the Chinese Communists a way they might most effectively reach the people.

  It is impossible to overestimate the significance of these primitive organs of public opinion. They were not unions, not soviets, not even councils. They were merely instruments whereby the peasant could speak his mind in public and pour out his troubles to a host of sympathetic listeners. This in itself was revolutionary. An old saying in Shansi that "poor man has no right to talk" was literally quite true. A tenant, if he were unaffihiated with a secret society and had no connections with someone of influence, was not a man at all; he was a mere cipher in a landlord's rent equation. Most often, this humble beast did not even have a name, but was called by some aspect of his physical features. Scarface, Crooked Head, Lop Ear - the number of these nameless creatures was legion in the land. For such a man to stand up and speak before his fellow villagers, both rich and poor, constituted by its very nature a revolutionary break with the past. In the same moment that he burst through the walls of silence that had enveloped him all his life, the peasant also tore asunder the chains that had bound him to feudalism. Awkwardly at first the words crawled from his throat, but once the first word passed his lips, there came gushing forth, not only an unarrestable torrent of speech, but the peasant's soul.

  Time and again, in village after village, I have heard these farmers confessing their bitterness to avid listeners. A poor peasant climbs to his feet and tells how his father died of starvation because the landlord took his crops to pay a loan made at an interest rate of 100 percent. Or a landless widow with two children who makes her living from spinning gets up and says: "Look, I have no man, no land. In one year I cannot harvest two catties of cotton. They say I must pay a levy of five catties. But when I cannot get it, they make me give them my children to work for them. Just look at me! I am a woman, but I must work as a man. But I am woek from hunger and I cannot work well. So I am beaten." and she breaks into tears. Tears of relief, as well as anguish, I might add; for at last in her own people she has found the priest to whom she can cry out her sorrows.

  This psychological medal had its reverse social side. For as one man tells his troubles, another listens and identifies his own troubles with the words of the speaker. "My God!" he says to himself, "that happened to me, too." Or, as often happened, one peasant would interrupt another. "That you say is all well enough; but listen to me, my bitterness is much more." By such methods, the typically selfish peasant began to identify himself with other men. He began to generalize politically, to see himself both as an individual and as a part of society. For the moment, however, he confined himself to struggling against conditions in his own village.
  斗争的方法因地而异,在不同的阶段,也有不同的斗争形式。大致而言,早期的斗争可分为两个阶段。第一阶段是农民尝试运用刚刚争取到的发言权的阶段。在第二阶段,他们提出了进行更广泛改革的要求。佃户和长工们开始还认地主为东家,但是一当他们意识到他们有能力打倒地主分田地时,就不满足于减租和涨工钱了,他们要求立即分给他们土地。

  抗战期间,有许多村子里的地主投靠日本人当了汉奸,那里的农民们分地的要求尤为坚决。到了抗战末期,共产党满足了部分群众的要求。但总的说来,在日本人仍然近在咫尺的情况下,他们对农民加以约束,不使发生过火行动。但在日本投降之后,那些贫苦农民就不听这一套了。共产党使他们觉悟到自身的权利,现在他们就要求行使这种权利。这种要求很快遍及整个光复地区,汇成一片惊天动地的怒吼。
          The methods of struggle varied according to local conditions. The methods and forms also changed at various stages of the struggle. But in general the early struggles had two stages. In the first stage the peasant was still testing out his new-found powers of speech. In the next stage, he demanded more sweeping reforms. Both tenant and rural workers had started out by recognizing the landlord as boss, but as soon as they saw the possibility of abolishing all landlords and taking the land, the tenant and the worker ceased to be interested in questions of rent or higher wages. They wanted land of their own. And at once.

  During the war, many landlords had gone over to the Japanese and the demands of the people in these villages were particularly insistent. Toward the end of the war, the Communists gave in to some of these demands, but on the whole they were able to keep the peasants in line as long as the Japanese remained near at hand. With the Japanese surrender, however, poorer peasants could no longer be put off with talk. The Communists had awakened them to their rights and they wanted them. This demand spilled over into areas liberated from the Japanese and soon reached a threatening chorus.
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发表于 2011-10-21 22:30 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 stern 于 2011-10-21 22:53 编辑

http://www.chinashakestheworldbook.com/Section_28.htm


第七章 土地与革命
       
CHAPTER VII

LAND AND REVOLUTION
第二十八节 奴隶反抗了
       
28. Revolt of the Slaves

  奴隶们通常只是在以下两种境况下才起来反抗他们的主人,一是实在活不下去了,非造反别无生路;二是看准了成功的时机。

  日军投降并撤出华北以后,原沦陷区的广大贫苦农民正处于上述两种境况之下,于是便起来造反了。国家权力机构的暂时消失,给予了他们成功的时机;无法忍受的悲惨生活,迫使他们非打倒地主不可。

  他们的反抗虽然受到了来自解放区的革命思想和斗争方法的影响,但或多或少仍带有自发的性质,并无更大的政治目标。造反的农民没有认识到必须夺取农衬的政权,甚至也没有想到要推翻封建土地制度。

  他们想要做的只是清算那些卖国投敌的汉奸,其中多数往往就是本村的大地主。不仅是贫雇农,甚至连富农和小地主也参加了清算斗争汉奸的运动。由于需要救济生活困难的贫苦农民,才在运动中触及分配土地的问题。特别是那些佃户雇农们,他们苦大仇深,与地主阶级更是不共戴天。地主不仅夺走了他们的粮食,甚至把他们留的种子也搜刮一空,拿去供奉日本鬼子。锅碗盆勺、农具家什,统统被洗劫。说是日本人征用,实际上一半进了地主的仓房。地主的“狗腿子”假借“皇军征用”的名义,闯进家门,抢去了他们仅有的被褥里的棉絮。

  我曾听过河南一个农民诉说,一个当了伪军队长的地主管家如何把他关进监牢,扬言只有把他的女儿送给那个队长才放他出狱。一个中农的妻子哭诉了地主是怎样霸占了他家的十亩地,为了灭口杀害了她的丈夫,并把尸首扔进野外的煤坑里。还有一次,竟有一百四十多个受迫害的农民同声控诉鲁西的一个地主。为了替日本人修工事,这个地主逼迫他们往山上运送石料,地主的狗腿子手拿棍棒跟在后面监工。在这次苦役中,有的人被砸断了胳膊腿,有的被压折了腰。
       

SLAVES generally revolt against their masters under only two conditions: either they see no other way to save their lives or they see a chance of success.

  When the Japanese surrendered and retreated from North China, the poorer peasants in the former occupied areas, under pressure from both of these ideas, revolted. The temporary disappearance of all state power gave them the chance for success, and the terrible conditions under which they had been living made a revolt against the landlords imperative.

  Though fertilized by ideas and methods of struggle jumping over from Communist areas, this uprising was more or less spontaneous. It had few political aims. The peasants did not think of taking power in the villages. They did not even think of overthrowing the landlord system.

  All they thought to do was to settle with their traitors who, it just so happened, were most often big landlords. Not only the tenants and the rural workers, but the rich peasants and even small landlords joined the antitraitor movement. But it was the poor peasant's need for relief that gave the movement its eventual characteristic of a demand for land. The tenants, especially, were nursing bottomless reservoirs of bitterness against the landlords. Not only their grain had been uncovered by the landlords and turned over to the Japanese, but even their seed. Pots, pans, even metal farm tools had been taken to meet the Japanese levies, but half the levy had gone into the landlords' storerooms. "Dog legs" (1) had come into their homes and taken the very cotton out of their quilts to meet fictitious Japanese demands.

  A peasant in Honan tells how a puppet commander, a landlord's bailiff, threw him in jail and would not let him out until he had given him his daughter. The wife of a middle farmer tells how a landlord forcibly took ten mow of her husband's land and then shot him and threw him in a coalpit outside of town so that no one would be left to take revenge. One hundred and forty peasants tell how a landlord in western Shantung made them roll stones up the side of a mountain for the Japanese while his dog legs walked behind with clubs, and how their legs, arms and backs were broken in the labor.
原注一:“狗腿”是指地主的爪牙。         (1) A stooge. Common peasant term for a landlord's agent.

  战争使穷人更加贫因。饥饿和失去土地的苦痛,使他们更难容忍地主老财的骄奢淫逸。最先起来进行斗争的往往是那些最贫穷的村庄。那里的群众发起的“清算大会”,为共产党提供了一种新的斗争形式。许多村子里,一开斗争汉奸的大会,农民群众压抑在心头的满腔怒火立即爆发了。他们强烈要求把汉奸地主的土地和财物分给他们,以弥补他们所遭受的苦难。

  被地主强行霸占去的一切财物都必须物归原主,少一文钱也不答应。十月里一个凉爽的早晨,在鲁西一个名叫李官屯的村子里,手拿棍棒钢叉的农民挨家挨户动员老少乡亲出来参加斗争地主毛顺邦的群众大会。会上,一个怒不可遏的农民站出来控诉:“二月初三,你抢走了我三百块钱。那年月印把子不在咱们手里,咱不敢吭一声。你干的坏事谁个不知?你还帮日本鬼子抢咱们的棉花。现在就要你还!”人群也呼喊起来:“非还不可!非还不可!”另一个佃户挤到台前说:“俺家好几口人命都死在你手里。眼下俺们还在挨饿。你把抢走的东西统统还给俺们!”这个地主被迫交出了五百四十亩地,七栋房屋,有百十来棵栎树的一片树林,以及家具等物。群众给地主留下了三十亩地和一栋房屋。

  这个汉奸运气还不坏,总算保住了自己的脑袋,可是也并非处处皆如此。在曾经被日军占领过的山西省某山区,农民清算地主的方式就暴烈得多。在抗战期间,这一带山区和附近的平原地区都未曾进驻过八路军,地主对农民的奴役根深蒂固,地主利用土地盘剥农民特别残酷,这一带农村的贫困状况也尤为明显。日本鬼子一撤走,反奸清算运动立即风起云涌般开展起来。这里发生过一些恐怖行为,在群众越是落后的地区,他们的行动也就越是暴烈。

  在山西省某地,群众召开了诉苦大会,曾经在抗战期间杀害过十八个农民的某地主三兄弟被押进了会场,会场上顿时群情激恼。群众怒不可遏,将到会的干部挤到了一旁,把这三个地主吊在大树上。在太行山区一个名叫窦马庄的材子,群众抓住了一个地主的狗腿子,硬是用石块把他给砸死了。在与窦马庄毗邻的一个村子,大伙把一个曾经当过伪军队长的地主抓来,给他套上一挂犁,用鞭子赶着他犁地。人们一边赶一边喊道;“过去你把咱们当牲口使唤,现在也让你尝尝这个滋味!”

  村子里新来了一批青年学生,都是怀着美好的理想从北平跑到解放区来的。他们根本不了解农民所经历的苦难之深重,想要把这里的农民运动纳入既定的轨道。然而农民却认为他们多管闲事,根本不理他们那一套,还说:“你们这些知识分子懂个屁!”连新从外面来的八路军战士们也无法使激愤的群众平静下来。在冀中的一个战士告诉我:“有一天,我们四个战土押送一个汉奸到县里去。半道上路过一个村子,村里的老百姓闻讯后一下子跑过来把我们的大车给围住了,不大功夫就围上了百十来人。他们问道:‘你们把他带到哪儿去?’我们回答说:‘送到县政府去。’他们说;‘不行!不准走!’好家伙!群众有一百多人,一个个横眉立目,满脸杀气。我们呢,才四个人。他们嚷道:‘把这个汉奸交给我们,要不你们就别想走得了!’他妈的,有啥办法!”
       

  The war had made the poor even poorer. The lack of land and hunger made the neighboring landlords' opulence and luxury especially intolerable. The more destitute of the villages moved into the front of the ranks of the fight. It was they who organized Settlement Meetings and thus gave to the Communists another form of struggle. As impromptu wartime trials got underway in many villages, the peasants' pent-up anger suddenly burst forth in a violent demand for the lands and goods of the traitors in settlement for their suffering.

  Everything must be paid back, not one robbed cent must be kept. On a cool October morning, the peasants of the village of Likwantun in westen Shantung, going from door to door, armed with clubs and pitchforks, called out everybody, small and great, to a meeting against the landlord Maosunpang. "On February 3, you robbed me of three hundred dollars," says one angry peasant. "At that time we had no power. We dared not speak. Your bad behavior is known by everybody. You helped the Japanese rob us of cotton. Now you must pay it back." The crowd shouts: "You must pay! You must pay!" Another tenant struggles up to the front of he meeting. "You killed several members of my family. We are starving. You must give back what you robbed from us." To meet his debt, the landlord has to sell his grove of a hundred oak trees, his furniture, ninety acres of land and seven of his eight houses. The poor leave the landlord only five acres of land and one house.

  That particular traitor was lucky. The people at least left him his head. Such was not the case everywhere. In the mountainous part of Shansi that had been occupied by the Japanese, the people settled with their landlords in a particularly violent way. In these mountains, and the adjoining plains where the 8th Route Army had not penetrated during the war, the relics of serfdom had deep roots; the landlords' hold on the land was particularly parasitic; and the poverty of the village most nakedly revealed. Bursting out after the retreat of the Japanese, the movement immediately became adorned with acts of terror - the more barbarous because the people were more backward.

  In a certain district of Tzehisen County in Shansi, three landlord brothers, who had been responsible for the deaths of eighteen farmers during the war, were hauled before a Speak Bitterness Meeting, during which the passions of the crowd mounted to such heights that cadres who had come to watch the meeting were brushed aside and the landlords strung up to trees. In the Taihang Mountains, the village of Toumachuang seized a dog leg and beat him to death with stones. In another near-by village, peasants took a landlord who had been a puppet commander of the Japanese, hitched him up to a plow, cracked a whip across his back and drove him around the fields. "You treated us like beasts," shouted the peasants, "And now you can be our animal."

  Some newly arrived students from Peiping, who had come over to the Liberated Areas with very idealistic thoughts, having no idea of the depths of the peasants' bitterness, tried to keep the movement within bounds. They were brushed aside as so many interfering busybodies. "You intellectuals are useless." Even the newly arrived soldiers often found it impossible to calm the enraged peasants. A soldier in central Hopei told me: "Four of us were taking a traitor to the county government. As we passed a village the Lao Pal Hsing rushed out and crowded around our cart. Soon there were a hundred of them. "Where are you taking him?" they wanted to know. "To the government," we said. "No you don't," said they. Well, I ask you. There were a hundred of them. Just four of us. And then what looks they had in their eyes. They meant murder, if it came to that. "You're not going any further," said they, "Unless you give us our traitor." Toma! What could we do?"
  农民动辄威逼地主,因为他们知道,把地主的传统权力打掉一些,并不违反zf的法规。当日本人撤退时,大批伪职人员也逃之夭夭。在这一带没有任何政府机构。当时八路军正集结在国民党占领区的边界一带,除进驻了几座较大的城镇之外,尚未深入到广大农村。边区政府机构有限,对于大部分农村,一时也来不及接管。农民协会控制了民兵武装,但并无司法机构,共产党一时鞭长莫及。

  当时,大部分干部都还缺乏经验,尤其是某些非党干部,对农民不服从政府的领导,更是忧心忡忡。而县的干部则担心被指责为包庇地主。在冀中地区,那些不顾群众的反对,硬要把被斗争的汉奸从他所在的村子带走的干部们,受到上级领导的严厉批评:“你们绝不能这样干,这种干法是不得人心的。我们应该遵从群众的意愿。”

  然而要真正遵从群众、特别是那些最贫穷也是最积极的农民的意愿,却远非易事。他们有如脱经的烈马,横冲直撞,迅猛异常。斗争汉奸的群众运动势如燎原之火,从一个村庄延烧到另一个村庄。不仅是贫雇农,往往连中农甚至小地主也都投入了斗争。因此,这场运动具有广泛民主的特点。这既是它的长处,同时也是它的弱点。中农看到汉奸大地主被斗倒,贫苦农民被霸占的财物得到了偿还,他们便急不可耐,也想分享一份。但汉奸大多欠债累累,即使倾家荡产,也难以还清。小地主和富农便产生了疑惧:这样下去,何处是个头?于是转而采取了观望的态度。而那些最积极的贫苦农民,一旦投入清算汉奸的运动,却越干越带劲。有些地方的大地主跟随日本人逃跑了,无法对其进行清算斗争,群众就没收其财产。成群结队的男女农民,尤其是那些家无隔夜粮的贫苦农户,冲进地主的宅院,撵走地主的管家,把粮食牲畜分光,然后在大门上贴封条。在山东农村,当农民群众打开地主的仓库时,发现里头有大批财物原属他们自己所有,这些财物都是被地主以供日军征用的借口掠去的。我还听说过这样的事,有一个地主的女儿,看不惯她父亲欺压穷苦农民的行为,毅然站到农民群众一边,帮助他们分她父亲的财物。农民群众认为,分地主的家财有理,他们说;“过去他把咱的东西都抢走了,现在咱只是把它夺回来。”


       

  The peasant found it easy to make threats because in bringing pressure to bear against the traditional rights of the landlord he had hardly to come in conflict with the state at all. When the Japanese left, many of the puppets fled with them and there were no government organs of any kind. Then the 8th Route Army penetrated only a few of the larger towns and not many of the villages because they were gathering on the borders of the Kuomintang areas. Finally the organs of the Border Region govertunent were too scanty to take over the great majority of the villages. Village committees controlled the militia; there were no courts; the commissars were powerless.

  Some of the more inexperienced nonparty cadres - and the majority were inexperienced in this situation - were grieved that the peasants would not submit to the government. But the county comnlissars were afraid of seeming like defenders of the landlords. In central Hopei cadres who tried to take a traitor away from a village against the people's wishes were sharply reprimanded by their superiors. "You are interfering with the wishes of the people. You mustn't do that. We have to follow the people."

  The people - anyway, the poorest and the most active farmers - were hard to follow. They had the bit in their teeth and they moved fast. The antitraitor movement leaped like a flame from village to village. In this not only the poor, but the middle farmers and even the small landlords often participated. The movement thus had a very broad democratic character. That was both its strength and its weakness. When the middle farmer saw the traitors - that is, some of the biggest landlords - going under and the poor being compensated for what had been taken from them, they rushed in for their share, too. But the debts of the traitors were so great that often their whole property could not satisfy their creditors. The small landlord and the rich peasant began to wonder where this would end. He started to hold aloof. But once embarked on settling with the traitors, the resoluteness of the most active poor farmers grew faster even than their numbers. Where some of the largest landlords had fled away with the Japanese the peasants had no way of settlement but to take the nobles?property themselves. Troops of peasant men and peasant wenches, especially when their grain stocks got low, marched on the landlords' homes, drove away the bailiffs, carried off the cattle, took the grain and sealed the houses. In Shantung they began to raid the landlords' granaries, drive out the agents and plunder the storerooms where they very often found their own belongings which the landlords had taken from them under the pretext of satisfying Japanese levies. In one case like this that I know of, the peasants were helped by the landlord's daughter who hated her father for the way he had treated the poor. The peasants justified the seizure of property, saying: "He robbed it from us; now we shall take back what was ours."

  但农民群众也并非是毫无节制的。中华民族也绝不是野蛮人。虽然不少华北农民具有鞑靼民族的血统,但同时他们也拥有悠久的文明传统。中国人一向以他们的通情达理而自豪。

  在中国,制止一场争吵最常用的办法是说:“咱们来讲讲道理。" 所以俄国革命的许多特点在中国农村甚为罕见。混乱的局面,确实有过,抢劫的行为,也的确发生过。但却并未发生过大肆捣毁房舍、砸门翘窗、洞屋穿墙的暴行,更没有乱伐果树的破坏行径。因为群众想要把这些东西保留下来收归已有。至于打死人的事,那是农民群众为了报仇雪恨。也不见得单纯是报私仇,这是群众共同的仇恨,同仇敌忾的呼声发自全村群众的肺腑。因为当时尚未建立司法机关,所以农民群众只好自执其法了。以上涉及到的仅仅是清算运动的一个方面。另一方面,农民群众并不是对所有的汉奸地主都进行清算,被清算的仅是其中罪大恶极者。斗争的矛头还不是针对整个地主阶级。那些罪恶昭彰的大汉奸虽被处置了,但其幕后操纵者却仍然逍遥法外,依旧作威作福,欺压人民。在抗战期间,地主往往指派一帮地痞流氓充当村长,投靠日本人为害乡里。如今,这些地痞流氓也许已经得到了应有的惩罚,可是幕后的地主却依然握有势力,继续玩弄种种阴谋诡计对抗群众。

  在山东省的范庄,有一个地主将日本人撤走时留下的一万五千斤粮食私吞了一万斤,而只将剩下的五千斤分给农民群众。当大家表示不满时,他就成胁说:“少废话!区公所里可有咱的人。”一句话就把老乡们给吓住了。从他们一生的经历中,农民群众深知,你要是在区公所里没有沾亲带故的人,去告状也是白搭。生活世故使他们误以为八路军的政府与其它政府都是一丘之貉。

  那些不法地主一面在干部和群众之间进行挑拨离间,一面采取高压手段迫使群众敢怒而不敢言。当时,大多数村子都尚未进驻八路军,地主就乘机对农民群众进行威胁,说什么谁要想召开清算大会,就会遭到严惩。他们不光是进行威胁,有时公然绑架苦主,甚至雇人放“黑枪”暗杀积极分子。这样的形势给共产党增加了很大的压力。当某个汉奸被愤怒的群众清算之后,其家属往往也就失去了生活着落。这种状况如果继续发展下去,势将带来无政府主义,并引起普遍的不满情绪。另一方面,地主正在极力压制农民,而农民又急需土地,他们对土地的要求越来越强烈。对于这些受到地主威胁的农民,如果不及时采取措施为他们撑腰,他们就会陷入绝望之中。
       

  There was a limit, however. The Chinese are not wild people. Though there is a Tartar strain in many North China peasants, there is also a thick veneer of civilization. The Chinese pride themselves on their reasonableness.

  The most common way of halting an argument in China is to say: "Let us speak reasonably." Consequently, many characteristics of the Russian Revolution were lacking to Chinese villages. There were disorders - yes, looting - yes. But no mass depredations of homes. No smashing of windows, doors, ceilings. No cutting down of orchards. The people wanted to keep these things for themselves. As far as killings went, the peasant wanted his revenge. It was not a case always of private revenge, but collective revenge, a great passionate demand welling up from the depths of whole villages. Since there were no courts, the peasants had to take the job in hand themselves. But that was only one side of the movement, there was another side. Only the most criminal landlords - and not all of these - were settled with by the peasants. There was no attempt to settle with landlords, as such. Thus, the worst, that is, the open and flagrant traitors were done away with, but the men who stood behind the traitors and were still suppressing the people remained. During the Japanese war, the landlords had often appointed a village rascal to be the village chief and do the dirty work of the Japanese against the peasantry. Thus, though the rascal might be punished, the landlord would still remain in power, carrying on endless intrigues against the people.

  In Fancbuang in Shantung Province, the Japanese, when they retreated, left behind fifteen thousand catties of grain. Five thousand catties the landlord gave to the people, and the rest he put in his private storeroom. When villagers complained, he said: "Keep quiet. I have friends in the chu [sub-county] government." Such a remark in itself was enough to silence the farmer. For all his life the peasant had seen that there was no chance to settle any of his grievances unless he had a relative in the chu government. Now, cynical as circumstances had taught him to be, he began to think the government of the 8th Route Army the same as any other government.

  While the landlords were playing the peasant off against the cadre, they also sometimes took more drastic means to silence the peasant. In villages where the army had not penetrated - and that meant most villages - the landlords threatened the peasants with dire punishment if they held any settlement meetings. Often the landlord went beyond threats. Sometimes, he kidnaped the most dissatisfied peasants. In other cases, he hired "blackshooters" (2) to kill them.

  All these circumstances brought a heavy pressure on the Communist party. Angry peasants settling with a traitor often left the traitor's family no means of living. Such acts, if allowed to continue, would lead inevitably to anarchy and wholesale discontent. On the other hand, landlords were actively suppressing peasants whose need for land was great and whose demands were growing more insistent. Those peasants threatened by the landlords would lose all hope unless steps were taken to relieve them immediately.
原注二:“打黑枪”这个词有两重含义,它既指秘密暗杀,又指杀手有时候把脸涂黑以免被认出的行为。         (2) This term has a double meaning. The first is allegorical and refers to "secret assassins." The second is descriptive and refers to the fact that assassins actually black their faces in order to avoid identification.
  农民对土地的要求,使共产党处于进退维谷的境地。他们实行了八年的改良方针,现在客观形势的发展要求他们采取革命的方针。在政治上改变方针,不像足球比赛中交换场地那样方便。如果他们满足农民的要求,就必然会使一部分抗日地主离心离德,这些地主在抗战期间分别担任了地方政府甚至边区政府的领导职务。同时,他们也会因此失去国民党统治区民主人士的同情,乃至失去国外人士的普遍好感。他们在国外一向被视为是开明的民主主义者和侠义之士。可是,如果他们不满足农民的要求,他们就会失去广大群众的支持。

  其时,马歇尔的和平调解濒临失败,内战迫在眉睫。对于共产党来说,没有农民的支持而打一场战争是不堪设想的。然而,要向已经存在了两千多年的社会形态进行挑战,则有可能脱离除农村的贫雇农以外的各阶层的人,作这样的决断又谈何容易。

  共产党暂不作决定,而是先召集各地干部总结经验,研究情况,讨论下一步应该怎么走。一九四五年的秋天过去了,农民要求得到土地的迫切愿望与日俱增。整整一年未作出决策。一九四六年的春天来临,耕耘播种的季节到了,该是迅速作决策的时候了。共产党仍然按兵不动。这一拖延,使边区军民愈加感到蒋介石的军队兵临城下的危机。共产党在此历史性的决策之前,徘徊再三,就像是一个等待着冲锋陷阵的战士。这一着的进退,将决定全局的胜负。老是等着等着,叫人心烦意乱,神经紧张得受不了,不知道下一步会发生什么,真想豁出去看看。共产党有如处身于过去与未来的交界线上,等在那里。后退一步——与地主阶级言和;前进一步——向封建主义开战。这一决策实在事关重大。

  一九四六年夏天,党中央终于向各个县委下达了平分土地的指示。决策已定,义无反顾。
          But the demand for land threw the Communists onto the horns of a dilemma. They had been practicing a reformist policy for eight years; now the circumstances demanded they put into practice a revolutionary policy. To reverse your field is no more easy in politics than it is in football. If they acceded to peasant demands, the Communists might very well alienate many anti-Japanese landlords who bad become leaders in local and even regional governments during the war; they might lose the sympathy of liberals within the Kuomintang and the great reservoir of respect they had built up abroad where they were often looked upon as a cross between enlightened democrats and latter-day saints. But if they did not accede to the demands of the peasantry, they would lose their mass support.

  About this time, the Marshall peace negotiations had begun to break down; civil war was certain. To fight a war without peasant support was impossible for the Communists, and yet - to throw down the gauntlet to a society that had existed for two thousand years, to risk the alienation of everyone but the poor peasants and the rural workers, that, too, seemed difficult.

  The Communist party delayed. In the meantime, it called back local cadres and began to collate their experiences, trying to wrest from a welter of details a proper course of action. Autumn 1945 passed. The demands of the peasants grew more urgent. Winter 1946 came and went. Still no decision. Spring came. Time for planting. Time for decision. Still the Communists held back. The delay made everyone feel more keenly the menace of Chiang Kai-shek's armies battering on the threshold of the Border Regions. The Communist party, hovering on the brink of this historic decision, was like a soldier waiting to cross the line into enemy territory. One step forward or one step backward and the thing is over and done with, but it is the waiting that frays tired nerves, starts up uneasy thought and makes one wonder what is on the other side of that line. One longs to go over that line and find out what is there. Just so the Communist party stood on the borderline between the past and the future - and waited. One step back - peace with the landlords; one step forward - war with feudalism. Truly a terrible decision to make.

  In the summer of 1946, messengers brought down to the county commissars the word: "Divide the land." The party had cast the die. From now on there could be no retreat.
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http://www.chinashakestheworldbook.com/Section_29.htm



第七章 土地与革命
       
CHAPTER VII

LAND AND REVOLUTION
第二十九节 地主的破坏与农民的反击
       
29. Plot and Counterplot
  人们不会那么随便地起来闹革命,推翻旧社会,正如他们不会随便同妻子离婚,另寻新欢一样。中国的农民并非总是自动地向封建堡垒发起猛攻的,共产党往往必须手把手地领导他们冲锋陷阵。而在反封建势力的斗争中,共产党干部也并非总是十分坚决的,有时也需要农民在后面推他们一把。干部与群众的关系,就像是一对深入敌后的侦察兵,他们相互壮着胆,一同进入敌区。开始其中一人有些踌躇,后来另一个人又趔趄不前,最后两人终于并肩向前冲去。

  某些干部之所以发生动摇,其根源在于他们复杂的个人出身。虽然共产党制定了土地改革的方针政策并主持其贯彻,但在农村直接领导运动的却是救国会。往往是三、五个非党干部组成一个工作组,奉派到一个村子去发动群众斗争地主。工作组员的成份相当复杂,他们大多是一些青年学生或知识分子。正如同大多数知识分子一样,他们往往怀着美好的理想,但一旦要落实到行动上时,却又退缩不前了。他们当中许多人之所以能当上干部,主要是因为他们有文化,能知书断字。在中国农村,凡是能知书断字的人,一般都是些地主子女,至少也是富农或中农的子女。干部们所要斗争的对像,正是那些与他们有着共同教养和出身的人,他们的理想激励他们向前进,可是他们出身的影响却拖他们的后腿,阻止他们向自己的同类宣战。然而在干部队伍中,也有不少久经考验、立场坚定的老干部,还有一批具有一定文化的农民子弟,他们是领导这场运动的中坚力量。

  对于农民来说,问题要尖锐得多;与地主的斗争关系到他们的生死存亡。如果尚有别的活路可寻,他们连想都不会想去进行这种形式的斗争。客观环境遇得他们实在走投无路。左邻右舍都在饥饿线上挣扎,家人一一含恨而死,同样的命运在等待着自己。然而在经年累月中慢慢地死去,毕竟比死于旦夕要容易接受一些。就一般的农民而言,当他们面临着将来死于饥饿,或者即刻死于地主的屠刀之下时,选择前者也毕竟要容易得多。
       

PEOPLE do not revolt against society and commit revolution any more eagerly than a man breaks up a marriage in order to begin a new love affair. In China, the peasant did not always storm the manorial citadels of his own accord; the party often had to lead him by the hand to the assault. Nor did the Communist cadre always rush eagerly against the bastions of feudal power; the peasant sometimes had to push him from behind. Peasant and cadre were like a two-man patrol into enemy territory; they went forward into the unknown by a process of mutual encouragement, first one holding back, then the other, then both rushing forward together.

  What held back the cadre was his complex character. Although the party laid down the land-reform policy and often helped carry it out, it was the National Salvation Association that directly led the movement in the villages. Teams of four and five nonparty cadres would enter a village and try to arouse it against the landlord. The composition of these teams was, contradictory. Very often the cadres were ex-students or intellectuals. As with most intellectuals, they had fine ideas, but drew back when it came to putting the ideas into action. Also, many had become cadres because they could read and write. But anyone in the Chinese countryside who can read and write is generally the son or daughter of, if not a landlord, at least a rich peasant or a middle farmer. Very often the man against whom the cadre had to struggle was the one with whom he had most in common in the way of education and upbringing. Thus, while the cadre's ideas impelled him forward, his inheritance pulled him back from warfare against his own kind. Among the cadres, however, there was a leavening of older, resolute men and also a bitter group of young peasant boys with some education who took the lead in the fight on the landlords.

  As for the peasant, his problem was much more critical. Figiting the landlord to him was a simple matter of life or death. He would not have even considered such a struggle had he seen any other way out. Circumstances had put his back against the wall. His neighbors had starved, his family died; he might be next. But to die slowly is much more easy than to die at once; it was far easier for the average peasant to face the prospect of ultimate death by starvation than to face immediate death from a landlord's sword.
  革命是逼出来的,但开始时往往是旧的传统观念比新的观念具有更大的影响力。当一个农民迈步走向地主宅院时,羁绊他双脚的不仅是恐惧的心理,而且还有两千年来的传统观念。

  革命要求人们为未来贡献出自己的一切,要求人们向传统的道德观念挑战。革命号召农民要天不怕,地不怕,神不怕,鬼不怕,起来反抗地主,反抗孔孟之道,反抗统治阶级的吃人伦理。然而对于农民来说,所有这一切都不是轻易就能做到的。老奸巨滑的地主利用农民的迷信思想,对他们进行欺骗。“你命里注定了要受穷,”地主这样对农民说。农民低头叹道:“是啊,我的命是不好。”地主装出笑脸,把农民所欠的债款减去二厘利。
       


  Necessity is the god of any revolution. But the old gods often exercise as much, and at first more, influence than the new deity. Not only fear, but also two thousand years of tradition dragged on the peasant's foot as he stepped toward the landlord's mansion.

  Man must surrender everything to the future in revolutions. He has to infringe on the traditional morality. The revolution called on the Chinese peasant to do dangerous and blasphemous things, to defy his landlord, to defy a Confucian-made fate, to defy the ethics of his ruler.

  None of these things came easily to the peasant. The landlord played on his superstitious mind with all the cunning with which years of overlordship had endowed him. "It is your fate to be poor," said the landlord. The peasant would bow his head: "Yes, I guess I have a bad fate." The landlord would smile and reduce interest by 2 percent on the peasant's debt.
  农民从世世代代的经验中认识到,从来官府都是和财主一个鼻孔出气的。难道八路军就不一样?地主就利用这一点大做文章,散布流言蛮语,企图贬低八路军的政府和干部的声誉。

  在山东省的西部有个平阴县,那里的地主从未见过八路军,以为他们跟国民党的官老爷一样,可以用金钱加以收买。在抗日战争将要结束时,这帮地主从群众身上搜括了七万元钱,买了两面锦旗以欢迎“解放英雄”,又向集市上每一个卖小吃的摊贩征收一千元,买了些瓜子花生以慰劳“抗日将士”的家属。实际上买锦旗只花了二万元,茶点的开销也只有三千元,剩下的钱全进了地主的腰包。有些农民对搞这种庆祝会的做法不满,地主低声对他们说:“从古至今,哪一朝官府不贪污受贿?对八路军你们也别抱什么希望。”

  村长致完欢迎词后,一个八路军的干部站起来讲道:“我们知道大伙儿为开这个会出了不少钱,这笔饯一定要还给你们的。”这番话直讲得那些地主一个个目瞪口呆。这不仅使他们丢了面子,而且使他们意识到,他们要对付的这个政府非同一般。于是他们一面对干部阿谀逢迎,一面对群众打击报复。当八路军游击队组织的区公所勒令地主给长工增加工钱时,他们就克扣长工的伙食,甚至连长工点灯的油也不给了。有时在村口站岗放哨的民兵想要点粥喝,村长就训斥他们说;“啊,你们想要喝粥!下一回你们就该想要吃肉了!”然后就强迫这些要粥喝的人出公差替军队搞运输。这样一来,就引起了群众的不满。村长借机召集全村人开大会,并在会上煽动说;“要想吗粥就到区公所要去!”群众一想,连口粥都喝不上,还要被迫去给八路军干活,于是就怨恨起区公所来了。他们抱怨说:“要咱们喝西北风!”不久,区公所给村里调拨了一批救济粮,村长又威吓说:“吃了救济粮就会被八路军抓走。”地主也乘机借题发挥,造谣惑众,说什么“你们都去开会吧,小心八路军把你们给抓走!”结果好多人都躲在家里,不敢去参加开会。

  地主就是采用这样的手段来阻止农民起来斗争。同时,农民本身疑虑重重以及胆小怕事的通病,也使得他们行动起来十分缓慢。在冀南一个衬子里,一部分群众自发地起来清算一个私吞了五千斤公粮的地主。他们把这个地主捆起来送到了区公所,并控告说,“这个家伙杀害过八路军的一位地下工作人员,还贪污了你们的粮食。”他们不敢说那粮食本是属于他们村公有的,因为他们以为八路军是不会替老百姓办事的。
          Tradition had taught the peasant that governments were always on the side of the landlords. Why should the 8th Route Army be any different? The landlords harped on this idea. Everywhere they tried to discredit the cadres and the government in the peasant's eyes.

  In Pingying County in western Shantung, near the end of the Japanese war, the landlords, never having seen the 8th Route Army before, thought the cadres could be bought just like Kuomintang officials. They collected seventy thousand dollars from the people to buy two banners to welcome "the liberation heroes," and at the same time taxed each food stall on the fairgrounds one thousand dollars each in order to by watermelon seeds and peanuts for the families of the "Anti-Japanese fighters." The actual cost of the banners, however, was only twenty thousand dollars while that of the refreshments was but three thousand dollars, the difference being pocketed by the landlords. When a sour note crept into the celebration, the landlords privately told the farmers: "From ancient times till now, every government has grafted; don't entertain any hopes from the 8th Route Army."

  Rising to a speech of welcome, made by a village chief, a cadre said: "We understand you have been taxed for this meeting. This money will be returned to you."

  Dumfounded by this speech, and having lost face, the landlords realized they had to deal with a different kind of government and they began to play up to the cadres, on the one hand, and to maltreat the people, on the other. When the district government organized by 8th Route guerrillas compelled them to raise the wages of long-term workers, the landlords cut down on the workers' food and refused to give them any oil for their lamps. When militiamen, standing guard outside the village walls, asked for some congee (1) , the village chief scolded them: "Oh you want to eat congee! Next thing you'll want to eat meat!" Then he forced "the congee group" to do transport work for the army. When the peasants grumbled, he called a village meeting and said: "Let's all go to the district government and ask for congee." Seeing that they had nothing to eat and that they were also forced to labor for the army, the people were disgusted with the district government. "We are just eating the Northwest Wind," When the district government sent relief food into the village, the village chief warned the people: "Whoever eats this food will be seized by the army." On this theme, the landlords spread many rumors. "You are all going to meetings, but be careful. You may be taken away by the soldiers." As a consequence many steered clear of the meetings and stayed indoors.

  In such ways, the landlord sought to discourage the peasant from rising. The natural suspicions and fears of the peasants themselves also inclined the peasant to go slow. In a village of south Hopei, a group of farmers spontaneously decided to settle with their landlord who had grafted five thousand catties of grain. Having seized him, they brought him to the district government and declared: "He killed an intelligence agent of the 8th Route Army and grafted your grain." They were afraid to say that the grain had belonged to the village because they did not think the 8th Route Army would act for the common people.
原注一:稀粥里的营养少得可怜,算是很低的要求了。村长这是在故意恐吓,想让农民觉得政府什么也不会给。         (1) Congee is a thin gruel, containing little nourishment. The village chief here is being sarcastic at the district government's expense, meaning even this poor food can't be obtained from the government.

  另外,农民在与地主的斗争中,还受到家里人扯后腿。在一个名叫蒲镇的村子里,一个积极分子带一位干部到家里串门,他的母亲对干部说:“俺常听俺儿子念叨你们,俺知道你们八路军都是好样的。可是到头来又能落得个哈呢?”干部走后,父母又对儿子说:“你可得小心呀!”当那些作父母的得知自己的儿子在诉苦大会上带头控诉地主时,一个个惊恐万状。在太行山区,就有一个老农在会后这样训斥自己的儿子:“你干啥非要去出那个风头?你就不会跟在大伙儿后面喊几句口号就得了?”有些人家还为亲朋好友参加斗争地主的大会而担惊受怕。他们惶恐不安地暗自嘀咕:“左邻右舍的这一闹腾起来,咱家就别想过安稳日子了。”

  这种状况在八路军尚未进驻的地区尤为突出。那里的农民一般都不敢提出什么要求。我曾听见一个农民对干部说:“俺只要能吃上一个山药蛋、几粒小米饭就行了。”还有一个受尽了地主欺压的农民对于部说:“让区里把俺抓走吧。过后把俺放掉,回来俺好说,俺被你们抓去训斥了一顿,因为俺不肯诉苦。”还有的在诉苦大会上站起来发言时,总是说:“俺这是替穷人说的,这可不是俺自家的苦。“

  世世代代遗留下来的奴性,不是一朝一夕就能根除的。穷苦的农民在路上遇见了地主,仍然要低头哈腰。然而现在并非所有的人都那样俯首帖耳,许多人已经抬起头来朝前看了。


       

  The farmer was also under great pressure from his family not to struggle against the landlord. In Putsun village, a cadre went home with an active farmer. He was greeted by the farmer's mother with these words: "From what my son says, I know your 8th Route Army is very good, but what will be the last result?" When the cadre left, the father and mother said to their son: "You must take care." Parents were petrified when their sons took the lead in Speak Bitterness Meetings. "Why do you raise your head higher than the rest?" said a farmer in the Taihang Mountains to his son. "Why don't you stay in the common mass and shout slogans in the background?"
Families were also afraid their friends would take part in Struggle Meetings against the landlord. "When my neighbor's house is noisy, how can mine be quiet?" they asked in bewilderment.

  These conditions particularly obtained where the army had not penetrated. In such cases, the demands of the farmers were often very small. "If I can eat a potato and two millet seeds, that will be enough," I heard a peasant tell a cadre. Another peasant who had been very badly treated by a landlord told an official: "Let the chu cadres arrest me. Then release me. I will say: 'You arrested me and scolded me for not revealing my bitterness.'" Others would get up in a meeting and say: "Now, I speak on behalf of others, but this is not my bitterness."

  The remnants of the old servility are hard to shake off. The poor man still bows his head as he passes the landlord in the street. Yet not everybody is looking down now, underfoot. Many are looking forward.

  就在这些表面现像底下,正在发生着重大的变化,而且这种变化完全是自动发生的。老解放区的农民具有斗争传统,发动他们分地并非难事。那里的地主对新政权也有所领教,不敢顽抗。在八路军进驻的地区,地主也不难制服。

  但是在大多数村子里,斗争进行得较缓慢。当时,平原地区的土屋茅舍和山区的简陋窑洞都成了革命的孕育之地。干部们和无地的农民晚上就在这些地方秘密串连。干部们逐步使农民认识到,地主的存在就是他们贫穷的根源。“是啊,要是没有地主,咱的日子要好过得多了。”农民赞同地说。干部们进一步问道:“那你们干吗不起来清算地主,分他的地?”“那咋行啊?人家可是有权有势的。”“你们应该组织起来,”干部回答说,“我来跟你们讲一个故事……”于是他就介绍某村的农民是如何如何清算地主的。一天又一天,一夜又一夜,干部们耐心地对农民做思想工作,帮助他们解除宿命论的束缚。干部们在那些听得入了迷的农民眼前,展示了一个全新的世界。

  只要有一线成功的希望,人们就会为了达到一个神圣的目标而不辞千辛万苦。农民正是如此。他们终于抛弃了最后的一点疑虑,决心要立即行动起来。可是过后一想,又对干部说:“你们可千万不能走!”

  此时地主也并不安分守己。地主毕竟是地主。村子里发生的一切事情都瞒不过他们的耳目。甚至关于秘密串连的情况,他们也了解得一清二楚。他们还从农民的眼神里看出,似乎农民心里在说:“所有的土地全是俺们的。”地主们深知,先发制人为上策。而且他们的力量还相当强。每个地主都豢养了十多个打手,备有梭标棍棒等武器,地主本人还有一支手枪。他们心想,那些乳臭未干的学生加上一帮愚昧无知的穷花子又能把老子怎么样?
       

  Most important processes are taking place underneath the surfaces, and somehow of their own accord. In the older Liberated Areas, it is a simple matter for the peasants with traditions of struggles to divide the land. The landlords, accustomed to the new regime, hardly put up a fight. In areas occupied by the army, the landlords also go under easily.

  In the greatest number of villages, however, the struggle moves slowly. The mud hut on the plain and the cave of the poor man in the mountains are the chief forges of the revolution in these days. Here, cadres meet secretly at night with landless farmers. Step by step the cadre convinces the peasant that the landlord is at the root of his poverty. "Yes, if only there were no landlord, life would be bearable," agrees the peasant. "But why don't you settle with him and get land for yourself?" says the cadre. "But how? He has all the power." "You must organize," says the cadre. "Let me tell you a story..." and he tells of a village that has settled with its landlord. Day after day, night after night, the cadre works on the peasant, ridding him of the thought that he is doomed. Before the astonished eyes of his listener, the cadre unrolls a whole new world.

  Given a gleam of a livable future, men will undergo any hardship to achieve a sacred goal. So it is with the peasant. Throwing off his last trembling doubts, he agrees that he will take action. "But you mustn't leave me," he adds as an afterthought to the cadre.

  Meanwhile, the landlord has not been quiet. Not for nothing is he a landlord. Everything that is going on in the village has come to his ears. He knows all about the secret meetings. Furthermore, he sees the peasant glancing around with a look that says "All the land is mine."
Well does the landlord know the value of striking first. He still is the power. At his beck and call are ten or fifteen strong-arm men, with spears and clubs, and he himself has a pistol. What can these young students and that stupid tenant do against him? Such were the landlord's thoughts.
  地主先下手了。当一个穷苦的农民正在睡梦中憧憬着遥远的将来一个和平富裕的世界时,地主趁着黑夜偷袭他的家,把他抓去扔进了土牢里。他们还杀害群众中最积极的分子,砍下首级悬挂在村口示众。当发现为数不多的群众在开会时,他们就破门而入,当场把所有的人用梭标扎死。干部也常常惨遭毒手。当得知某干部要到另一个村子去,或者要回县里汇报工作时,他们就派几个“狗腿子”半路拦截行凶,将其杀害后再割掉生殖器,以造成他是因强奸村里的妇女而被杀的假象。村里的老百姓虽然知道真像,但慑于地主的报复,谁也不敢再与干部接近了。

  除了贫雇农之外,农村中的其它阶层也受到了影响,起初,不少小地主也自动地参加了农民群众的斗争。八路军严明的纪律,战士待人和蔼可亲,以及八络军提出的办事要公道、对人要平等的口号,都给他们留下了良好的印象。他们之中有不少人信仰基督教。他们也想要参加清算大汉奸的斗争,就带着《圣经》去见政府干部。他们说:“请看,《圣经》在此亦有所明谕,富人实不该依靠穷人为生。根据《圣经》所言,为富者亦有不仁之徒。”在只涉及到减租和清算汉奸的问题时,农民中的富裕阶层曾经起过重要的作用。然而当土改开始了,地主与贫雇农之间的斗争趋于白热化的时候,他们便开始产生了疑虑,担心土改运动继续发展下去,不知会搞到什么地步为止。

  地主采取的恐怖手段,确实一度干扰了土改运动。然而他们也有扔起石头砸了自己的脚的时候。有一个叫杨家庄的村子,那里的六个地主和三个狗腿子勾结在一起搞了一个对抗土地改革的秘密组织。

  有天晚上,区里派了一个干部去对地主进行劝诫。他质问地主,“这里的群众是通过民主的方式组织起来的,你为什么要反对他们?”地主一听,恼羞成怒,气急败坏地喊道:“群众要干啥关我们的屁事!”话音末落,一个狗腿子举起梭标朝这个干部扎去,一下子就把他的喉咙刺穿了。这个干部惨叫一声,倒在血泊里。群众闻声立刻跑到邻村搬救兵。很快就集合起了三百多人,他们手拿锄头、铁锹赶到了出事地点,当场就把那六个地主给打死了。那几个狗腿子趁着天黑溜掉了。

  就这样,一村接着一村地开始了对地主的反击。在斗争中,农民群众英勇无畏,前仆后继。在平原的土房里,在山区的窑洞中,秘密串连又开始了。在中国辽阔的大地上,正孕育着新的重大流血斗争。

          From thought he passed to action. While the tenant was dreaming of a far-off world of peace and plenty, the landlord descended on him in the night, kidnaped him and threw him in his dungeon. In other cases, he cut off the most active farmer's head and stuck it on the village wall as a warning. Or he broke into a small meeting and speared everyone to death on the spot. Nor did the government cadres always escape his attention either. As the cadre was going from village to village, or walking back to the county seat to report, the landlord would set his "Dog legs" on him. Often, they would castrate him, trying to make it seem as if he had been killed for raping some village woman. The villagers knew differently but, being afraid, they began to avoid the cadres.

  Other strata of the peasantry besides the tenant were also affected. Originally, many of the smaller landlords had joined the people's struggle of their own accord. Not a few of these men were Christians and they had been favorably affected by the strict discipline of the 8th Route Army, the kindliness of the soldiers and also by slogans of justice and equality. Wishing to join the struggles against the bigges.t traitors, they had come to the cadres with their Bibles, saying: "Look, our Bible says here that it is wrong for a rich man to live off the poor. You see even a rich man is not good according to our Bible." So long as it was only a question of rent or settling with the traitors, the upper circle of the peasantry had played a prominent role. But when the land began to be divided and when both the landlords and the tenants lashed out in a fury of violence, the rich peasant began to look with distrust and fear at the spread of the movement, not knowing where it would end.

  Undoubtedly, landlord terror set the movement back. But sometimes it boomeranged. In the village of Yachiachuang, six landowners and three "Dog legs" organized a secret society to oppose the land reforms.

  A district official walked in the night to remonstrate with the landowners. "The people here are organizing in a democratic way," said the cadre. "Why oppose them?" The landlords flew into a rage. "I don't care what the people want,?one shouted angrily. At the same instant a dog leg hurled his spear and cleaved the cadre's throat from front to back. With a dying shriek for help, the cadre fell to the ground, his life's blood gushing from him. Hearing the fight, farmers ran to neighboring villages for help. With picks and shovels a crowd of three hundred peasants broke into the meeting place and beat the six landlords to death. The dog legs escaped in the night.

  In this fashion, one after another, villages began to fight back against their landlords. New peasants sprang to take the places of murdered ones. In huts and caves, in the plains and in the mountains, secret conclaves went on again. Much blood, however, yet remained to be spilled upon the good Chinese earth.
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发表于 2011-10-21 22:32 | 显示全部楼层
http://www.chinashakestheworldbook.com/Section_30.htm



第七章 土地与革命
       
CHAPTER VII

LAND AND REVOLUTION
第三十节 石壁村
       
30. Stone Wall Village
  在欧洲,一个拥有训练有素的干部队伍并掌握了武装的政党,在国内搞自上而下的政变来推翻政府,如捷克斯洛伐克所发生的那样,会是很干净利落的。而像中国那样,一个村一个村地自下而上搞革命,拖泥带水,十分费劲,则非有巨大的耐心,无尽的智谋和坚定的信心不可。如果掉以轻心,乱来一气,就会弄得不可收拾。我想最好还是通过一个村子的群众如何与地主进行斗争的具体事例,来说明进行这种形式的革命的艰巨性,从中也可窥见共产党斗争策略的一斑。这个故事的情节使人联想起古希腊的悲剧。在山西南部有个名叫石壁的小村庄,大约有五百人口,村子座落在使人常发怀古幽思的太岳山的峰峦中。这一带尽是荒山秃岭怪石嶙峋,土地十分贫瘠。贫穷困苦的农民在山坡上开垦了层层梯田,直达山巅。世世代代以来,这里的农民不仅与恶劣的自然条件进行着斗争,而且还要与如同耶稣诞生时代那样古远的残酷剥削和落后迷信作斗争。当地群众虽然不信上帝,但却信奉形形色色的神灵鬼怪,诸如使他们受苦受穷的命运之神,以及作祟干山岩林莽之间、依附于飞禽走兽之身的牛鬼蛇神之类。那些在乡间跳神弄鬼的巫婆法师之流趁机利用妖术愚弄吓唬穷苦农民,要他们对地主俯首帖耳。

  当地那些常年忍饥挨饿、一辈子负债累累的穷苦农民中,流传着一首这样的歌谣:

  年年秋收忙
  家家炊断粮
  欠下阎王债
  永世难还帐
  几个烂瓦罐
  一间破草房
  半垧荒坡地
  野菜充饥肠
  五个土坟头
  两眼泪汪注

  这百来户人家大多住在山脚下的窑洞里。一条小河从村南蜿蜒流过,两岸柳条垂拂水面。河边有一座磨坊,当地老乡都上这儿来磨麦子碾玉米。小麦和玉米是石壁村农户年年种的两种主要庄稼。村中幸有几处种有桃树、杏树和梨树的小果园点缀其间,这里的景致才不致显得过于荒凉。
       

OVERTHROWING a European government by a coup d'etat at the top, as was done in Czechoslovakia, is perhaps an exact science when done by a sufficient party of trained cadres with arms in hand. But making a revolution from the bottom up, village by village, as was done in China, is an inexact art that guarantees no sure success and that demands a world of patience, an infinitude of cunning and a bellyful of resolution. Such activities, if scrambled at, can become dangerous.

  I think I can best illustrate the difficulty of making this type of revolution and incidentally reveal some of the techniques of the Communist party by telling the story of how a single village revolted against its landlord. It is a story rather reminiscent of a Greek tragedy in its plot and it concerns Stone Wall Village - a hamlet of five hundred people located in the southern part of Shansi Province, amid a range of hills, old and redolent of Chinese legend, that are known as the Taiyueh Mountains.

  The land in this region is rocky, bare of forest and grudging in its fertility so that the hard-pressed farmers have been forced to build terraces and cultivate the hill slopes nearly to the top of every peak. For many centuries, the peasants have been struggling not only against the parsimonious nature of these mountains, but against the brutal exactions and dark superstitions of a civilization probably very much like that which Christ knew. These people, however, believed in no Supreme God, but rather knew many gods, including the God of Fate who made them poor, and ghosts, devils and evil spirits whom they believed lurked in the rocks, trees and the bodies of the animals which roamed their hills. As a consequence, they were easy prey for the intrigues of village witches who called down spirits to their incense tables and frightened peasants into doing the bidding of the landlords.

  The common farmers, always hungry and always in debt, had a verse about their bitter lot which ran like this:

  Harvest every year; but yearly - nothing.
  Borrow money yearly; yearly still in debt.
  Broken huts, small basins, crooked pots;
  Half an acre of land; five graves.

  About one hundred families lived in Stone Wall Village, many of them in caves hollowed out of the side of the mountain at the base of which the village was situated. South of the town ran a river, overhung with willows and cedars, on the banks of which was a mill where the people ground their wheat and Indian corn - the two crops raised yearly by Stone Wall Village. The barren aspect of the place was somewhat relieved by small orchards of peach, apricot and pear trees.
  石壁村有一点独特之处,与中国大部分农村迥然不同:这里的妇女养的孩子都不太多。原因有好几个。一是因为当地不少农民穷得根本养不起老婆,只好一辈子打光棍。二是由于穷困所迫,每当生下女孩,作父母的往往将其勒死。三是在抗日战争时期,日军在河对岸的一个据点盘踞六年,村里许多妇女遭到日本鬼子的奸淫蹂躏,引起性病流行,造成不少妇女丧失了生育能力。

  村长是一个名叫王常盈的地主,他一手操纵全村大权。虽然这个人物的个性特征与我所要讲的故事关系不大,但也不妨顺便提一提。他五十岁上下年纪,留着一小撮羊胡子,嘴上老叼着个长筒的水烟袋。逢上好天气,他就在村子里游来逛去,哪个小孩不小心挡了他的道,立刻就会被他抓住毒打一顿。穷苦农民一见了他就赶紧躲进屋里,

  他拥有近四百亩水浇地(村里没有任何别的人家有二十亩以上的土地),还有一座磨坊和满仓的粮食。家中有一妻、一子、一女,还有个儿媳妇。他为人心狠手辣。

  因为村子里数他最富,所以他的老婆和闺女是全村穿戴得最讲究,打扮得最干净利落的娘们。在抗日战争期间,王常盈逼着他的老婆和亲生闺女去和一个日军小队长姘居。当时,这支日军就驻扎在六、七里以外的桥北村。王常盈一家通过这种可耻的关系,得了不少好处。日军小队长让王常盈经管从农民那里强征来的粮食,听任王常盈从中渔利。此外,这位小队长还把

  他从各地掠夺来的布匹和家具等当作礼物送给王家。王常盈的儿子对他爹甘当汉奸以及他娘和妹妹与日本鬼子的这种淫乱关系,不以为耻,反以为荣。因为依靠这种关系,他就可以有别于村中的其他年轻人,免受劳役之苦。他二十五岁左右,高高的个子,模样俊俏,举让傲慢。他经常身穿一件黑色大褂,头裹一条洁白的毛巾,白天在村子里大摇大摆地闲逛,夜里就如同一只贪婪的饿虎,看上了谁家的女人就推门直入,肆意蹂躏。倘若有人敢于反抗,他就以日本人的淫威相胁迫。


          Stone Wall Village had one peculiarity that set it apart from most Chinese villages: its women did not raise many children. The reasons for this were manifold. In the first place, many of the farmers were too poor to support a wife and did not marry. Secondly, girl babies were often strangled by their parents at birth because of poverty. Thirdly, the Japanese, who had occupied a strong point on the opposite bank of the river for six years, had raped many of the women, venereal disease had become widespread and many of the women had become sterile.

  Politically, Stone Wall Village was in the hands of its village chief, a landlord named Wang Chang-ying. Although his personal characteristics are not germane to this story, it may be mentioned in passing that Landlord Wang was fifty years old, that he wore a small goatee and smoked a long-handled water pipe. In fair weather, it was said that he promenaded on the streets and beat any child who was unfortunate enough to bump into him. At sight of him, many of the village poor would immediately run indoors.

  Wang's possessions included sixty-five acres (no one else owned more than three acres) of irrigated land, the riverside mill, a large store of grain, one wife, one son, one daughter, one daughter-in-law and a vengeful nature.

  Because of the landlord's comparative wealth, Wang's wife and daughter were the best-dressed women in the village, and for the same reasons the cleanest. During the war against Japan, Chang had coerced his wife and daughter to service the sexual needs of a Japanese platoon leader stationed in the village of Chaopeitsun, two miles away, and from this relationship the family had derived profit, if not pleasure. The platoon leader winked an eye at the share of the Japanese grain levy (exacted from the peasantry) kept by Wang and also brought the family gifts of cloth and furniture gained from his various looting expeditions.

  The economic transactions of his father and the sexual ones of his mother and sister did not disturb the son of Landlord Wang, for through these arrangements he was able to avoid being conscripted for hard labor as were the other youths of the village. Twenty-five years old, tall, handsome and with a proud manner, Wang's son used to stride about the village in the daytime in a long black gown and a clean white towel on his head. At night, however, he was a tiger on the prowl, peremptorily knocking on doors and forcing himself on whatever woman took his fancy. If any were bald enough to object, he would threaten them with the Japanese.

  村里有个名叫石平华的富农,是王常盈的好友,也是他的管家和得力助手。此外,村里还有两、三户小地主,地不过十几亩,也没有什么实权。

  王常盈在村里有个宿敌,名叫李天享,是个佃户,年过花甲,长须及胸,额上和眼角布满深深的皱纹,嘴里的牙也已脱落过半。不论冬夏,他总是穿着一件肮脏的破布衫,走路弓腰驼背,奈拉着脑袋。李天享租了王常盈七亩地,每年打下的粮食,一半都交了租子,剩下的那点实在难以养活有妻子和一个十岁儿子的三口之家。他原来还有一个长子,后来被王常盈借日本人的刀把他杀害了,从此王李两家便结下了不共戴天之仇。

  在抗日战争期间,王常盈经常宴请那个日军小队长,而酒宴的一切费用,那是从贫苦的佃户们那里勒索来的。这种无止境的敲诈激怒了村里的群众,李天享的儿子和另外两个青年民兵下决心干掉这个小队长。有一天,他们从山坡上的一个窑洞里朝日军小队长扔了一枚手榴弹,不料这枚手榴弹没有爆炸。地主王常盈侦知是他们干的,就向日军告了密。小队长立即把这三人抓起来,带进三官庙里用刺刀凌迟处死。从此,李天享对王常盈更怀有深仇大恨。但多年受压迫的生活使他不敢独自进行反抗。村里与地主王常盈有冤仇的人远不止李天享一个,在此就不一一赘述了。

  到了一九四五年,日本投降了。但这对于石壁衬的老乡来说,并无什么特别的意义。尽管他们看到河对岸的日本人卷起铺盖撤走了,日军小队长再也不到王家来花天酒地寻欢作乐了,但是地主王常盈依然大权在捏,他的儿子照旧在村里横行霸道,奸淫妇女,租子也未减分毫,穷人们还是负债累累。

  正是在这样的状况之下,土地革命的浪潮冲击到了石壁村,关于这次革命,村子里已有所传闻。人们私下里纷纷议论有关八路军、民主制度以及打倒地主,平分土地,建立新农村的传说。对于这些传闻,人们将信将疑.他们认为自己受苦受穷是命中注定的,他们无意冒犯任何人,只求苟且偷安。

  关于以上那些传说,地主王常盈也有所耳闻,但他并不十分担心,只是时常警告村里的人说:“别人身上割下来的肉,长不到自己身上去。”其实,这种警告大可不必,因为村里并没有人想要起来造他的反。

  然而土地革命毕竟还是来到了石壁村。但是,如同中国的一切事物一样,运动开始时很缓慢。其来势并非像风驰电掣那般迅猛,它的到来也并不是以一声惊雷,伴随着锣鼓的喧闹、枪炮的鸣响以及震撼旷野的口号声来宣告的。

  更确切地说,这场革命是由五个人带来的。他们既非八路军战士,也不是共产党员,其中一个是教员,一个是学生,一个是跑堂的,一个是店员,还有一个是农民。这五个人是霍县救国会派来帮助石壁村闹翻身的。
       

  Wang's chief friend in the village was a rich farmer named Shih Ping-hua, who acted as the landlord's clerk and assistant. There were two or three other small landlords in the village, but none of them owned more than two acres of land and none had power.

  The chief personal enemy of Wang was a tenant farmer named Lee Tien-shang, or Original Fortune Lee. Sixty years old, with a beard down to his chest, his forehead wrinkled like a washboard, his mouth half emptied of teeth, and his eyes radiating crow's-feet, Lee walked around the village, summer and winter, in filthy white rags, his back bent at a forty-five degree angle and his head inclined toward the ground. Lee rented seven mow of land from Wang, but since he had to give half of his crops to the landlord, he was barely able to support his wife and ten-year-old son. There had been another son, but he had died, and the manner of his dying was the principal cause for the enmity between the landlord and the tenant.

  During the Japanese war, the landlord used to feast the Japanese platoon leader at frequent intervals, exacting from his tenants all the food necessary for such entertainments. The peasants became incensed at the continued extortions and Lee's son and two militiamen decided to kill the platoon leader, but unfortunately a grenade they threw at him from an overhead cave did not explode. Learning who was behind the plot, the landlord informed the lieutenant who dragged Lee's son and the two militiamen from the fields and slowly bayoneted them to death inside the Three Sects Temple. Thus Lee had come to hate Wang, but he was too afraid and had been too long suppressed to take any action of his own. There were other enemies of the landlord in the village, but here it is not necessary to do any more than note their existence.

  In 1945, the Japanese Empire surrendered to the United States, but this meant little to the people of Stone Wall Village. True, they saw the Japanese across the river pack up and leave, and no longer did the platoon leader come to feast with Wang and sleep with his daughter and wife, but the landlord remained the power in the village, his son still blackjacked women into sleeping with him, land rents remained as high as ever and everyone was always in debt.

  Such was the condition of Stone Wall Village when the Chinese Revolution suddenly descended on it. There had been vague stories of this revolution in the village; there had been murmurings about the 8th Route Army, about a thing called democracy and about villages where there were no landlords and everyone had an equal amount of land. But the people had listened to these rumors with only half an ear; they were poor and fated to be poor; they did not want to fight anybody, they only wanted to be left alone.

  Landlord Wang had also heard these rumors; he did not take them seriously either. But as a precaution, he used to tell the people: "Flesh cut from others won't stick to your own body." The people, however, did not need this warning: they had no intention of moving against Landlord Wang.

  Nevertheless, the Revolution came to Stone Wall Village. It did not come like a flash of swift lightning; for a revolution like everything else moves slowly in China. Nor did it announce itself like a clap of thunder, with the beat of drums, the sound of rifle fire or hot slogans shouted on the country air.

  To be more exact, five men brought the Revolution to Stone Wall Village. They were not soldiers nor were they Communist party members. One had been a schoolteacher, another a student, a third a waiter, a fourth a shop assistant and a fifth a farmer. They were all members of the Hohsien County Salvation Association and their job was to "Overturn" Stone Wall Village.
  “翻身”是中国革命运动中的一个术语,初见于抗战胜利之后。在共产党的术语中,它的含意是:使每一个村子的社会、政治、经济生活来一个翻天覆地的大转变,推翻封建主义,建立民主政府,破除迷信,提倡科学。翻身运动的第一阶段是斗地主分田地。

  这一切听起来似乎很容易。只要你手中有枪杆子,大权在握,叫地主把地分给农民,不就得了?没那么轻松的事。石壁当时一无军队,二无民兵。八路军还在南边很远的地方,甚至游击队当时也转移到别处去了。地主王常盈仍然执掌着村里的大权,老百姓无不怕他。

  霍县救国会工作组的组长名叫周玉川,年方三十一岁,出身于破落富农家庭。他率工作组进村以后,四处张贴晋冀鲁豫边区政府的布告,宣布每个村子都有权选举自己的村干部,实行减租减息。随后他们召开群众大会,宣讲布告的内容。可是老乡听了半信半疑,一个个噤若寒蝉,一言不发,拔腿就走。
       

  "Overturn" is a term of the Chinese Revolution that came into being after the surrender of the Japanese. In Communist terminology it means to turn over the social, political and economic life of every village, to overturn feudalism and establish democracy, to overturn superstition and establish reason. The first step of the overturning movement is to "struggle" against the landlords and divide the land.

  To do this sounds easy. You have the guns and the power and you just tell the landlord to give a share of his land to the people. But it is never that easy. In Stone Wall Village, there was no army, there was no militia. The 8th Route Army was far to the south. Even the guerrillas had gone elsewhere. Landlord Wang was the power and the people were afraid of him.

  The leader of the Hohsien Salvation team was a thirty-one-year-old cadre, the son of a bankrupt rich fanner, named Chou Yu-chuan. When Chou and his fellow-workers arrived in Stone Wall Village they posted proclamations of the Shansi-Hopei-Honan-Shantung Border Region government, announcing that every village had the right to elect their own officials and that land rents and rates of interest should be reduced.

  Then they called a meeting to explain these proclamations, but the people listened only half-heartedly, kept their mouths tightly shut and went home without speaking further to the cadres.
  工作组又分头进行访贫问苦,可是接连几天没人敢同他们说话。只要工作组员走近聚集在一起的人群,众人便一哄而散。有一、两个人在再三追问之下,才道出了他们对地主的恐惧心理。

  在这种情况下,工作组无法开展工作,于是他们决定在村里挑选一个苦大仇深的贫苦农民,进行秘密串连。

  在周玉川和另一个工作组员合住的窑洞隔壁,住着佃户马臭子一家。马家的窑洞是马臭子在抗战前用妻子纺线挣得的六块大洋买来的。马臭于的妻子身患重病,卧床不起,马臭子经常到隔壁窑洞里和干部们挤一个炕睡。夜里他们三人常在一起聊天。

  马臭子讲到他们家自清朝以来祖祖辈辈都是贫苦的佃户,全靠租种地主的土地过日子,自家不曾有过一分地。每年的收成只有八石谷子,一半得给地主王常盈缴租子。眼看着妻子久病不愈,生命垂危,也没钱给她治病抓药。两年前他爹去世时,家里连口棺材也买不起,只好用草席裹了埋。现在他年已三十五岁,依然一贫如洗,看来永无出头之日了。“咱寻思大概是咱脑袋瓜太笨了。”

  他往往用这句话来归纳他贫穷的根源。干部们就问他:“你穷是因为你脑袋瓜太笨,还是因为你爹没有给弥留下什么遗产呢?”

  “对了,就是因为我爹啥也没有给我留下。”“真是这样吗?”

  干部们又问道,“咱们来算算这笔帐。你每年给地主交四石粮食的租子,你们一家替地主种了六十年地,那就是二百四十石粮食。如果这些粮食不交给地主,那你的日子不就富裕了吗?所以说,你受穷是因为你叫地主剥削了。”

  就这样他们一聊就是好几个小时,最后终于使马臭子懂得,他确实是受了地主的剥削。于是他说道:“那咱该怎么办呢?大伙儿都瞧不起咱。吃饭的时候,地主在屋里吃,咱只能端着碗站在外面吃。咱不行,被也瞧不起咱。”

  “可为啥会这样呢?”干部们说,“那是因为你没有钱,没有钱就没有势。所以咱们要闹翻身,将来人人才能平等,谁也不会瞧不起谁。”马臭子也说,不推翻地主,穷人就别想过上好日子。但他对自己所讲的话,还是半信半疑。在言语与行动之间,仍然还有一段相当长的距离。两千年的旧传统观念,依然沉重地压在马臭子以及大多数中国农民的思想上。

  半个月的时间内,干部们与马臭子进行过多次长谈,除了夜里经常聊天以外,光正式的谈话就有二十三次之多。他们也和村里其他农民交谈过,但表现最积极的还得数马臭子。从上述事例中可以看到,要发动中国农民起来革命是何等不容易。

  最后,马臭子终于决定要参加“斗争”和“清算”了——这两个革命术语的意思是指斗争地主,与他算帐。但他内心多少还是有点胆怯。他对干部们说:“咱们干起来后,你们可千万不要走。”干部们向他保证说;“全村的受苦人不翻身,我们是不会走的。“
       

  For several days, the cadres went individually among the people asking them about local conditions and their own lives, but no one would talk. Whenever a cadre approached groups of people, they would break apart and move away. One or two men cornered alone admitted they were afraid of the landlord.

  Under these conditions, the cadres could not carry on their work, so they decided to seek out one of the poorer men in the village and talk to him alone and in secret.

  At this time, Chou and another cadre were living in a cave next door to one occupied by a tenant farmer, named Ma Chiu-tze. Ma had bought his cave before the Japanese war with six dollars earned by his wife in spinning thread. Now, his wife was sick and Ma often came to the cadre's cave and slept on the same kang with them. During the night, the three men always talked.

  Ever since the Ching dynasty, Ma revealed, his family had been poor tenants, renting land and never having any of their own. Every year, he raised eight piculs of millet and every year he had to give four of these piculs to Landlord Wang. He could afford no medicine for his wife whom he feared was dying. Two years before, his father had died and he had not been able to buy the old man a coffin, but had to wrap him in straw. Now he was thirty-five and he was still poor and it looked as if he would always be poor. "I guess I have a bad brain," he would say in summing up the reasons for his poverty.

  Then the cadres would ask: "Are you poor because you have a bad brain or because your father left you no property?"

  "I guess that's the reason; my father left me no property."

  "Really is that the reason?" asked the cadres. "Let us take an account. You pay four piculs of grain every year to the Iancftord. Your family has rented land for sixty years. That's 240 piculs of grain. If you had not given this to the landlord, you would be rich. The reason you are poor, then, is because you have been exploited by the landlord."

  They would talk like this for hours and Ma would finally acknowledge that he was exploited by the landlord. Then he would say: "What can I do? Everyone looks down on me. When it's mealtime, the landlord eats inside the house, but I must eat outside, standing up. I am not good enough. Everyone looks down on me."

  "And why is that?" said the cadres. "That is because you have no money and because you have no money you have no position. That is why we must overturn so that everyone can have an equal position and no man will look down on another."

  Ma agreed that the landlords had to be overthrown before there could be any happiness for the poor, but he was only half convinced of his own statements. There was yet a long distance between words and action and the weight of two thousand years of tradition lay very heavily on Ma as on most Chinese peasants.

  For fifteen days, the cadres talked with Ma. In this period they had twenty-three formal talks with him besides the numerous evening talks. They conversed with other farmers in the village, but Ma was the most "active" element. From this it can be seen it is not easy to stir a Chinese peasant.

  At last Ma was ready to "struggle" and "settle" - two terms of the Revolution that mean to struggle against the landlord and to settle accounts with him. Still, Ma was a little frightened.

  "If we go to work," he said to the cadres, "you must not leave us."

  "We will stay until the whole village has turned over," the cadres promised.
  马臭子成了石壁革命的代表人物。然而要推翻封建主义的统治,光靠一个人的力量是远远不够的,还需要更多的人投入斗争。工作组进村后第十六天的晚上,马臭子把三个知心好友带进了那间窑洞,其中包括李天享老汉。

  干部们先请他们抽烟,然后对他们说,工作组进村来是帮助他们建立自己的政府的。干部们说道;“我们知道你们石壁的老乡们吃苦啦。我们自己也是受过压迫的苦庄稼人,所有受压迫的劳苦大众都是一家人。你们把受过的苦都讲出来,我们设法替你们清算。如果大伙儿今天晚上不想说,那也没啥,回去再好好想想,过个三、四天以后再来谈也行。“

  这一番语重心长的话使他们四人深受感动,便开始倾吐各自的苦水。有时四个人争先恐后地一齐讲起来。其中一个名叫刘广的二十岁青年讲到,王常盈如何逼迫他到日本人的劳工队里去干活,他不肯去,王家父子就把他吊在一口水井里,水一直淹到脖子那儿。当他被拉上来时,已经奄奄一息了。打那以后,他就再也不能下地干活了。

  一个名叫二宝的长工诉说了地主王常盈怎样强迫他把埋藏在地下的粮食挖出来。最后轮到李天享讲述他的儿子是怎样被日本鬼子用刺刀捅死的。说到这里,四人再也按捺不住心头的悲愤,失声痛哭起来。他们一直谈到深夜,最后得出了结论:现在到了报仇雪恨的时候了。他们在一起庄严宣誓:“不论是日本鬼子明天卷土重来也好,还是蒋介石的军队打过来也好,咱们下定决心要闹翻身,哪怕只能翻一天身,咱们也要干!”

  会议结束时,大伙儿决定发动更多的群众参加斗争。第二天晚上,参加会议的群众就增加到十三人了。这个数字后来证明确是不吉祥的。在这次会议上,经过一番“诉苦”之后,大家决定进一步发动群众,准备召开全村的诉苦大会。

  在这次会议上,有一两个与会的农民提出,他们担心王常盈已经打听到了他们开会的情况,因为有个过去当过伪军的家伙知道这次会议,而这个家伙又是王常盈女儿的姘头。他们估计,恐怕王常盈现在已经掌提了情报。可是干部们对他们这种担忧并不十分在意,只劝慰大家不必过虑。
          Ma Chiu-tze became the Revolution in Stone Wall Village. But one man is not enough to overturn feudalism. More help was needed. So on the sixteenth night of the cadre's stay in the village, Ma brought three of his friends into the cave, including the old farmer Original Fortune Lee.

  After offering the farmers cigarettes, the cadres' announced they had come to Stone Wall Village to help the people establish a government of their own choosing. "We know you people of Stone Wall Village are eating bitterness," they said. "we, too, in our turn have been oppressed. All the oppressed are from one home. Tell us your sufferings and we shall try to settle them for you. If you don't want to tell us tonight - why - think them over and come and tell us in three or four days."

  Under the influence of this talk, the four men began to tell their own private sufferings, sometimes all speaking at once. One of them, a twenty-year-old boy named Liu Kwang, told how Wang had ordered him to go to work in the Japanese labor corps. When he refused, the landlord and his son had lowered him into a well in water up to his neck. When pulled up, he was more dead than alive and could neither work for the Japanese or in his own fields.

  A long-term worker named Second Jewel Pao told how the landlord had forced him to dig up grain from a secret hiding place. Finally, Original Fortune Lee told how his son had been bayoneted to death. At this time, the four peasants became so emotional they began to cry. Toward midnight, they reached the conclusion that the time had at last come for their revenge. They swore a solemn oath. "If the Japanese come hack tomorrow or if the troops of Chiang Kai-shek come, we will turn over. Even if only for a day, we will turn."

  The meeting then broke up with the decision to mobilize more farmers. On the following night, a second meeting was attended by thirteen peasants. It was to prove an unlucky number. In this meeting after the usual "reveal bitterness" talk, it was decided to mobilize more farmers and then hold a mass meeting in which all the villagers could reveal their sufferings.

  During the meeting, one or two farmers expressed the fear that Landlord Wang had heard about their talks. Since an ex-puppet militiaman knew of the meeting and since he was sleeping with the landlord's daughter, they surmised the landlord must by now be informed of everything. The cadres made light of the peasants' fears and told them not to worry.
  当天晚上,李天享一夜未归。他是个年迈的老人,从不在外边过夜,他的老伴为此非常焦虑。过了一天,又过了一天,老汉仍然没有回家,她几乎急疯了,逢人就打听,可是谁也不知道她丈夫的下落。人们最后见到李天享时,他刚开完会,正朝家走去。在他回家的途中,要经过一道临江的悬崖。究竟他是在黑夜里失足落崖了呢,还是错过了家门,走出了村子,谁也无法解开这个疑团。

  直到第三天,有人到河边的磨坊磨面,突然感到水轮转动不太正常,仔细一查看,发现了李天享的尸体挂在水轮的辐条上。老汉的双手被反缚在身后,嘴里还塞着一团破布,看上去死去已非一日。

  干部们把他的尸体从水轮上弄下来,抬到三官庙里。在中国有个古老的风俗,凡是被谋杀致死的人,尸体不能运回家,所以只好先把尸首存放在庙里,再派人去通知死者的妻子。他的妻子闻讯赶来,替她丈夫穿上白布寿衣,滴滴热泪洒落在死者的麻子脸上。最后她一头扑在丈夫身上,号啕大哭起来。周围的人们看到这样凄惨的情景,内心无不感到十分悲痛。回家以后,他们私下互相告诫:“还是少开口为妙,弄不好下次就搞到咱们头上了。”

  反革命势力先下手了。石壁村的革命斗争受到了很大挫折。

  自从李天享被害以后,村子里人人自危,一个个又噤若寒蝉了。曾经参加那个第二次会议的人说道: “咱们还没有开始斗争地主,自己的人倒先被他们干掉了一个。”

  这次谋杀案件也使干部们十分震惊,他们认识到自己也太麻痹了,对于群众反映的忧虑末充分予以重视。他们也估计到,说不定什么时候,会有人往他们开会的窑洞里扔手榴弹。但他们最担心的还是,群众可能会对翻身运动完全丧失信心。他们决定要为死者举行追悼大会,通过这种活动重新发动群众。
       

  That night, Original Fortune Lee did not come home. As he was an old man and never stayed out at night his wife was worried. When a whole day and then another passed without his appearing, she became frantic and inquired of everyone in the village if they had seen her husband, but no oiie could give her any information. He had last been seen leaving the meeting and heading for home. His path, it was known, led along a cliff that overhung the river. Whether he had slipped in the darkness and fallen in the water or had just continued walking by his home and left the village was a mystery which no one m the town could answer.

  On the third day, a man grinding flour in the water mill beside the river noticed that his water wheel was not turning properly and on investigation he found the body of Original Fortune Lee riding amid the spokes. The old man's mouth was gagged with a cloth, his hands were tied behind him and he had been some time dead.

  As no one else would touch him, the cadres extricated the body from the water wheel and carried it up to the Three Sects Temple. Since there is an ancient law in China that the body of a murdered man may not be brought to his home, they left him there and called his wife. Then she came and dressed Original Fortune Lee in funeral white and shed tears on his pock-marked face and moaned over his body. The people saw and they felt sorry, but they went off home and they whispered among themselves: "Better keep quiet, we may be next."

  The revolution in Stone Wall Village had been dealt a blow. The counterrevolution had struck first.

  After the murder of Original Fortune Lee the people went about in terror and shut up again like clams. Even those who had attended the second meeting now said: "We haven't begun to struggle with the landlord, but one of us is gone already.

  The cadres were very much surprised by the murder. They thought they had been too careless and had not placed enough belief in the peasants' fears. They also thought a hand grenade might be thrown at any time into their meeting cave. Their biggest fear, however, was that the peasants would give up the overturning movement altogether. Therefore they decided to hold a memorial meeting in honor of Original Fortune Lee, and by this meeting to mobilize the people.
  三官庙前有一座戏台,逢年过节,村民们都要在这里演出带宗教色彩的戏剧。李天享的追悼会就在这里举行。戏台上悬挂着中国共产党中央委员会主席毛泽东和共产党领导下的第十八集团军总司令朱德将军的画像。画像两旁张贴着标语,上书:“我们一定要为死者报仇!”

  石壁村有一百来人参加了追悼大会,地主王常盈没有露面。县长专程赶来致悼词,并当众宣布:“政府决心要肃清一切暗杀活动,大伙儿应该继续闹翻身,建立自己的民主政府。”

  追悼大会整整开了四个小时。大会结束之后,接着又召开了一次讨论如何继续闹翻身的会议。只有六个农民参加了这次会议,其余的人谁也没有直接表示不敢参加,只是低声下气地找个借口说;“咱还有点事。”与会的六个人当即提出,由于李天享的被害,必须马上清算地主王常盈。五天以后,这六人又串连了三十来人到那间窑洞里参加会议。会上,他们一一诉说了在地主的压迫之下所受的苦难,一直谈到深夜。这时,有人提出;“说不定王常盈那小子想开溜。”

  “干脆咱们今天晚上就把他给抓起来!”好几个人齐声提议说。

  经过一番讨论后,大伙儿涌出窑洞,朝着王常盈家冲去。这伙人带着一支步枪和三个手榴弹。

  这支队伍兵分两路,一部分人登上悬崖,设法从窑洞的上方翻进王家大院,另一部分人径直冲到王家大门口,使劲敲门,大声喝今王常盈出来开门。王常盈的妻子应声把门打开,推说她的男人不在家。没有人相信她的鬼话,人们冲进院里四处搜查,最后在一个柜子后面发现一条秘密地道。人们下到地道里,进入一间地窖,发现王常盈正缩作一团躲在那里,立即把他抓住关押起来。

  王常盈的儿子却溜掉了,连夜逃到三十里外的霍县县城在那一带,有几个村的地主网罗了一批土匪、伪军人员以及军阀阎锡山部队的兵痞,组织了一个“还乡团”。当群众得知王常盈的儿子潜逃以后,大家深感忧虑,他们说:“擒虎容易,放虎归山可就后患无穷了。”
       

  On the stage opposite the Three Sects Temple, where semireligious plays were held during festival times, the cadres placed pictures of Mao Tze-tung, chairman of the Chinese Communist party and General Chu Teh, commander in chief of the Communist-led i8th Group Army. Beside these pictures they placed strips of paper saying: WE SHALL TAKE REVENGE FOR THIS PEASANT.

  One hundred people of Stone Wall Village attended this meeting, but Landlord Wang did not come. The county magistrate came especially to make a speech and announced: "The government intends to clear up all murders. The people should continue to overturn and to establish a democratic government of their own.?"
The memorial meeting lasted four hours. After it was over, another meeting was called to decide how to continue "overturning." Only six farmers came to this meeting. No one said directly that he was afraid to attend, but weakly gave the excuse: "We have a little work to do.?" These six men, however, decided that because of the murder they would have to "settle" with Landlord Wang immediately.

  At the end of five days, thirty farmers mobilized by the other six gathered in the cave for another meeting. Until nearly midnight, they told stories of how they had suffered at the landlord's hands. Suddenly, someone said: "Maybe Wang will run away."

  "Let's get him tonight," said several farmers at once.

  After some discussion, they all trooped out of the cave and started a march on Landlord Wang's home. Among the thirty men, there was one rifle and three hand grenades.

  The marching farmers separated into two groups. One climbed on top of the diffs and worked along the cave roofs until they were over the courtyard. The others marched directly to the gate, knocked loudly and commanded the landlord to open up.

  Wang's wife answered the door and announced that her husband was not at borne. Refusing to believe her, the peasants made a search and discovered a secret passage behind a cupboard. Descending through an underground tunnel, they found Wang cowering in a subterranean cave.

  They took him away and locked him up overnight. That night Wang's son fled to the county seat of Hohsien, ten miles away. Here landlords from other villages had organized bandits, former puppet troops, and some of the soldiers of Warlord Yen Hsi-shan into a "Revenge Corps." When the people learned of the flight of Wang's son, they grew anxious and said among themselves: "It is easy to catch a tiger, but it is dangerous to let him go back to the forest."
  尽管如此,大家仍然决心把对地主王常盈的斗争进行到底。当天,在村子南边离小河不远的一片开阔场地上举行了群众大会。有七、八十人在大会上控诉了王常盈的罪行。王常盈的老婆和女儿也在下面听着。

  大会从早晨一直开到下午,控诉的群众历数了王常盈的罪状,如出卖抗日志士,抢劫老百姓的粮食,强迫群众加入劳工队等等。最后大家质问王常盈认不认罪。

  “这些事,”他回答说,“说实在的可不是咱干的,那都是日本人叫干的。”这样的回答立即引起群情激愤,群众的怒吼声有如大海的怒涛,响彻原野。就连站在场外旁观的人们此时也不由得义愤填膺。

  在这一片怒吼声中,“把他吊起来!”的呼喊,盖过了所有其他的声音。大会主席和到会的干部也无法制止,愤怒的群众已经忘记了他们的存在。人群把王常盈层层围了起来。有人在一棵树上挂起一根粗绳,一部分人将绳的一端拴在王常盈腰上,另一部分人在绳子的另一端使劲一拽,就把王常盈吊在空中了。他的脑袋耷拉着,腰部与地面平行,双腿叉开,这副姿势恰似中国一句俗语所说的“鸭子浮水”。

  义愤填膺的群众簇拥在吊在半空中的王常盈的四周,怒目而视,骂不绝口,有的还往他眼里吐唾沫,有的冲着他耳朵大骂。

  王常盈被吊起来后,越来越感到难受,心里也愈加恐惧起来。最后终于忍受不住了,便叫道:“把我放下来,我认罪,我全招了。”

  然而群众的愤恨却不是如此轻易就能平息的,他们以这样的喊叫作为回答;“再把他吊高点!再高点!再高点!”过了一会儿,群众稍稍解了点恨,几个比较有头脑的人说:“如果现在就让他死掉,咱们就没法对他进行清算了。”于是大家把王常盈放下来,让他喘口气。

  这时,李天享的妻子走到王常盈身边,满腔悲愤地质问:“有人把俺男人给害死了,是不是你干的?”

  王常盈的脸因他刚才被吊在树上而涨得通红,这时刷的一下变成土色了。他回答说:“不是我干的。”

  “放老实点!”众人一齐喊道。“你老实交代便罢,要是不说实话,就把你再吊起来!”

  “不,不是我干的。”话音未落,有人一拽绳子,又把他高高吊起来。这次吊时间比上次还长,王常盈实在忍受不了这样的痛苦,求道;“把我放下来,我交代。”他又是哭哭啼啼,又是长吁短叹地招供了他如何伙同他的儿子在李天享回家的路上截住了他,把他的双手捆绑起来,把头按进水里,直到把他呛死,然后把尸首扔进河里,满以为尸首会顺水漂走。

  王常盈的话音刚落,人群中又爆发出阵阵怒吼。

  “在抗战时,你就杀害了我们三个人,”刘广站出来说道,“那先不算,光眼下的罪孽用你的狗命也偿还不了!”人们又把王常盈给吊了起来。这时,有许多人高喊:“吊死他!吊死他!“另一些人叫道:“没那么便宜!得先让他尝尝咱们吃过的苦头!”
       

  Nevertheless, they decided to go ahead with the struggle against Landlord Wang. That same day a mass meeting was called in a great square field south of the town, not far from the river. About eighty people came to complain against Wang, while the rest of the village watched - among them Wang's wife and daughter.

  In the course of the morning and afternoon, the crowd accused the landlord of many crimes, including betrayal of resistance members to the Japanese, robbing them of grain, forcing them into labor gangs. At last, he was asked if he admitted the accusations.

  "All these things I have done," he said, "but really it was not myself who did it, but the Japanese." He could not have chosen worse words. Over the fields now sounded an angry roar, as of the sea, and the crowd broke into a wild fury. Everybody shouted at once, proclaiming against the landlord's words. Even the nonparticipating bystanders warmed to something akin to anger.

  Then above the tumult of the crowd came a voice louder than the rest, shouting: "Hang him up!" The chairman of the meeting and the cadres were disregarded. For all that the crowd noticed they did not exist.

  The crowd boiled around Wang, and somewhere a rope went swishing over a tree. Willing hands slung one end of the rope around Wang's waist. Other eager hands gave the rope a jerk. Wang rose suddenly and came to a halt in mid-air about three feet above the earth. And there he hung, his head down, his stomach horizontal and his legs stretched out - perfect illustration of what the Chinese call a "Duck's swimming form."

  About his floating body, the crowd foamed, anger wrinkling their foreheads and curses filling their mouths. Some bent down and spit in the landlord's eyes and others howled into his ears.

  As he rose from the ground, the landlord felt a terror which mounted higher as his position became more uncomfortable. Finally, he could bear it no longer and shouted: "Put me down. I know my wrongs. I admit everything."

  The spite of the crowd, however, was not so easily assuaged and they only answered the landlord's pleas with shouts: "Pull him up! He's too low! Higher! Higher!" After a while the anger of the people abated and cooler heads counseled. "If we let him die now, we won't be able to settle accounts with him." Then they allowed him to come down for a rest.

  At this point, the wife of Original Fortune Lee came up close Wang and said in a plaintive voice: "Somebody killed my husband. Was it you?"

  Wang's face which had grown red from hanging in the air slowly was drained of all color. "No, I did not do it," he said.

  "Tell the truth," said the crowd. "You can admit everything to us and nothing will happen. But if you don't tell us the truth, we will hang you up again."

  "No, it was not me," These words were hardly out of his mouth before someone jerked on the rope and the landlord flew into the air again. This time the crowd let him hang for a long while. Unable to bear the pain, Wang finally said: "Let me down. I'll speak." Then, between sobs and sighs, he told how he and his son had seized Original Fortune Lee as he was walking home from the meeting, tied his hands together, held his head under water until he was dead and then had thrown him in the river, thinking he would float away.

  A cry of rage went up as Wang finished speaking.

  "You've already killed three of our men in the war," said Liu Kwang. "That could be excused. But now your own life can never repay us for the crimes you've done."
Again Wang was hung up and this time many shouted: "Let him hang until he is dead." But others said: "That is too quick; he must first have a taste of the suffering we've had."

  直到傍晚,才把王常盈放了下来,然后把他关进一间窑洞里,派人看守起来。大会刚一结束,就有二、三十人来到了地主家里,撵走了地主婆和她的女儿,在大门上贴了封条。这两个女人只好到邻村去投靠亲友。

  当天晚上,工作组的五个干部和斗争地主的积极分子们分头到村里四处了解群众的反应。有人拍手称快:“这叫做罪有应得,那小子坏透了!”也有人讲:“太便宜他了!他干了多少伤天害理的事啊!”深夜,在一家大院里召开了积极分子大会,与会群众达一百二十人之多。

  会上,干部们问大家“怎么样,干得带劲吗!”人们异口同声回答:“痛快极了!”可是究竟如何处置王常盈,一时还决定不下来。会上有一半人赞成把他打死。也有个别人说:“可他是上了岁数的人了。”有一部分人还没有拿定主意。也有人提议,应该把王常盈的管家、富农石平华也抓来同地主一块斗。但这条建议最终还是被否决了。人们说:“吃西瓜拣大个的,先拿大头开刀!”

  最后大家一致同意,王常盈杀了人必须偿命。但如何处死他呢?是把他送到区里去判刑呢,还是由群众就地结果了他,或者还有其他什么办法?

  有人说;“如果把他送交军事法庭以汉奸治罪,给他一颗子弹也未免太便宜他了。咱门不如来个先斩后奏。”

  “那谁敢下手?”有人问道。

  这一问使所有的人不约而同地喊了起来:“我敢!我敢!他用刺刀捅死了咱们的民兵,咱们就不能照样整治他?!”

  三天以后,全村的人提前吃了早饭,天刚亮,人们就开始涌向村子南边的广场,当天将要在那里处死王常盈。人群中有男有女,有本村的也有邻村的.有的手拿镰刀、锄头,有的肩扛大刀、长矛,总共大约有七百来人。干部们写的有关王常盈罪状的布告,挂在树上随风飘动。

  一条罪状是:“汉奸王常盈曾杀害我民兵三名以及积极分子一名。”

  另一条罪状是:“在抗日战争期间,不法地主王常盈曾榨取群众大量钱粮。”

  第三条罪状是:“王常盈肆意摊派苛捐杂税,鱼肉乡里。”

  王常盈在三个民兵的押送下被带进了会场,顿时群情激愤,人声鼎沸。人们把面如土色、浑身发抖的王常盈反绑在一棵柳树上。王常盈偷偷瞥了一眼到会的群众,马上又把头低了下去。

  此时人们心中又泛起一阵疑虑。他们不敢相信,世代的仇敌今天果真在他们面前束手待毙;他们不敢相信,今天王常盈就要像一只绵羊似的听任他们宰割。

  只见马臭子从人群中走出来,站在大家面前说:“大伙儿听我说,咱们报仇伸冤的时候到了。”他的声音微微有点颤抖。“对这个罪大恶极的地主,咱们该怎样讨还血债呢?咱们要他偿命!”说完,他转过身去狠狠地给了王常盈一记耳光。这一记响亮的耳光有如晨空爆出震耳的枪声,立刻引起了人群骚动。地主听到人声朝他逼近,慌忙抬起头来。离他最近的人看到他嘴唇蠕动了几下,听见他说;“让我讲两句,就两句话!”站在他身旁的一个人喊道:“少废话!”一边喊一边用锄扒开王常盈的衣服,从胸前一直撕到下身。

  王常盈凄厉地尖叫了一声,无可奈何地垂下了脑袋。人群向他猛扑过去,满腔的怒火使他们脸色铁青,双目溜圆。一个身高体壮的农民举起一把杀猪用的尖刀,一刀扎进了王常盈的心窝。王常盈挣扎了几下(那棵柳树也随着晃动起来),就瘫软了。那个大汉又按二连三地扎了他好几刀。

  地主王常盈很快就一命呜呼了,然而群众还不解恨。狂怒的群众的呼喊声响彻原野:“不让他死了就没事了!”“先让他暴尸几天再说!”“至少也要暴尸三天才许入土!”但这种狂怒情绪终于渐渐平息下来。后来大家冷静一想,尸首放在露天会腐烂发臭,不如让王常盈的妻女来收尸。

  当天傍晚,地主婆和她的女儿雇了一辆大车,来到王常盈尸首停放的地方。两个女人也不敢哭,一声不响地把尸首装上大车运走了。村里没有什么人注意她们的行踪,人们也不再议论了,大约也没有多少话要说了。地主已经被斗倒了。

  石壁村终于翻了身。
          At dusk, they let Wang down once more and put him in a cave under guard again. As soon as the meeting was over, twenty or thirty men went to the landlord's house, drove the wife and daughter out of doors and sealed the house. The two women went to a near-by village to stay with relatives.

  That evening the five cadres and those who had taken an active part in the struggle against the landlord walked around the village to listen to the gossip and sample public opinion. Such words were heard as:

  "Serves him right; he's so wicked. This is too light for him. Just count his sins."

  Later that night another meeting of those of the village who wanted to struggle against the landlord was held in a courtyard. This time 120 people attended.

  When the cadres asked: "How do you feel? Have you done well?" the answer came back: "Oh fine! Fine!" But exactly what to do with the landlord was a problem for which the people at first had no solution. Half of these in the meeting thought he should be beaten to death. A few said: "He is too old." Some had no ideas at all. Others thought that his clerk, the rich farmer Shih Tseng-hua, should be bound up with him at the same time in the struggle. This suggestion, however, was voted down when someone pointed out: "You should always collect the big melons in the field first. So we should cut off the big head first."

  It was decided that Wang must die for his murders. But how? Should he be sent to the district government to be punished, should the people kill him or what?

  "If he is tried before a court-martial for treason," said a farmer, then there will be only one bullet, and that is too cheap for Wang. We ought to kill him first and report to the government afterward."

  "Who dares kill him?" asked a farmer doubtfully.

  At this everyone shouted at once: "We dare. We dare. He bayoneted our militiamen to death and we can also do that to him."

  Three days after this meeting, the whole village breakfasted early, and shortly after sunrise, seven hundred men and women, including visitors from neighboring villages, many armed with pig knives, hoes, sickles, swords and spears went out to the large field south of town where the landlord was to be killed. The cadres had written down Wang's crimes on large pieces of paper and these, hanging by ropes from the trees, now fluttered in the breeze.

  "Traitor Wang Chang-ying killed three militiamen and one active farmer of the village," said one.

  "Sinful Landlord Wang grafted money and grain during the War of Resistance," said another.

  "Wang Chang-ying shifted the tax burden onto the people and looted the village," said a third.

  A shout went up from the crowd as Landlord Wang was led onto the field. Three guards marched him, pale and shaking, to a willow tree where he was bound up. With his back against the tree, the landlord looked once at the crowd but quickly bent his head toward the ground again.

  A slight shiver of apprehension went through the audience. They could not believe their enemy was helpless here before them. He was the lamb led to slaughter, but they could not quite believe they were going to kill him.

  Ma Chiu-tze stepped before the crowd and called for attention. "Now the time has come for our revenge," he announced in a trembling voice. "In what way shall we take revenge on this sinful landlord? We shall kill him." As he said this, he turned around and slapped Wang sharply across the face.

  The crack of palm against cheek rang like a pistol shot on the morning air. A low animal moan broke from the crowd and it leaped into action. The landlord looked up as he heard the crowd rushing on him. Those nearest saw his lips move and heard him say: "Two words, two words please." The man closest shouted: "Don't let him speak!" and in the same breath swung his hoe, tearing the clothes from the bound man's chest and ripping open the lower portion of his body.

  The landlord gave one chilling shriek and then bowed his head in resignation. The crowd was on him like beasts. Their faces had turned yellow and their eyes rolled. A big farmer swung his pig knife and plunged it directly into the landlord's heart. His body quivered - even the tree shook - then slumped, but still the farmer drew his knife in and out, again and again and yet once again.

  Landlord Wang was quickly dead, but the rage of the crowd would not abate.

  The field rang with the shouts of maddened people.

  "It is not enough to kill him." "We must put him in the open air." "We must not allow him to be buried for three days."
But such convulsive passions do not last long. They burn themselves out. Slowly, the anger of the crowd cooled. The body of the landlord might rot in the open air and it were better that his wife and daughter be allowed to get him.

  That evening, as the sun was going down behind the mountain, the landlord's wife and daughter brought a mule cart slowly across the field to where their husband and father lay. They wept no tears, but silently lifted the mutilated body into the cart and drove away.

  Few saw them come and few saw them go. And no one said a word. For there was nothing left to say. The struggle against the landlord was ended.

  Stone Wall Village had turned over.

  石壁村的群众斗倒地主王常盈之后,接着对其财产进行了清算。用共产党的话来说,这叫做分“斗争果实”。

  大伙儿推举了一位能写会算的人,把凡是要分的财物都列出清单,其中除了土地之外,还有家具、粮食、棉花、布匹等等。这是一项十分复杂的工作。

  开始时并非人人都感到满意,后来通过多次开会协商,土地的分配基本上做到了皆大欢喜。每人平均分得四亩水浇地,这确实不算多,但与过去相比,对那些贫苦的农民来说,这已经相当可观丁。实际上不可能做到绝对平均,那些苦大仇深的贫穷户,所分得的土地就稍多一些。此外,对那四位被地主杀害的农民的家属给予了适当的照顾,每户多分了三亩来地。

  马臭子原来只种一亩薄地,现在共分得了近十亩地。当这十亩地分到手后,他备了点酒菜,请来亲朋好友、工作组的干部以及其他一些为石壁村的翻身出过力的乡亲们,到他家作客,共享翻身的喜说。这以后他每天都要到自己地里去转转。秋天农忙时,他更是整日整日地在地里忙着锄草耪地,翻耕耙犁。

  刘广再也不用担心被地主吊下水井里了。他分到一间新房。他的妻子每天一大早就起来忙着洒扫庭院。从那个破窑洞搬进这间新房后,她心里真有说不完的高兴。

  村里还发生了几件奇事,至于读者信与不信,那只好听便了。有个年迈的老汉,因早先向地主借了四分铜钱的债还不起,被王常盈照耳朵打了一拳,从此这只耳朵就聋了。在翻身运动中,他分到了四亩地,心里乐开了花。有一天,他对儿子说:“过去咱是因为受地主欺负才聋的。如今咱心里头高兴,耳朵也不聋了。“他抬头望了一眼墙上挂的神像,气恼地说:“咱供了你多少年,可是你没给咱带来一点好处,现在统统结咱滚蛋吧!”一边说一边把神像撕下来扔进了粪坑里。
          When the struggle against the landlords of Stone Wall Village ended, an immediate settlement of accounts was begun. According to Communist terminology, this involved the division of the "fruits of struggle."

  A man who could write was located and established in a cave where he wrote down all the things that were to be divided. Among other things, this included furniture, grain, cotton and cloth, but principally land.

  Naturally, this was a complicated process and not everyone at first was satisfied, but after several meetings, all the land taken from Wang Chang-ying was split up in a fashion that satisfied most of the people. When all the land was divided, everyone owned on the average two-thirds of an acre of water land; not much it is true, but far more than the poor had had before. Those whose bitterness had been especially heavy in the past were favored where an exactly equal division was impossible. The families of the four murdered farmers received half an acre more than the others.

  Ma Chiu-tze, who previously had owned only one-sixth of an acre of land, now had about an acre and a half for himself and his wife. As soon as the land was his, he gave a feast for his relatives, for those who made out the land credentials, for the county cadres and for those who had helped to turn over Stone Wall Village. Every day, he went out to look at his land and in autumn he weeded, cut grass and plowed the whole day long.

  Liu Kwang, no longer afraid of being lowered into a well by the landlord, received a new house from the settlement. Early every morning, his wife got up and swept out the courtyard, she was so happy to be living in a house instead of a cave.

  Even stranger things happened which the reader may believe or not, as he likes. In the village, there was an old man who was deaf in one ear. Once he had borrowed four cents from the landlord and he had not been able to repay it, so Wang had boxed him on the ear and he had been deaf ever since. In the overturning movement he acquired two-thirds of an acre of land and he became very happy. One day he remarked to his son: "In the past, I was deaf because I was oppressed by the landlord, but now I am in such high spirits that I can hear with my bad ear again." Shortly after this, the old man looked at the pictures of the Earth and Heaven gods on his wall and angrily said: "I worshiped you for many years, but you did me no good. Now I am going to get rid of you all." So saying, he tore the gods from the wall and threw them in the latrine.
  斗倒地主以后,工作组的干部又在村里发动群众组织“农民协会”,从一百五十五名会员中(其中妇女会员三十人),选出了若干名村干部。选举那天成了一个大喜的节日。在这一带山区,多年未见过这样的盛况了。邻村的人也来了,人人兴高采烈。大家就如何进行选举的问题,展开了长时间的热烈讨论。所有的人都是有生以来第一次参加选举,其中多半是一个大字不识的文盲。如果采取举手通过的方式,难免会减弱这首次选举的庄严气氛,而且不是秘密投票。最后决定采取往碗里投放豆子的方式进行选举。结果有五人当选,其中有马臭子、刘广和二宝。参加第一次秘密会议的几个人,除了遇害牺牲了的李天享之外,都当选了。

  此后不久,军阀阎锡山操纵的地主武装“还乡团”在太岳山区的活动日渐猖獗。在石壁村一带,“还乡团”主要是由一些逃亡地主及其狗腿子组成的。有时他们还伙同阎锡山军队,对翻身后的村子进行袭击骚扰。不久,“还乡团”打到了石壁村附近离石壁村六、七里外的桥北村,有一户叫唐济元的地主,土改时农民分了他家的地,他和兄弟一道逃亡到阎锡山盘踞的地区,加入了“还乡团”。他的妻子依旧留在村里。有一天,这个地主婆得知村长、农会主席和民兵队长在村公所开会研究税收问题,马上溜出村子找到她丈夫报信。

  这三位干部开完会时,已经是深夜了,他们当晚就睡在村公所里。半夜里,唐济元两兄弟带领着五十多名匪军闯进衬里,把这三位干部用刺刀给捅死了。然后又把村里的粮食洗劫一空,直到拂晓时分才扬长而去。

  石壁村的群众得悉邻村遭到“还乡团”袭击的消息后,立即开会商讨应变措施。一位村干部说,“敌人就在附近,咱们不能离开村子。他们村的几位干部之所以遇害,是因为他们没有布置岗哨。咱们应该派人在村口放哨,干部们应住到安全的地方。”

  村里现存的武器只有一支步枪,农民协会决定拔出四十石麦子到附近游击队办的兵工厂购买九支步枪和一批手榴弹。采取上述预防措施是完全必要的,因为王常盈的儿子并未忘记杀父之仇,他潜伏在石壁村附近蠢蠢欲动,伺机报复。大家都估计到他是要回来的。人们似乎已经意识到,他们干了一件冒险的事,而且事情并未就此了结,总有一天会有报应的。还有一些更胆小怕事的人,普遍怀有一种迷信的想法,认为凡是动过王常盈财物的人,难免有一天会死在王常盈儿子手里。

  村子里一时流言四起,人心浮动,说什么王常盈的儿子有一天半夜里溜回了村,与几个被他收买的人进行密谈。一天晚上,有人看见一个貌似地主儿子的人站在一家大门口,不由得惊叫起来。群众闻声纷纷从家里冲出来。那个家伙见势不妙,转身就跑,大伙儿紧跟在后面追赶,一气追出十里开外,结果还是让他给溜掉了。人们垂头丧气地回到村里,从此更加担惊受怕。
       

  After the struggle against the landlords, the cadres urged the village to organize a Farmers Association and then to elect officers from among the 155 members of whom thirty were women.

  Election day proved to be a gala event. The mountains had seen nothing like it in years and people gathered from neighboring villages in a holiday spirit. There had been long and heated discussion in the villages on just how the voting should take place. No one had ever voted before; most could not write. If voting were done by raising hands, there would be no dignity in the first election and it would not be secret. Therefore, it was decided to vote by putting beans in a bowl. Five officers were elected, among them Old Legality Ma, Liu Kwang and Second Jewel Pao. So, with the exception of the murdered Original Fortune Lee, every one of the four members who had attended the original secret meeting was elected.

  Shortly after this, the Revenge Corps of Warlord Yen Hsi-shan's army grew increasingly active in the Taiyueh Mountains. Around Stone Wall Village, this corps was composed mostly of landlords and a few of their bailiffs. Sometimes they hired soldiers to make private raids on the villages which had divided their land. At last they struck in the vicinity of Stone Wall Village.

  In Chaopeitsun, two miles away, a landlord named Tang Chi-yung and his brother, whose land the peasants had divided, leaving the brothers an equal share with themselves, had fled away to Yen Hsi-shan's area and joined the Revenge Corps. His wife, however, had remained in the village. One day, this wife learned that the village chief, the president of the Farmers Association and the leader of the local militia were holding a meeting about taxation in the village office and she ran away to her husband and told him of the meeting.

  Because they did not finish their work till late, the three officials decided to sleep in the office. In the middle of the night Landlord Tang and his brother at the head of fifty armed troops whom they had hired for the occasion returned to the village and bayoneted the cadres to death. The landlord and the soldiers then looted the village granary of all its grain and departed at dawn.

  As soon as Stone Wall Village heard the news of what had happened to its neighbor, the farmers called a meeting to discuss the situation. "We cannot all leave town," said a local cadre, "because the enemy is around. These men were killed because they did not post sentries. We must put sentries outside our village and place our cadres in a well-defended place."

  Because there was only one rifle in the village, the Farmers Association decided to appropriate forty piculs of wheat to buy nine rifles and some grenades from a near-by military factory which supplied guerrillas.

  These precautions were necessary, for the son of Landlord Wang had not forgotten his father's death and was lurking in the vicinity, looking for revenge. Everyone in the village was of one mind that he would return. They seemed to realize that they had begun an adventure that provoked a sequence, a development and, inexorably, a retribution. Among the more timid, there was a general superstition that anyone who had touched Landlord Wang's property would be sure to die at his son's hands.

  Sepulchral rumors floated about the village and it was said that the landlord's son returned in the middle of the night and talked with agents whom he had bribed. One night, a farmer saw a man that looked like Wang's son standing by a gate and he cried out in great alarm. The villagers rushed out of doors and the man took to his heels with the crowd in pursuit. After a chase of three miles, the people lost their quarry and returned home, frustrated and afraid.
  几天以后的一个晚上,王常盈的儿子果然率领了一百多名武装匪徒回到了石壁村。在他们未进村前,被村外放哨的民兵发现了,马上回村报告了敌情,顿时在村里引起了一阵骚动。人们急忙收拾好随身细软,撤进了村后的深山里,并把所有的骡马牲口连夜牵走了。甚至那些并未参加过斗争地主的人家,也带上粮食跟着大伙儿一起离开了村子。干部们手中的武器寥寥无几,难以抵御上百名的敌人,只好随群众一道撤退到山里。最后,全村人畜统统撤离一空。

  王常盈的儿子进了村,发现整个村子空空荡荡。想报杀父之仇,可是连个人影也找不着;要抢劫财物,更是连一点值钱的东西也没剩下。恼恨之下,他放起一把火将村里所有的房子都点着了。并把那些无法烧毁的窑洞的门窗拆下来,把窑洞内的家具搬出来,统统付之一炬。

  石壁村的群众默默地遥望着自己的家园被熊熊的烈火吞噬,偶而发出几声诅咒,同时暗自庆幸。“幸亏咱们有人放哨,要不,这下可就全完了。”地主的儿子和他带来的一帮匪军直到天明才离去。没等他们走远,群众就迫不急待地朝村里奔去,一进村马上担土挑水,设法扑灭仍在燃烧的火焰。火势终于被控制住,一家一家地逐渐熄灭了。人们没有哭泣,也没有哀号。那些住房完全被烧毁的人家,就暂时寄宿在左邻右舍。当天夜里,县里来的五位干部单独在一起开了一个会,在会上作出决定,今后要做好长期斗争的准备。这场斗争已经远远超出了翻身运动的范围,俨然是一场战争了。

  在此后短短一个月的时间内,石壁村附近几个村子里,就有十一人惨遭“还乡团”的毒手。由于在当时的情况下,尚无法调动八路军正规部队前来增援,同时地方游击队也转移到南边去了,县政府即向各村发出指示,要求他们自行组织民兵,在村内外加派岗哨。同时,县政府还从各村抽调了一百来人,组成一支县武装大队,直属县政府指挥。

  在这支武装力量的保护下,各村逐渐恢复了安宁。石壁村的翻身运动又继续开展起来。赋税减轻了,征收公粮由群众自报公议。村里的群众还推选了马英海担任新的村长。马英海是位四十岁上下的贫苦农民,过去贫无立锥之地,直到土改时才分得了九亩地。曾经被地主吊下井里的刘广,当上了村里的民兵队长。他的妻子也加入了妇女会。

  妇女的地位也起了很大的变化。在过去,不论白天黑夜,她们是不许参加任何会议的,天黑以后根本不许出门。而现在,不管是白天还是夜里,她们都能和男人们一起参加各种会议。但生儿育女还是个问题,或许翻身运动也能帮助她们解决这个难题。人们开始破除迷信,再也不去拜菩萨求狐仙,再也不相信一切都是命中注定的了。庙宇尚在,但已无人烧香了。人们说:“菩萨没有给咱们带来一点好处,可八路军给咱们带来的好处说也说不完。”那些逃亡的小地主也返回家园了。现在,他们以一个普通农民的身份自食其力。

  在地主王常盈家的大院里,现在办了一所学校。过去地主用来盘剥农民血汗的磨坊,现在已成了集体的财产,本村的群众去碾米磨面不取分文,对外村的用户收费也很低廉。这笔收入就作为农民协会的经费。
          A few nights later, Wang's son did in reality return. This time, he came at the head of a hundred armed men. Sentries stationed in the fields caught sight of them while they were still on the march and ran to warn the village which was thrown into pandemonium.

  Hastily packing their belongings, the people retired into the ravines back of the village. Cows, donkeys and horses were all led away in the dark. Even those who had not opposed the landlord took their grain with them. The cadres, because they had no adequate weapons to fight with a hundred armed men, retired with all the rest. Not a man nor an animal was left in Stone Wall Village.

  When Wang's son returned home, he found no man on whom to spend his revenge and no plunder to carry off. In anger, he set fire to all those houses which would burn. He could not burn the caves, so he smashed the wooden windows, carried out the furniture and threw it into the flames. The people looked at their homes going up in the fire, but they said little, only quietly cursing and once in a while murmuring: "We were lucky we had sentries or we would all be dead men by now." At dawn, Wang's son and his hired crew of soldiers left. When they were not far distant, the people rushed back to the village and began to throw earth and water on their still burning houses. One by one, the fires were brought under control and put out. There was little weeping and wailing. Those whose homes were too badly damaged to live in went to live with their neighbors. At night, the five county cadres held a private meeting of their own and decided they must make active preparations for a long armed struggle. This was more than an overturning movement; this was war.

  Within the next month, eleven people were killed in the near-by villages by marauding bands - bought soldiers, a few village leaders and the landlords in the Revenge Corps. The county government, unable to call on the regulars of the 8th Route Army and the guerrillas who had gone south, sent an open letter to every village to organize its own militia and put guards inside and outside the villages. In addition, volunteers came from the villages and formed a regular force of a hundred men that was at all times under command of the county.

  Gradually this force brought peace to the villages. In the meantime, Stone Wall Village continued to "turn over." Taxes were lightened and the people themselves voted the amount of grain to be collected. The village elected as its new chief a forty-year-old farmer named Ma Ying-hai, who formerly had owned no land of his own, but who had acquired an acre and a half during the land division. Liu Kwang, who had been put down a well by Landlord Wang, became head of the village militia. His wife joined the Women's Association.

  The position of women changed greatly. Before, they could not participate in day or night meetings or be seen on the Street after dark. Now they participated in meetings with men, day or night. There was not yet time for them to give birth to many children, but maybe the overturning movement would take care of that, too.

  The people began to cast aside their superstitions, no longer believed in ghosts, fox goddesses or a fate unalterable. The temples remained untouched but no one visited them. The people said: "The Gods brought us no luck, but the 8th Route Army has brought us much luck."
Now the small landlords who fled away have come back and are working their land like common farmers.

  The great house of Landlord Wang has been turned into a school. His mill which used to charge the villagers exorbitant prices to grind their grain has, become the property of the whole village. Grain is ground free for all local people. Outsiders can use the mill by paying a nominal price. The money goes to pay the expenses of the Farmers Association.
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发表于 2011-10-21 22:33 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 stern 于 2011-10-21 23:13 编辑

http://www.chinashakestheworldbook.com/Section_31.htm



第七章 土地与革命
       
CHAPTER VII

LAND AND REVOLUTION
第三十一节 暗杀 投毒 美人计
       
31. Murder, Poison and Seduction
  反抗封建统治的斗争,在解放区各地普遍展开了。它有如滚滚的洪流,奔腾向前,漫溢四方,直达蒋管区的边界。它使地主老财们望而生畏,闻风丧胆。为了捞取救命稻草,各地土豪纷纷改变策略,争相披上开明绅士的外衣。他们不再公开地反对农民组织了,而在暗地里,却多方策划组织由他们一手操纵的农民团体。他们网罗村里的地痞流氓,拼凑五花入门的农民协会,妄图以此来控制农民群众,逃避清算。当县里的干部下来视察时,看到村里各种农民组织应有尽有,于是向大家祝贺一番便告辞而去。可是农民群众看到,过去欺压他们的人现在依旧骑在他们头上,心里就凉了半截,感到十分愤懑和疑惧。

  在河北省有个名叫灰菜峪的材子。有一天,一个农民回家对妻子说:“咱们决不能再让地主欺压咱们了!”他妻子回答说:“要说欺压咱也受惯了,咱们拙嘴笨舌的,哪里比得上人家财主能说会道。”她的话反映了当时许多农民的思想状况。翻身运动又一次陷入低潮。下乡的干部们再也看不到往日种热火朝天的情景了。农民群众为了获得土地而奋起斗争,可是似乎他们斗来斗去还是摆脱不了地主的控制。更有甚者,地主的这种主宰一切的权力,恰恰就是由农民群众自己组织的协会来维护的。这种状况使贫苦的农民群众感到茫然。此时此刻,他们需要干部们加以引导。

  在山东省平阴县境内有个村子,村长名叫王毛品,是个形容枯槁的大烟鬼,过去靠在集市上摆赌摊为生。当村里的农民群众显露出反抗情绪时,地主把王毛品找去,面授机宜,许诺给他十五亩地酬劳。一夜之间,这个赌棍拼凑了一个农会和一个雇农团,自己摇身一变,成了这两个团体的主席,后来又成了一村之长。县救国会派来的干部进村后,看到村里应有的各种民主机构似乎都已建立。在地主的授意下,王毛品形影不离地跟在这个干部屁股后面,大献殷勤,同时又威胁群众说:“谁敢提清算二字,就打断他的腿!”

  一天夜里,那个干部在一间茅屋里秘密会见了七个农民。王毛品得知后,操起长矛破门而入,厉声责问那几个农民:“你们在这儿干啥?”可是他看到县干部在场,不便进一步发作,只是紧握长矛,恶狠狠地瞪着那几个农民。在座的几个农民慌忙起身,一个个溜走了。县干部随着王毛品来到屋外,几个手持长矛的大汉一拥而上。“咱们是保护您的,”王毛品连忙解释说,一面又劝这个干部尽早撤走。第二天,这位干部不仅没有撤走,反而召开了一次群众大会,在会上当众把王毛品训斥了一顿。到会的群众都禁不住开心地笑了,可是谁也不敢说什么。

  县干部在会上的强硬讲话,使那个地主惊恐不安,便在当晚逃跑了。临走之前,他对王毛品交代说:“看来清算是难免了,不过你要给咱留点面子,设法应付过去。“地主逃跑后,王毛品去找县干部说,“您瞧,咱可是一个心眼为您效劳。咱来向您报告,地主他跑了。”“你为什么把他放跑了?”干部质问他。

  “没啥关系!跑了和尚跑不了庙,兔子跑了窝还在。只管清算他的土地不就得了?”王毛品吆喝了二十来人,在地主家的大门上贴了封条,把地主宅院看守起来。然后对大伙儿说:“地主有一千多亩庄稼,咱们全给他收了!”同时,他假意派人去抓地主,派去的人却给地主通风报信。县干部被他胡弄得不知该如何办才好。村长当着众人的面装出一副与地主势不两立的样子,实际上处处都在维护地主的利益。

  县干部提议把地主的粮食拿出三万斤分给受过地主剥削的农民。王毛品却说:“不成,得拿出十万斤,还得分他的房子。”可是暗地里他又对大伙儿说:“行了,这就满够了,就到此为止吧!”然而县干部继续发动群众,坚决表示:“地是一定要分的,等地主回来咱们再好好跟他算算帐。”

  与此同时,村里对村长进行了改选。这个赌棍被罢免后,给地主捎信说:“眼下咱不能为您效劳了。”后来,地主得悉群众担保不杀他,于是决定回村去。有许多死于饥饿的雇农的亲属在村口等着他,他一到就被抓住痛打了一顿。他浑身哆哆嗦嗦,被押送诉苦大会的会场。在会上,一个农民控诉了地主和他的狗腿子王毛品如何把他和他的妻子儿女一起关进一间土牢里,剥光衣服用鞭子子抽打。说到这里,王毛品站起来揭发了地主干的其它许多坏事。地主没想到跟了他多年的狗腿子竟然也背叛了他,感到很狼狈,转身对王毛品说道,“今天咱才知道你是个啥东西!”说完就跪倒在地上,连连向周围的人叩头求饶。群众饶了他一条狗命。

  就这样,一村又一村,一桩又一桩,地主的阴谋一一被戳穿了。农民群众吸取了以往的经验教训。把窃踞村中要职的土豪劣绅一个个全罢免了。斗争中,贫雇农的信心迅速增强。在清算运动最初的几个月里,某些农民就没收地主财产的问题曾经同地主讨价还价。地主说:“眼下你护着咱,将来国民党来了咱也护着你。“农民说:“现在你把土地交出来,国民党来了再还给你。”而现在,除了拉锯战地区以外这种情况没有了,运动一步比一步更加激烈。
       

THE revolt against the feudal rulers threatened to become epidemic. Like flood water, the rising swelled and spread, inundating all the districts even to the borders of Chiang Kai-shek's areas. Watching from his manor, the landlord felt he was about to be engulfed.

  In order to save himself, the larger landholder abruptly changed tactics, and began to adopt a protective liberal coloring. Instead of opposing the peasant organs, he now took an active, but concealed, part in organizing them. At his command, rascals, loafers and village bullies rushed to form various peasant associations. In this way the landlords hoped to control the farmers and avoid a settlement. Arriving from the county seats, and seeing every conceivable kind of organization in existence, the cadres would congratulate the farmers and go on to some other village. The peasants, finding themselves still under the same old rulers, quickly passed from enthusiasm to disgust and fear.

  In the village of Huitsaiyu in Hopei Province a farmer came home and told his wife: "We must release ourselves from the landlord." His wife replied: "We are accustomed to be oppressed. We can't speak as fluently as the landlords. We are too slow." The words of this farm wife expressed the mood of many peasants. The movement fell back again. In vain did the cadres scan the villages for signs of the old enthusiasm. They were no longer to be seen. The peasant wanted land, but the more he struggled, the more he seemed to come under the landlord's grip. Worst of all, the landlord's power was maintained by the very associations which the peasant had formed.

  The poor farmer was at a loss. The cadre had to take the lead again. In a certain district of Pingying County in Shantung, there was a village chief named Wang Mao-pin. An opium smoker with a pale blue face, he had formerly operated gambling stalls on village fairgrounds. When the peasants showed signs of restlessness, the landlord called Wang and promised him fifteen mow of land to work on his behalf. Overnight, the gambler organized a Farmers Association and a Workers Union, becoming head of each and later becoming village chief. When a cadre from the county Salvation Association entered the village, it seemed as if every kind of democratic organization had been formed, On instructions from the landlord, Wang followed the cadre everywhere, performing many services for him. To the peasants, he said: "I'll break the legs of anyone who dares mention the word settlement."

  One night seven farmers met secretly with the cadre in a hut. Wang burst in armed with a spear. "What are you doing here?" he shouted at the assembled farmers. Noticing the salvation cadre, he suddenly became quiet, but remained glowering at his fellow-villagers from behind his spear. The farmers hastily rose and left the room, one by one.

  The cadre went out into the street with the village chief and found himself surrounded by five men with spears. "We must protect you," said Wang, and advised the cadre to leave town. The next day, instead of leaving, the cadre called a meeting and publicly scolded the village chief. The common farmers smiled, but none dared talk.

  For some reason, however, the cadre's determined speech frightened the landlord. In the night, he left the village. Before he went, he told his dog leg, Wang: "The settlement is inevitable. But keep my face. Don't settle thoroughly." Wang came to the cadre. "Look," he said, "I have your interest at heart. The landlord has gone." "Why did you let him go?" asked the cadre.

  "Never mind! Monks flee; temples remain. Rabbits go; holes remain. Let's settle his land." Summoning twenty men, Wang put guards over the landlord's house and sealed the doors. Then he said: "The landlord has a thousand mow of land, let's harvest his crop." At the same time, he slyly suggested that men be sent to arrest the landlord, but the men who went merely gave the landlord information. The cadre did not know what to do. The village chief came before the people as the enemy of the landlord, but in reality was protecting his interests.

  The cadre suggested that thirty thousand catties of grain be divided to pay the debts owed to the farmers. "No, let's take one hundred thousand catties and bust up his house," said Wang. Secretly he told the peasants: "This is enough; let's stop here." But the cadre kept pushing the peasants on. "Let's divide the land," he insisted. "If the landlord comes back, we will settle the account fairly with him."

  In the meantime, the village held an election and voted Wang out of office. Shorn of his title, the gambler sent a message to the landlord, saying: "I can't do my duty to you under present conditions." The farmers, having guaranteed not to kill him, the landlord returned. Relatives of the tenants who had starved to death met the landlord at the entrance to the village and beat him severely. Quaking, the landlord made his way back to a Speak Bitterness Meeting. A farmer told how the landlord and his dog leg, Wang, had dragged him, his wife and children to a dungeon, stripped them naked and whipped them. At this moment, Wang himself rose up and accused the landlord of other evil deeds. Betrayed and disgraced by his own bailiff, the landlord turned to Wang saying, "This is the first time I have ever learned anything from you." Then he kowtowed to the assembled farmers and begged their forgiveness, which was granted.

  In such a manner, village by village, trick by trick, the landlords' intrigues were uncovered. Learning by experience, the peasants routed the village bosses from one position after another. As they swept forward, the resolution of the tenants and the rural workers rose by rapid leaps. During the first few months of the movement, bargains were made over seizures of properties. The landlord would say: "You protect me now and I'll protect you when the Kuomintang comes." Or the tenant might say: "You give me your land and I'll give it back when the Kuomintang comes." Now, except on the borders of the fighting areas, this mask fell away. Every step of the movement grew more audacious.
  国民党方面大肆攻击土改如何如何野蛮。一位外国记者去了一趟山东蒋管区,听到某些逃亡地主诉说的所谓土改中的暴行,于是评论说:“正如太平天国的结局一样,这次革命也将因其实行恐怖政策而归于失败。”不幸这位记者并未言中,这次革命在敌人的一片哀鸣声中如火如荼地向前发展。还有一位斯克里普斯——霍华德报系的记者宣称,所谓土改运动得到广大农民群众拥护的说法纯属虚构的神话。然而正是这一神话在改变着整个华北的社会现状,广大农民群众不惜流血牺牲,使这一神话变为现实。不久以后,新当选的国民党中国的副总统李宗仁将军将在南京宣布:“我们一定要实施耕者有其田之国策!”而在这一宣布之前,国民党方面却众口一词地攻击土改如何残暴。

  这时,农民群众还要应付另一种威胁。蒋介石的特务机关得悉土地改革在农民群众内部引起了激烈的冲突后,不断派人潜入解放区,企图煽动暴乱。可是他们来得太晚了。土改运动已在华北地区深入到社会的各个领域,形势已基本上稳定。国民党特务看到他们无法煽动暴乱,甚至连类似共产党经常在国民党统治区鼓动的学生罢课行走那样的公开抗议行动也煽动不起来,于是采取其他手法进行破坏,诸如搞暗杀、投毒、派遣伪装成进步学生的特务以及施展美人计等等。

  暗杀任务是由臭名昭著的“中统”、“军统”以及地方特务机关执行的。我在解放区时,济宁市侦获了一起重大案件。国民党在六个月的时间内派来多达八批的暗杀行动小组。在此期间,计有十一人遇刺受伤。但据我所知,无一人死亡。

  特务人员携带密写在绸子上的证件、美制手枪以及作为活动经费的金条,通常伪装成商人混过封锁线。其中有一个小组,在两名毕业于美国“战略情报局”设在河南省的战时训练学校的头目的率领下,潜入济宁市后藏身于一家妓院里,图谋以此为掩护,刺杀八路军的一位纵队司令员杨勇将军。第一次他们在剧场里行刺,但未击中,刺客趁着混乱之机溜掉了。几个星期之后,他们再次在剧场行刺,仍未击中杨将军,却打伤了几名观众。凶手最后被抓获归案。

  最初,蒋介石派遣执行暗杀任务的特务,目标都集中在八路军的指挥员身上。但暗杀军事长官很难得手,尤其是当他们和部队在一起时。于是这些特务就采取与地主、特别是那些曾当过汉奸的地主勾结的办法。
       

  A concerted howl of anguish rose from Kuomintang territory about the barbarous land reform. A foreign correspondent went to Chiang Kai-shek's areas in Shantung and heard from fled-away landlords tales of atrocities. "The revolution," he observed, "is perishing just like the Taiping Rebellion because of terror." But the revolution was not perishing, it was growing stronger on the sorrows of its enemies. A Scripps-Howard correspondent found that it was a myth that the peasants supported the land reform. But this myth was changing all of North China society, and peasants were pouring out their blood and tears to make this legend come true. It is still some time before General Li Tsung-jen, newly elected vice-president of Kuomintang China, will get up in Nanking and say, "We must give the land to the tiller" and before that date everyone on the Kuomintang side must say that such a program is atrocious.

  In the meantime, the peasants had to face a threat from a new direction. Hearing that the land reform had created great inner conflicts among the peasantry, Chiang Kai-shek's secret service had begun to filter through into Communists?areas with the intention of stirring up revolts. But they were too late. By this time the land reform had penetrated very deeply into all sections of North China society and conditions were more or less stabilized. Finding it impossible to foment riots or even stir up public protests in the way the Communists, for example, were able to arouse student strikes and parades in Kuomintang areas, Chiang's agents had to fall back on other tactics. To accomplish their aims, behind Communist lines, they employed the following instruments: assassination, poison, student spies and women agent provocateurs.

  The assassinations were carried out by local agents, by the Bureau of Investigation and Statistics and by the Special Service Section, dread terror organs of the Chiang regime. While I was in Communist areas, the biggest case occurred in the city of Tsining where eight assassination groups penetrated the city within six months. During this time, eleven people were wounded, but as far as I know, none were killed.

  Carrying credentials written on silk, American-made pistols and gold bars for spending money, the agents filtered across the lines generally disguised as merchants. One such group, headed by two graduates of an American OSS wartime training school in Honan, having crossed the lines into Tsining, took up quarters in a house of prostitution and set out to assassinate General Yang Yun, commander of an 8th Route Army column. The first time, they sniped at General Yang in a theater, but missed. Escaping in the confusion, they returned to the theater some weeks later, again missed their target, but wounded several other people, and were finally caught. (1)

  In the beginning, Chiang's killers concentrated almost exclusively on 8th Route Army commanders. But military personnel are hard to kill - especially if in the midst of troops. So the agents began more and more to conspire with landlords - particularly those who had worked with Japanese puppets.
原注一:国民党经常登出报来,说共军某大头目已经身亡,其原因可能就是误以为暗杀成功。去年一年时间里,国民党官方宣传机构至少已经刊登过一次以下共军高官身亡或受伤的消息:林彪,东北解放军司令;陈毅,华东解放军司令;刘伯承,中原野战军司令;还有其他一些领导人也未能“幸免于难”。         (1) Similar and unsuccessful attempts at assassination probably account for the numerous incorrect stories put out by the Kuomintang of the deaths of Communist army commanders. During the last year, official Kuomintang organs have at one time or another announced the death or wounding of General Lin Piao, Communist c-in-c in Manchuria, General Chen yi, c-in-c in East China, General Liu Po-cheng and other Communist leaders.

  下面我略举一例。在河间镇有个曾经当过伪军营长的姓钟的人,手下还有几个旧部。当八路军进驻河间后,这帮人表示愿意悔改自新,所以政府对他们进行了宽大处理。距河间三十里外的国民党驻军早已看中了这帮人,视之为搞特务活动的理想人选,于是就派遣了两名特务潜入河间与他们取得了联系,劝诱他们在当地设立情报站,向河北的国民党军队提供情报。

  姓钟的那个家伙的母亲是当地的一个巫婆,专靠跳神弄鬼、卜卦算命、行巫医骗人钱财,在山区迷信的妇女当中颇有影响。在她儿子的唆使下,她搞了一个名曰“共信会”的迷信组织,专门教唆妇女打扮得花枝招展地去勾引男人。她用这种手段招引了不少男女信徒到她家里鬼混。寻欢作乐一番之后,便摆上香棠,装出一副鬼神附体、失魂落魄的样子,口中念念有词:“中央军要来,共军要走,此乃天意,天意已定,人不可违。蒋介石要坐天下。”散布了这一套“变天”的鬼话后,她又说:“谁要是加入共信会,就能消灾保命,这也是天意。”她还在家里挑动人们对八路军大肆辱骂。如果有人还是不愿入会,她就威胁说:“你可说过八路军的坏话,咱要去告你!”就是靠这种办法,她逐渐搜罗了一批门徒,特别是某些妇女还有另一个把柄握在她手里,就是她们曾经在她家里与男人乱搞过。

  为了避免引起怀疑,后来他们把聚会的地点改在彭老婆子家中。这个彭老婆子也曾有过一段人皆可夫的风流艳史,她的姘头有前伪军官兵,也有参加“共信会”聚会的登徒子。后来她觉得像自己这样年纪的人已不适宜再干这种勾当,于是就教唆她的女儿和儿媳妇杏花接客,让她们着重勾引干部。

  后来,政府成立了妇女会,还举办了妇女夜校,杏花也加入了妇女会,并经常去夜校学习。她听说八路军提倡男女平等,认真地反省了一下自己的荒唐行为,认识到不该参与她婆婆干的那些见不得人的勾当。但她还不敢马上就去找干部揭发交代,只是对婆婆带到家里来的嫖客越来越冷淡了。那些暗藏的特务很快发觉她态度有了变化,担心她会去揭发。

  一天晚上,彭老婆子把那个姓钟的和另一个特务带进他媳妇的房里,自己守在门外把风。这两个特务一进屋就用手卡住已经入睡的杏花的喉咙,杏花挣扎着叫了一声:“娘!”她婆婆在门外无动于衷。这两个家伙把一团棉花塞进杏花嘴里,使她再也喊不出声来,很快把她掐死,分尸数段,把人头藏到邻家的柴草房里,内脏扔进郭家的粪坑里,把身躯埋在村外树林里。


  彭老婆子又四处放风,说杏花跟一个八路军战士私奔了,企图以此来平息人们对杏花突然失踪的议论。渐渐地没有人再提这件事了。直到有一天,邻家长工打扫柴草房时发现了头颅。当时正赶上杏花的长兄从外地回来,他从脸上的一道伤疤认出是自己的妹妹。邻居们回忆起杏花在失踪前曾跟她婆婆发生过口角,于是断定他婆婆与这件谋杀案有关。当地政府立即派人严密监视这个老婆子的行动。最初,政府的调查人员以为这不过是一桩普通的谋杀案件。直到有一天,人们发现贴在农会布告牌上的民兵名单不翼而飞,这才感到有些蹊跷。不久,偷揭名单的人被抓获,供出那个姓钟的指使他去暗杀民兵队长,许诺事成之后给予重赏。

  姓钟的被逮捕后,进一步确定了他和那几个国民党特务与谋杀杏花案件的关系。但这个家伙什么也不肯招认。接着彭老婆子一家也按逮捕归案。

  破案的消息很快传遍全镇,镇公所门外一下子聚集了上万人。干部们一再劝导群众离去,可是众怒难以平息,人们强烈要求把那几个国民党特务和彭老婆子一家钉在墙上示众。有几个人跑到一家木匠铺里取来铁钉,当场散发给群众。干部们费尽唇舌才把群众劝走。彭老婆子家的一个丫头看到这种群情激愤的场面,心里十分惊恐,便对干部说;“咱把所知道的事全说出来,可你们得答应咱,以后咱再也不当使唤丫头。”杏花遇害的当晚,她曾听见惨叫声。经她一交代,整个案情水落石出。政府召开了有两万人参加的公审大会。谋杀杏花的首犯,那个国民党特务被判处死刑枪毙了。至于其他从犯是如何处置的,我就不得而知了,因为当我离开河间时,尚未对他们作出判决
          As an instance of this, I came across the following. In the town of Hochien there lived a former commander of a Japanese puppet battalion, named Chun, and several of his officers. When the 8th Route Army entered the town, these men professed repentance and the government did not punish them. To Kuomintang troops ten miles away, however, they promised fertile ground for intrigue. Two Special Service men, having entered the town, persuaded Chun and his followers to set up a local SS station and send reports to the Kuomintang army in Hopei, across the border.

  Now it happened that the mother of Chun was the village witch. She called down gods from Heaven, told fortunes and cured sickness. Because of this she had a lot of influence among the superstitious mountain women. At the persuasion of her son, she organized a Common Belief Association, spreading the thought among women that they should make themselves beautiful to attract men. In this way, she got many people - both men and women - to come to her home. Between revels, the witch would pull out her incense table, go into a trance and incant: "The Central Army comes, the Red Army goes. This is Fate. Fate decides. No one can change it. This world belongs to Chiang Kai-shek." Having spread "Sky-changing" thoughts among the people, she would then say: "Whoever joins the Common Belief Association won't be killed. So it is decreed." In her home, she incited people to talk against the 8th Route Army. Then, if they still refused to join the association, she would say: "You have talked against the 8th Route Army, I will report you." In such a manner, she built up a following, especially among the town women, who were doubly bound to her because of the affairs they were having with men in her home.

  Among these women was one known as Old Lady Peng to whose house the meetings were gradually transferred in order to avoid suspicion. For a time, Mrs. Peng slept without discrimination with the ex-puppets and various other men attracted to the meetings. Feeling, however, that it was inappropriate for a woman of her age to do this, she persuaded her daughter and her daughter-in-law, a girl named Fortunate Flower, to make love with visitors - and especially to entice staff members of the government to the house.

  When the government organized a Women's Association and a Women's Evening School, Fortunate Flower joined. Hearing that the 8th Route Army thought women should have equality with men, she began to brood over her actions and think it wrong to partake of her mother-in-law's revels. Although afraid to report her secret to the government, she grew more and more cold to the men Old Lady Peng brought to the house. The SS men could not help noticing her attitude and grew afraid she might give away their secret.

  One night Old Lady Peng led Chun and an SS man to her daughter-in-law's room. While they entered, she remained outside, listening at the door. Chun and, his cohort seized the sleeping girl by the throat, but she managed to shriek out the one word: "Mother!" Old Lady Peng however, made no attempt to help Fortunate Flower. Stuffing cotton in the terrified girl's mouth, the two men quickly silenced her, then cut off her head and dismembered her body. The head they put in the outhouse of a neighbor, the intestines in the Kuo toilet and the torso they buried in the woods.

  Old Lady Peng, to quiet talk over Fortunate Flower's disappearance, said she had run off with a soldier of the 8th Route Army. The girl was quickly forgotten until one day a hired laborer, cleaning the neighbor's outhouse, found the girl's head. At this time, Fortunate Flower's brother, who had been away, returned and by a scar on the girl's cheek identified the head as that of his sister. Neighbors remembering the quarrels of the old lady with her daughter-in-law concluded that she was connected with the murder, and the government put a close watch on the old woman's movements. Government investigators were inclined to think it just an ordinary murder until one day the name list of militiamen posted on the bulletin board of the Farmers Association disappeared. The theft was traced to a farmer who revealed that the ex-puppet Chun had promised him a big reward to murder the captain of the militiamen.

  With the arrest of Chun, his connection and that of the SS men with the girl's murder was established. But Chun would admit nothing. The whole Peng household was then arrested.

  This news spread quickly through the town and a crowd of ten thousand people gathered outside the government office. The government tried to disperse them, but the crowd grew threatening and demanded that the SS men and the whole Peng family be nailed to the walls. Some men ran off to a carpenter shop, brought nails and began to distribute them among the crowd. Only after much pleading were cadres able to persuade the crowd to disperse. The sight of the angry townspeople, however, had frightened Old Lady Peng's maid who had heard Fortunate Flower shriek on the night she was killed. "I'll tell you everything I know," she said, "but the government must promise that I shall never be a maid servant again." With her confession, the whole story came out. A public trial was held before twenty thousand people. The SS man who had killed Fortunate Flower was condemned to death and executed. The fate of the others was still being decided when I left.

  由于采用暗杀的手段风险太大,国民党特务就改用投毒这种比较安全一些的手段在解放区制造混乱,动摇人心。

  我曾路过一个位于游击区的村子,由于有人在粮仓的面粉里下毒药,致使二十八名民兵中毒死亡。在这个战火纷飞的地区,据当地政府统计,先后有三百五十人中毒,其中五十三人死亡。在土改期间,坏人常往水井里投放毒药,企图以此来威胁斗争地主的积极分子。在河南游击区,我曾遇到过一个从婆家逃跑出来的小媳妇,说她婆婆对清算斗争心怀不满,就在水并里投放毒药。在其他许多地方,我发现群众对特务投毒恨之入骨。他们对国民党特务和蒋介石痛恨之深,甚至超过了对地主的仇恨。毒药所产生的这种政治效果,是它的使用者所没有料想到的。

  国民党除采取上述手段瓦解解放区民心之外,还派遣了不少特务混入知识分子和非党干部中进行策反活动。这类特务大多是一些经过专门训练的失业知识分子和贫苦学生。因为他们家住国民党统治区,所以国民党特务机关以为将他们派遣到解放区去是万无一失的。可是他们耳濡目染了解放区的情况,受到感化,不少人向边区政府投案自首。

  我曾结识过其中一位青年,至于他姓甚名谁,在此我自然不便透露。他是在日本人统治下的沈阳长大的。抗日战争激发了他的爱国之心。一九四二年,他设法搞到一张通行证,逃亡关内,几经周折总算到了蒋管区。不料刚进潼关就被国民党特务逮捕了。一听他慷慨激昂破口大骂日本鬼子,这帮混帐特务就以为他一定是个共产党员,便将他押送到西安的一所政治反省院。他在那里接受了五个月的集训后,被塞进了“三民主义青年团”,这是蒋介石为加强对中国青年的控制而设立的一个法西斯组织。此后,他又被送进戴笠主办的特务训练营受训。戴笠是当时蒋介石各种特务机关的总头目。受训完毕后,把他编入特务便衣大队,并指令他阅读大量马克思和思格斯的著作,还替他伪造了一份自传,让他模仿一个共产党员的语气书写日记,然后派他夹杂在一批从蒋管区逃亡出来的学生队伍中,混进了晋冀鲁豫边区。边区当局将他送进军政大学学习。一九四七年,军政大学学员被派下乡帮助搞土改。土改斗争使这个青年受到深刻的教育,回校后他就向校长坦白交代了他的真实身份。学校领导不仅未惩处他,而且还让他继续留在学校学习,并设法替他保密,不让这件事在学员中扩散。


          Since assassination is an extremely risky business, SS agents turned to poisoning as a safer means of upsetting order and terrorizing people behind the Communist lines.

  In the guerrilla regions I came across a village where twenty-eight militiamen had died from poison that had been placed in their wheat-flour stores. In the same district, where there was frequent fighting, the government claimed 350 people had been poisoned, fifty-three of them dying. During the land reform, poison was most commonly put in wells to discourage active farmers from struggling against the landlords. In Honan, I met a girl in the guerrilla regions who had fled from her husband's home because her mother-in-law had poisoned the wells during a settlement struggle. In other places, I found the peasants so incensed by the use of poison that they hated the SS, and consequently Chiang Kai-shek, worse than they did the landlords. Poison thus acted as a political agent in a way its users had not figured.

  Besides trying to break down the morale of the common people in the Liberated Areas, the Kuomintang also sent a number of spies to work among the intelligentsia and non-Communist cadres. Many of these agents were unemployed intellectuals and impoverished students whom the Kuomintang had trained in anti-Communist work. Because their families were in Kuomintang areas, the SS thought there was little risk in sending these students over to the Communists, but many were so affected by what they saw that they voluntarily confessed.

  Although I can't reveal his name for obvious reasons, I know of just such a boy. Brought up in Mukden under Japanese rule, he nevertheless was patriotically moved by China's war against Japan, and in 1942, having obtained a passport, he came south of the Great Wall and managed somehow to make his way to Chiang Kai-shek areas. Arrested at Tungkwan, he spoke so fervently against the Japanese, that cynical SS men thought he must be a Communist. They sent him to a political reform camp at Sian. After five months' training, he was put in the Three People's Principles Youth Corps, a fascist type organization formed by Chiang Kai-shek to strengthen his domination over Chinese youth. From there he was transferred to a training camp run by Tai Li, then head of all Chiang's secret service and terror organizations. Later he joined a plain-clothes corps. Still later he was brought to Sian and given special training against the 8th Route Army. Having been made to read a lot of books about Marx and Engels, having created a false biography and having also written out a diary as if he were a Communist, he joined many other students who were fleeing Chiang's areas of their own accord, and came into the Shansi-Hopei-Shantung-Honan Border Region. The authorities sent him to the military academy for study as a cadet. In 1947, the cadets were sent to help the peasants in the struggle for the land reform and the boy was much affected by what he saw. Returning to the academy, he went to the principal and confessed that he was a spy. Not only was he not punished, but he was allowed to continue his studies without the other students being told anything of his case.

  国民党特务机关意识到,要想搞垮八路军,光靠金钱是起不了多大作用的。他们了解到八路军官兵大多是单身汉,于是以为施用美人计或许能够奏效。

  由于在日本投降后,有许多过去与敌伪人员有关系的女人或地主的女儿,都想要和八路军的指战员攀上姻缘,因此,正如驻防德国的美军司令部所采取的措施一样,八路军领导机关对军人的婚姻严格审查,未经批准,不许结婚。这样一来,混入解放区的女特务要想公开地与八路军的干部或战士结婚就相当困难了。于是她们就采取了暗中勾引的方式。然而对八路军正规部队的军人,这种方式一般难以奏效,但在游击区,也偶有成功的时候。

  八路军第十旅有一个文书名叫何志川,他是一九四六年八月参的军,一九四七年夏天在山西的一次战斗中负了伤,由于他所在的部队当时还要继续向前挺进,同志们就把他安置在一位老乡家里养伤。有一天,当他在孝武村外的公路上散步时,一位年轻的妇女主动走过去和他攀谈。她留着一头短发,而且还是一双“解放脚”。她自我介绍说,她是从一百多里以外的邻县来的,到此地寻找她的丈夫,他是八路军的一位副连长。可是至今也没有找到他,有人说他在战斗中牺牲了,也有人说他在作战时失踪了。眼下盘缠也用光了,正不知如何是好。说到这里,不禁失声痛哭。何文书即答应想办法送她回家,并把她带到村公所,由村干部安置在一位老乡家里先住下来。

  自那以后,何文书经常去看望她。她一见他的面就哭哭啼啼,说她丈夫肯定是牺牲了,她宁愿留在部队上,说什么也不回老家了,家乡的日子实在过不下去,何文书看到到个妇女有文化, 这在当时的中国是十分罕见的,渐渐地对她产生了感情。她也表示钟情于他,进而提出要和他结婚。但何文书拒绝了,并对她说:“等你丈夫牺牲的消息证实以后,还要经过上级批准,咱俩才能结婚。”然而这位多情的女子纠缠不休,说爱情高于一切。

  一天下午,她对何文书说,“我知道我的丈夫确实牺牲了,家里穷得实在过不下去,我总得找个主啊。你还不明白我的情意?婚姻大事可比革命重要得多啊!”何文书一听不对头,开始产生了怀疑。他决定调查一下她的家庭情况,但表面上却装出处处都迎合她的意愿的样子。

  不久后的一天晚上,她对他说:“我知道在这儿你是不能跟我结婚的。我有个叔叔在稷山当城防司令(稷山当时在国民党统治区内),如果你脱离八路军,我叔叔就委任你当连长。”何文书听到这儿,断定这女的是特务无疑,马上把她送到区公所。在那里她很快就供认了:她以前讲的那些事全是编造的。原来她是受过国民党特务机关训练的一批女中学生之一,专门派到解放区来勾引共产党的军政干部。
          In trying to subvert the 8th Route Army, the Kuomintang intelligence realized not much could be done with money, but thought Communist soldiers might be overcome by women, as most of them were single.

  After the Japanese surrender, many girls attached to puppets or daughters of landlords tried to marry into the 8th Route Army. For this reason, authorities, just as with the American Army in Germany, would not let any soldier marry without investigating his prospective wife. Kuomintang girl spies coming into the area, therefore, found it difficult to marry cadres or soldiers openly and adopted covert methods which generally failed with the regulars, but sometimes succeeded in guerrilla areas.

  In the summer of 1947, a clerk named Ho Tze-chuan, who had joined the 10th Brigade of the 8th Route Army in August 1946, was wounded while fighting in Shansi Province. As the brigade was advancing he was left behind in a peasant's home to recover. One day while walking on a motor highway near the village of Siaowu, a girl beckoned to him. She was young, had bobbed hair and emancipated feet. Introducing herself, she told Ho she was from a county fifty miles away and that she had come to seek her husband who was a vice-commander of a company. She had not been able to find him; some people said he had been killed in battle, others said he was missing in action and now all her money was gone and she had no place to go. At the conclusion of her story, she burst into bitter tears. Promising to help her return home, the clerk brought her to the government office who found her lodging in a civilian's house.

  Here, Ho often came to see her. During these visits, the girl shed many tears, said she was sure her husband was dead and declared she would rather stay with the troops than go home where things were bad. Finding the girl quite cultured rarity in Chinese villages - Ho developed an affection for her which she reciprocated even to the extent of proposing marriage. But Ho refused. "When proof of your husband's death arrives and if the authorities say it is all right, then we can marry, but not now," he told the girl.

  But the girl was very passionate. She tried to convince Ho that love was the most powerful thing. in the world. "My husband really is dead," she said one afternoon, "I know it." And my home is so poor. I have to be supported. Can't you understand my feelings? Marriage is much more important than revolution."

  These words planted a seed of doubt in Ho's mind, and he decided to investigate the girl's home. In the meantime, he pretended to play along with the girl's desires.

  Another evening, the girl told him: "I know you can't marry me here, but my uncle is a garrison commander in Chishan [a town on the Kuomintang side]. If you can desert the 8th Route Army, my uncle will make you a company commander." Convinced that the girl was a spy, Ho took her at once to the district government where she quickly confessed that her whole story had been faked. She had been trained like many other middle-school girls and sent by the Kuomintang into Communist areas to subvert cadres and army officers.
  为了更好地理解上述事例,须知蒋介石统治下的中国是个半警察国家,在那样的社会里,流氓黑帮、秘密警察以及特工人员横行无忌,甚至可以肆意污辱妇女,即使那些有教养有文化的大家闺秀也难以幸免。抗战期间,在一次中国人为招待美国空军驾驶员而举行的宴会上,我邂逅了一位年轻的中国妇女,后来我们成了知己的好友。她告诉我,她曾被一个蒋介石的高级特工人员强奸。那个家伙不顾她父亲、一位颇有名望的专家的反对,硬逼她嫁给他。在举行婚礼的那天,蒋介石送给她五千元贺仪,她本想拒绝,可是她丈夫非要她收下不可。自那以后,她经常被迫与蒋介石的特务头子戴笠及其手下的一群狐朋狗党鬼混。我对这个女子的不幸遭遇无限同情,而当她恳求我把她藏在一架美国军用飞机上,帮助她逃离她的丈夫及其党羽时,我因自己的无能为力更感到莫名的羞愧。我所遇到的类似事情,远远不止于此。在过去的十年中,有许多男女青年沦入了中国盖世太保的魔窟,难有逃遁之望。上海滩上的社会渣滓,迄今仍在蒋介石的政府中身居要职。几年以前,当我在一家美国通讯社驻华分社工作时,有一个上海瘪三出身的包打听之类的小特务,经常闯入我们的办公室,检查我们的稿件,并对我们的中国雇员滥施淫威。在抗战期间,这个家伙与几个美国军官拉扯上了一点关系,就凭借着这点关系,再加上他会讲几句英语,很快青云直上,成了国民党统治集团的要人。我最后一次见到他是在一九四七年,在上海美国俱乐部举行的一次招待会上,他身着笔挺的上校军服,正与几位美国官员在一起谈笑风生。他与我多年未见,这次一见面就趾高气场地炫耀自己。他用脚跺了跺美国俱乐部的地板说:“这儿是老子的天下。从苏州河到南市,从外滩到麦德赫斯特路,统统都归老子管。”的确如此,那些被逮捕而落入他的魔掌的男男女女都可以为此作证。           To fully appreciate this story, it is necessary to understand that China under Chiang Kai-shek was a semi-police state with much of the power in the hands of gangsters, secret service men and special agents who exercised the most unholy rights over women, including many of the better-educated and more cultured ones. During the Japanese war, I attended a banquet given by Chinese for American pilots where I met a young Chinese woman with whom I later became quite friendly. This girl told me that she had been raped by one of the top-ranking men in Chiang's secret service and forced to marry him, even against the wishes of her father, a respected professional man. On her wedding day Chiang sent her a present of five thciusand dollars, which she said she tried to refuse, but which her husband made her accept. Thereafter, she was constantly thrown in with Tai Li, chief hatchetman for Chiang, and many of his unsavory subordinates. I cannot quite describe the pity I felt for this girl's condition nor the frustration I experienced when she begged me to sneak her onto an American Army plane and help her escape from her husband and his gangster friends. This is far from being the only case that I know of personally. Scores of girls and boys during the last ten years were delivered into the clutches of the Chinese gestapo with little hope of escaping. Men from the very dregs of Shanghai society until recently occupied responsible positions in Chiang's government. Some years ago when I worked for an American news agency in China, a Shanghai loafer with a small-time spy job used to come around to our office and go through our files and intimidate our Chinese employees. During the war, this man obtained an influence with some American Army officers, and because of this and because he could speak English, he rose in the Kuomintang hierarchy. The last time I saw him, in 1947 at a reception in the Shanghai American Club, he was dressed in a full colonel's unifbcm and hobnobbing with American officials. Seeing me for the first time in years, he was not above boasting and stamped his foot on the floor of the American Club and said, "This is my territory. I control from Soochow Creek to Nantao and from the Bund to Medhurst Road." And indeed, he did, as many arrested men and women who got in his greedy clutches can testify.

  现在言归正传。国民党在共产党后方搞的这些特务活动,往往都以惨败而告终。由于共军在前线顶住了敌人的进攻,国民党特务慑于形势不敢露头。解放区的广大农民群众由贫雇农带头,不顾地主富农的威胁,更加大胆地奋起斗争。到一九四七年冬,除游击区以外,几乎所有地区的村子都建立了农会和清算委员会。甚至中农也参加了清算地主的斗争,富农也与地主越来越疏远了。

  地主在节节败退之后,惶然四顾,只见众叛亲离,四面楚歌。绝望之中,他们拿出自己的妻女作为最后的法宝,妄图通过她们勾引农民积极分子,以缓和清算斗争的势头。这种情况非常普遍,以至成为土改运动的一大特点,甚至一直延续到今日。不论妻、妾、千金,还是侄女、外甥女,统统都被地主当作了为争夺土地而战的武器。


  在邯郸郊区的一个村子里,有个名叫王臣德的佃农,向以勤恳忠厚著称,也是土改运动中的积极分子。村里的地主曾企图用金钱收买他,想阻止他参加翻身运动,但遭到王臣德的拒绝。地主又威胁他说,“国军打过来时,咱可不会替你说话。”王臣德依然毫不动摇。地主见硬的不成,就来软的,甜言蜜语道:“过去咱亏待了你,凡是该你的,现在咱都还给你,咱俩私下把帐算清不就得了?”王臣德仍然不为所动。

  地主实在无计可施了,就叫来他的侄女,对她说:“也只好委屈你嫁给王臣德了。”他唆使侄女与王臣德睡觉,说什么,“只要他跟你睡了觉,木已成舟,不娶你也不行。”可是王臣德懂得,如果他依了地主,清算运动就搞不下去了,于是就拒绝了这桩婚事。

  地主害怕王臣德揭发他,就派了几个狗脑子把王臣德绑架了。因为王臣德是村里领导清算运动的积极分子,人们又风闻地主替他侄女说媒的事,大家马上就怀疑到地主是这次绑架事件的幕后策划者。同时大家又在村里四处进行搜查,终于在一所茅房里找到了王臣德。只见他手脚被捆绑着,嘴里塞着东西,已经奄奄一息了。人们立刻冲进地主家,把地主给抓了起来。
       

  But to return to our story. In general the Kuomintang's efforts behind the Communist lines ended in dismal failure. As Communist troops held out and as the Kuomintang SS burrowed into their holes, the peasants, led by the tenants and the "Long-term workers," rose still more boldly, not heeding the warning either of the landlords or the rich peasants. By the winter of 1947, outside of the guerrilla areas, scarcely a village could be found without a peasants' association or a settlement committee. Even the middle peasants joined the struggle, while the rich peasants continued to draw further away from the landlord.

  Routed from one position after another, the landlord looked around anxiously for allies, but could find none. In desperation, he fell back on the women in his family, trying to use them as an influence among the active farmers to soften the settlement. This became so widespread that it stamped its character on the land reform and continues even to this day. Wives, concubines, daughters and nieces were indiscriminately thrown into the battle for land.

  In a village on the outskirts of Hantan, there was a tenant named Wang Chen-teh who was very active in the agrarian movement, and who had a good reputation in the village as a thorough and painstaking worker. His landlord tried to bribe Wang with money not to join the "turning-over" movement. Wang refused. "If the Kuomintang troops come, I won't protect you," threatened the landlord. Wang remained adamant. Seeing that threats failed to move his tenant, the landlord tried soft words. "In the past," he said, "I have wronged you and I want to return what I owe you. Let you and I make a private settlement." Still the tenant would not agree.

  In desperation, the landlord called his niece and said: "You'll have to marry him." At the same time, he persuaded his niece to go to bed with the tenant, saying, "Even if he doesn't want you, he'll have to marry you after sleeping with you." But the tenant, realizing the settlement movement would come to a standstill if he gave in to the landlord, refused to marry the niece.

  Afraid Wang would tell the story around the village, the landlord called his followers to kidnap the tenant. Since Wang had been very active in leading the settlement, and since it was rumored that the landlord had tried to find a go-between for his niece, the people immediately suspected the landlord was behind the kidnaping. Searching the village, they found Wang bound and gagged inside a closet and nearly dead. They immediately raided the landlord's home and arrested him.

  在平汉铁路线上有一个名叫高央的村子。有一次,村里的地主分别结农会的主席和民兵指导员各送了一万元的礼。几天以后,他故意叫他的老婆到村公所去揭发,“俺男人可不是个好东西,他想要收买你们。”她就这样装出一副非常“开明”的样子,极力接近农民运动中的积极分子。她今天跟这个干部睡觉,明天又与另一个农会委员鬼混,弄得干部之间互相争风吃醋,无法议事,清算运动也搞不下去了。

  武城县有一个地主名叫李春林,家中有一妻和一个十八岁的闺女。面对着日益高涨的农民运动的浪潮,他感到束手无策,于是逼着闺女去勾引一个农民运动中的雇农骨干分子。一天,他把这个雇农请到家里吃饭。他和他老姿在一张大桌上吃,让这个雇农和他闺女在下面一张小桌上吃。过了几天,他又让这个雇农和他闺女在另一间屋里吃。不到半个月,这个雇农就和地主的女儿睡在一起了。

  一天晚上,地主女儿偎在这个雇农的怀里说:“眼下你要的东西部有了,你就别再干雇农团主席了。往后也别再搞啥斗争了,你缺啥只管向俺要好了。”这个雇农听进了她的话,渐渐地对农民运动不感兴趣了。在干部会上,一当有人提出要干某件事时,他就说:“算了吧!咱们现在有吃有穿了,还斗个啥呀?”

  其他的贫雇农对他起了疑心,开始注意他的行踪,发现他跟地主打得火热。他们就质问他:‘你为啥近来工作不积极,却去跟李春林打得火热?为啥你过去连话都不敢对他闺女说,现在倒好,跟她勾勾搭搭起来了?你过去受尽地主压迫,现在忘本啦?”

  在多方面的压力之下,这个雇农终于承认了他同地主的闺女睡过觉。雇农团立即把地主的闺女叫来。“你为啥跟我们的同志睡觉?”大家质问她。“那那是俺爹逼着俺干的。”她回答说。大伙儿一听,不由得喊道:“咱们可不能上地主的当!决不能让地主拿钱收买咱们!决不让地主拿娘们拉咱们下水!”
          In Kaoyi village near the Peiping-Hankow Railway, a landlord sent a gift of ten thousand dollars to the head of the Farmers Association and another one to the director of the militia. A few days later he told his wife to go to the government and say: "My husband is no good, he is trying to bribe you." Pretending, in this way, to be very "enlightened," the landlord's wife got close to the farmers most active in the peasant movement. One day, she would make love with one farmer, and the next day she would make love to another staff member of the peasants' association. As a result, each farmer became jealous of the other, no one could agree on anything and the movement came to a halt.

  In Wucheng County, a landlord named Li Tsun-lien, lived with his wife and eighteen-year-old virgin daughter. Finding himself helpless in the face of the swelling peasant movement, he ordered his daughter to play up to one of his tenants who was taking a prominent part in the movement. Inviting the tenant to dinner, he ate at a high table with his wife, and placed the tenant with his daughter at a small table at his feet. After a few days, he had the daughter and the tenant eat in a separate room. Within two weeks, the tenant was sleeping with the daughter.

  Lying in his arms, the girl said to the tenant, "You now have everything you want so there is no need for you to continue as chairman of the Workers Committee. Don't struggle any more. I can give you anything you lack." This seemed like a good suggestion to the tenant and gradually he lost his interest in the peasant movement. In meetings, when others proposed certain acts, he would say: "We have millet and clothes to wear. What's the use of struggling any further."

  Becoming suspicious, his fellow-tenants followed him and saw that he was on very good terms with the landlord. "Why?" they asked, "are you working so little nowadays and how is it you are so friendly with Li Tsun-lien? And how is it that his daughter, with whom you never dared speak before, is now on such friendly terms with you? You were oppressed before by the landlord, weren't you? What's the matter with you now?"

  Pressed on all sides, the tenant finally admitted that he was sleeping with the landlord's daughter. The Workers Committee immediately asked the daughter to come to a meeting. "Why are you sleeping with our comrade?" they asked. "Because my father made me," she said.

  The meeting broke up with the shouting of slogans: "We shouldn't be flattered by landlords. We shouldn't be bought by money. We shouldn't be lured by women."



  在中国,每个村子里通常总有个把浪荡女人,大多是有夫之妇,为了淫乐或是为了钱财在村里乱搞男女关系。这种女人被称为“破鞋”。可想而知,她们往往是一村之中最妖艳的女人。我曾遇见过一个这样的女人,名叫三花。关于她的风流艳史,我曾听说过下面这样一个故事。

  这个村里有个名叫卢慕安的地主,有一天,他对三花说,只要她设法败坏农会主席的名誉,他答应给她五千元钱作为报偿。她后来告诉我说,因为当时她太穷了,“思想”也不好,所以就同意了。她找了个机会对那位农会主席说,她有要事请他到她家里去帮助解决。他应邀而至。三花备了点酒,还下了点面条款待他。饭后她又挽留他在她家过夜。盛情难却,于是他欣然爬上了她的热坑。云雨方罢.三花光着身子跑到街上,大喊大叫起来;“农会主席强奸人哪!”她一路喊到村公所去告状。第二天,村干部召开了全村群众大会。会上,由农会主席与她当面对质,三花招架不住了,不得不供认了地主如何收买她去拉农会主席下水。尽管尚未构成强奸罪,但这位农会主席还是被群众罢免了。就他干的这些丑事,已足以使他在群众中名誉扫地了。据三花自称,那五千元的赏金她也未捞到手。

  地主还利用自己的小老婆来败坏地方干部(即在村公所任职的当地农民)的名誉。王村一个地主的小老婆有一次把一个雇农骗到她家的厨房里,急忙脱下自己的裤子,放开嗓子大叫有人要强奸她。地主应声而出,一直把这个雇农拽进村里召开的大会的会场里。就如同许多这类事件一样,最后,地主的诡计被戳穿了。

  地主们妄图牺牲自己女眷的肉体来阻挡这股强大的社会力量的奔腾向前,这种卑劣的手段是他们的垂死挣扎。甚至他们的家庭成员也起来反抗他们了。在豫北的一个村子里,当农民群众开始组织起来闹翻身时,地主为了防备有人来伤害他,逼着他的儿媳妇站在房顶上望风把哨,不管天晴下雨,天天如此。后来,眼见农民群众的力量愈来愈壮大,这个地主就扔下妻子和儿媳妇,只身潜逃了。几个星期后,八路军开进来,农会号召大家把所有的武器都献出来,谁备组织民兵。当一个农民来到地主家里征收武器时,地主矢口否认她家里藏有武器。地主的儿媳妇早就恨透了地主公婆,立即站出来当面揭发地主婆说:“哼,你敢说没有!”一边说一边按倒她婆婆,扒下她的裤子,从她两腿之间抽出来一支手枪,交给那位感到十分惊讶的农民。地主力量的最后庇护所,竟在女人的胯下。


  在解放区各地,所有的地主豪绅都是在经过这样一番枉然挣扎之后,方才纷纷败下阵来。到了一九四七年春天,比较识时务的地主意识到,要想继续保留他们的财产已是不可能的了,也只好无可奈何任花落去。到同年夏天,除游击区的以外,几乎所有本地区的地主都被打倒了,也就是说,以往依靠地租为生的人,从此必须自食其力,再也不能过剥削阶级的生活了。这次农民运动来势异常迅猛,在晋冀鲁豫边区,不到一年的时间内,被打倒的地主计有二万一千人之多。尽管地主阶级耍尽了诸如暗杀、美人计之类的种种阴谋诡计,然而这场斗争还是以他们的失败而告终。
          In every Chinese villiage there is generally at least one woman - usually married - who sleeps with other men, either for pleasure or for money. Such a woman is known as a "broken shoe." Quite often, as might be expected, they are among the most charming women in the village. I met one such woman, named Third Blossom, about whom farmers told me the following story.

  Lu Mu-an, the landlord of this village, promised Third Blossom five thousand dollars if she would disgrace the chairman of the Farmers Association. Because, as she later told me herself, she was very poor and had "bad thoughts," she agreed. Telling the chairman that she had a serious problem, she invited him to her home to settle it. When he arrived, Third Blossom prepared some noodles and a little wine. Then she asked the chairman to stay the night. Nothing loath, the chairman leaped into bed. As soon as they had finished making love, Third Blossom ran naked into the street and shouted: "Oh, you chairman of the Farmers Association, you have raped me!" Still shouting, she ran straight to the subdistrict office and made a report to the cadres who summoned a meeting of the whole village next day. During the meeting, Third Blossom, when confronted with the accusations of the chairman, broke down and admitted she had been bribed by the landlord to disgrace the chairman. Though there was no question of rape, the chairman was dismissed by his fellow-farmers, who thought him disgraced enough as it was. Third Blossom, so she said, did not get the five thousand dollars.

  Finally, landlords used their concubines to discredit local cadre (farmers holding village office). In Wangtsun, a landlord's concubine lured a tenant into the kitchen, hastily pulled down her pants and yelled rape at the top of her lungs. The landlord then hauled the tenant before a village meeting. As usual the duplicity was discovered.

  These crude efforts to stop the onsweep of a mighty social force with the bodies of their womenfolk were the dying gasps of the andlords. Even their own families began to turn against them. In a village in northern Honan, while farmers were organizing themselves, a landlord made his daughter-in-law stand on the roof and keep watch, rain or shine, for anyone who might be coming to kill him. As the farmers grew stronger, the landlord fled, leaving his wife and daughter-in-law alone in the house. Some weeks later, the 8th Route Army having arrived in the city, the Farmers Association asked the people for all their weapons so they could form a militia. When a peasant came to her home, the landlord's wife denied she had any arms. "Oh, yes you have!" said the daughter-in-law who hated both the landlord and his wife. With these words, she pounced on her mother-in-law, tore off her pants, ripped out a pistol concealed between the woman's legs and handed it to the astonished peasant. Such were the final resting places of the landlord's power - between a woman's legs.

  Within the Liberated Areas, all the lords of the land collapsed everywhere in the same feeble manner, with the same futile gestures. By the spring of 1947, the more farsighted landowners saw they could not hope to keep their estates. They did not even try to. By summer, almost all the landlords except in the guerrilla regions, had been eliminated - that is to say, all those who had lived off land rents were no longer able to do so, but had to till their own soil. The upheaval was so great and so swift that in the Shansi-Hopei-Shantung-Honan Border Region alone, twenty-one thousand landlords were eliminated within less than a year. The rural possessing classes, despite their murders, their intrigues and the seductive activities of their women, had lost the battle.
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发表于 2011-10-21 22:33 | 显示全部楼层
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http://www.chinashakestheworldbook.com/Section_32.htm



第七章 土地与革命
       
CHAPTER VII

LAND AND REVOLUTION
第三十二节 土地 战争 革命
       
32. Land, War and Revolution
  以上关于农民与地主之间斗争的描写,远非是对土地改革的科学论述,笔者的目的也不在于此。斗争所席卷的地区如此广阔,情况如此复杂,参加的人又是如此众多,因此,目前任何一篇关于这场斗争的报导,都难免会挂一漏万,谬误百出。

  尽管如此,我仍相信上述章节还是比较准确地阐述了为什么土地改革是必要的,贫苦的农民为何能战胜地主,又是怎样战胜地主的,以及在这场斗争中,双方各运用了什么样的策略,等等。如果说其中有什么情节与实际情况有较大的出入,那也许就是对武斗的过分渲染了。土改中的武斗行为一般发生在靠近国民党统治区的边缘地区和游击区内,以及共产党势力比较薄弱的地区。在解放区的中心地带,武斗行为极为少见。为主持公道起见,有必要在此明确指出,共产党的中央领导对于武斗行为既未提倡,也不放纵,而是坚决反对的。至于县委一级和农民是否执行了党中央的指示,那就是另外一个问题了。此外,还应着重指出,在新解放区,共产党并不急于进行土改,而是实行较缓进的减租减息方针(参看有关论述财产问题的章节)。
        THE foregoing account of the struggle between landlords and peasants is not, and does not pretend to be, a scientific treatise on the land reform. The struggle took place over such a wide area, under such varying conditions and between so many people that any report at this time must at best be fragmentary and filled with errors.

  Nevertheless, I believe this account presents a reasonably accurate picture of why land reform was necessary, of the techniques used in the struggle and how and why the poorer peasants overcame the landlords. If there is any important distortion in the account I have given it perhaps lies in overemphasizing violence. The violence that accompanied the land reform generally took place on the border of Kuomintang regions, in the guerrilla areas and in the places where the control of the Communist party was not great. In the inner regions of the Communist areas violence was at a minimum. In full justice to the Communists, it must also be clearly stated that the Communist party leadership, as distinct from county commissars and peasants, did not condone violence, nor make it into a system, but actively fought against it. Furthermore, it should also be stated that in newly occupied territories, the Communists did not divide the land, but adopted a go-slow policy of reducing rents and rates of interest (see chapter on Property).
  土地改革运动的确对中国人民的生活产生了十分深远的影响,这种影响并不仅局限于土地所有制方面,而且使宗教、政府、战争、艺术、妇女的地位以及社会文化的各个领域部发生了巨大的变化。本书在下面的章节内还将就这类问题作进一步的探讨。在此我想仅就其直接的影响谈谈我的看法。

  中国共产党主席毛泽东曾多次指出,哪一个政党解决了中国的土地问题,就能得天下而治之。毛泽东还认为,只要中国共产党执行正确的土地政策,就能赢得战争的胜利。依我之见(这纯属我个人的看法),土地改革运动对战争与革命产生了下述影响:

  一、土地改革摧毁了残存的封建势力的堡垒,使亿万奴隶获得解放,站到新政权方面来。

  二、土地改革砸烂了束缚农民群众的精神枷锁,激发了他们对战争与革命的满腔热情。这种热情产生了无比巨大的精神力量。共产党在这个过程中获得了同盟军也树了敌,但主要的还是获得了同盟军。

  三、土地改革提出了政权问题,它使广大农村中地主与贫苦农民之间潜在多年的斗争趋于公开化。土改运动促使农民群众不断给自己提出这样的问题: “究竟应该由谁来掌权,是地主还是咱们自己?”

  四、这不仅使农民群众提高了斗争的自觉性,而且也使他们的阶级觉悟得以提高。在斗争中,他们认识到,不仅本村的地主是他们的敌人,而且整个地主阶级都是他们的敌人。因为国民党军队支持地主,所以农民认为国民党军队也是他们的敌人。因为美国一直在支持国民党蒋介石,所以农民往往也把美国视为他们的敌人。

  五、土地改革运动使农民群众认识到,他们是在为争取伟大的人权而斗争,从而产生了排山倒海的精神力量。

  六、在土地改革斗争中,农民群众创建了他们自己的权力机构——贫农团和农民协会。这意味着,八路军无需分兵守土,可以全力投入前线而无后顾之忧。

  七、由于斗倒了地主分了地,就为通过民主选举产生村政权奠定了基础,掌权的都是拥护共产主义事业的人。

  八、由于斗倒了地主,以往强加在农民头上的苛捐杂税,巧立名目的军事征发以及土豪劣绅历来的敲诈盘剥也都随之被废除了。这意味着根除贪污舞弊和军队对农民的侵扰。

  九、传统的地主权威的崩溃,削弱了封建的孔孟之道、根深蒂固的宿命论以及对神佛、偶像和妖巫的迷信。过去,由于地主阶级的蒙蔽愚弄,农民—直以为,他们之所以受苦受穷都是天意,是命中注定的。现在,他们觉悟到,只要他们自己努力,就能丰衣足食。

  十、斗倒地主也削弱了封建家长制,打破了旧家庭传统观念。提倡男女平等,废除纳妾制,导致了许多新的民主制度的诞生,因而八路军受到了妇女们特别热烈的拥护。

  十一、土地改革有利于发展生产,因为现在农民耕种属于目己的土地,干劲倍增。

  十二、土地改革对国民党军队中农民出身的广大土兵具有强烈的吸引力。

  十三、土地改革运动直接导致了一场人民战争,许多县的国民党军队都在这场战争中被逐个消灭了。

  不论人们如何认识土地改革,视之为社会改革也好,看作是经济改革也好,也不论人们认为它对人类有无裨益,有一点是不可否认的;在中国,土地改革是一项无可比拟的革命的和军事的策略。

  土地改革还有另外一个具有革命意义的方面值得在此一述。土地的重新分配对农民群众的心理产生了奇异的影响。它不仅改变了解放区农民群众的思想面貌,而且使与共产党为敌的人、特别是蒋军官兵的思想情绪受到极大震动。这种心理变化十分微妙,不时暴露出来。土地改革使中国广大农民摆脱了蒋介石的统治,由于城市在中国人民的生活中所占的比重很小,这就意味着蒋介石的军队实际上被逐渐孤立于中国人民生活的主流之外。共产党关于军队是鱼、人民是水的比喻,用在此处非常贴切。土地改革不仅为共产党创造了适于其生存的环境,而且使蒋军孤立于人民群众之外,困死于社会的真空中。

  由于蒋军被孤立于社会之外,官兵在精神上无所依托。由于失去了广大农村,蒋军如盲人骑瞎马, 获取不到足够的情报,无法对形势的发展作出准确信计,乃致铸成致命大错。官兵大大失去信心,他们开始怀疑自己究竟为何而战,又有何必要继续战斗下去。有一种犯罪的感觉在咬噬着士兵的心灵。在社会上,他们像是断线的风筝,感到孤独、迷悯、惶恐,甚至痛苦得快发狂,因此必然要幡然倒戈,脱离苦海。倘若是在另一社会里,在不同的时代,在不同的环境中,这些彷徨者或许会从宗教、精神病院或者浪漫的爱情中寻求慰藉;然而在中国,参加革命以外,别无出路。
          The effects of the land reform on Chinese life, of course, have been far reaching. These effects have not been confined to the system of land-ownership but have produced changes in religion, government, war, art, the status of women and almost all branches of Chinese civilization. Some of these results are examined in a later section of this book, but here I would like to look at some of its more immediate and direct results.

  Mao Tze-tung, chairman of the Chinese Communist party, often declared that the party that solved the land question would rule China. He believed that if the Communist policy on land was right, they would definitely win the war. From what I saw - and this is purely my own analysis - the land reform had the following effects on war and revolution.

1. It broke open the remaining castles of feudalism and released the prisoners into services of a new power.

2. Land reform also broke open the peasant's soul and released a flood of mass passions into the sphere of war and revolution. These passions created a tremendous emotional energy, making both friends and enemies for the Communists, but mostly friends.

3. The land reform posed the question of authority. In thousands of villages it clarified an already existing, but hidden struggle between the landlords and the poor peasants. Because of the land reform the peasant was continually forced to ask himself: "Who is going to rule: the landlord or me?"

4. Thus the peasant became not only self-conscious, but class conscious. In struggling, he found not only a material enemy in his own local landlord, but a spiritual enemy in all landlords. Because the Kuomintang armies supported the landlords, the peasant identified these as his enemies, too. And since the United States was supporting the Kuomintang and Chiang Kai-shek, he often identified America as his enemy also.

5. The land reform gave to the peasant the belief that he was participating in a fight for great human rights. This created a terrific moral force.

6. In struggling for land, the peasant created his own ruling organs - peasant unions, farmers' associations. This meant that the 8th Route Army did not have to hold down territory by force of arms, and could release soldiers for the front and create a pacific rear.

7. The division of land in doing away with landlord rule laid the possibility for elections and thus put village governments in the hands of those favorable to the Communist cause.

8. The elimination of landlords automatically eliminated surtaxes, military requisitions and the time-honored squeeze of the gentry. This meant the abolition of corruption and a well-fed army.

9. The breakdown of traditional landlord authority weakened the landlord ethic of Confucianism, the age-old beliefs in fate and superstitious beliefs in Buddhas, idols and witches. Before, because of gentry propaganda, peasants had thought it was the will of the gods or their fate to be poor. Now, they realized they could get enough to eat by their own efforts.

10. Abolition of the landlords also meant weakening of the paternal system, the break-up of the traditional family and the authority of men over women. Equality for women ended concubinage and resulted in many new freedoms which made women violent supporters of the 8th Route Army.

11. It tended to increase production because men were more willing to work on their own land.

12. It spoke forcibly to the heart of the peasant soldier on the Kuomintang side.

13. Finally, land reform led directly to a people's war which in many counties resulted in the piecemeal destruction of Chiang's armies.

  No matter what one thinks o~f land reform as a social or economic program, whether one thinks it beneficial to human nature or not, there is no denying that in China it was a revolutionary and military tactic almost beyond compare.

  There is one other revolutionary aspect of land reform we might amplify here. Land division had a very curious effect on mass consciousness. It not only changed the mind of the peasants in Communist territory, but also shook the thoughts and feelings of the Communists' opponents - especially those in Chiang Kai-shek's army. This change in the collective consciousness of Communist opponents occurred in a very subtle way and often had a semiconcealed character. Materially, the land reform weaned rural China away from Chiang Kai-shek. Since the relative weight of cities in Chinese life is very low, this meant in effect that Chiang Kai-shek's army was gradually isolated from the main currents of Chinese life. The Communist analogy of an army being the fish and the people the water is very applicable here. Land reform not only created an element in which the Communists could live, it also sucked the people away from Chiang Kai-shek's army and left it gasping for breath in a social vacuum.

  While Chiang's army was being materially divorced from its environment, the officers and soldiers in the army became psychologically and spiritually disinherited. Because the loss of the countryside deprived it of adequate intelligence reports, Chiang's army became blind, with the result that it could no longer predict events with accuracy and was led into fatal mistakes. This resulted in a tremendous loss of self-confidence. Soldiers and officers came to doubt the things they were fighting for, even the necessity of fighting. Feelings of guilt gnawed away at the soldiers' heart, corroding the armor of his soul. Lonely, lost, uncertain, even feeling themselves a little crazy because they had been cast adrift from their social moorings, Chiang's soldiers were ready to take any desperate step to escape the trap in which they were caught. In another society, at a different time and under other conditions, such troubled souls might have sought refuge in religion, the psychiatrist's bench or romantic love; in China, because there was no other way out, they sought it in the revolution.
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