[联合翻译] Exile meets homeland

政治不正确

Exile meets homeland: Politics, performance and authenticity in the Tibetan diaspora
http://spot.colorado.edu/~yehe/society%20and%20space.pdf
Yeh, Emily T. Environment & Planning D: Society and Space. 25(4):648-667.
藏独分子把文化政治化对藏文化的损害

叶蓓，是一位美籍台湾人，嫁了给一位流亡印度藏人。她精通汉、藏、英三语。她这篇论文以详实的事例举证，客观的分析，指出海外的藏独运动只是人为地制造了西藏，印度与美国不同地方藏人文化的割裂。事实上藏人对什么为藏族文化的定义都很模糊，三地的藏族文化都在受到外来的影响不断地演化中。海外藏独运动把文化发展政治化，不仅不利于藏文化的发展，而且使藏人不能享受文化应该给他们带来的乐趣。

政治不正确 认领 No.648 至No.651
翻译见 #8、#12、#13、#14、#17、#20、#22

音乐盒 认领 No.652、653
翻译见 #31

继续领养654、655。
音乐盒 发表于 2009-7-5 06:48

试领656-658页The politics of language这一节。
忧心 发表于 2009-7-2 21:32

我来试一下下面的一节：Staging cultural performance （pages658-660）, 如果不太慢的话，继续另一节Authoritie of homeland and suject formation. (pages660-663)
孜心 发表于 2009-7-4 06:10

昂批娃儿

好资料！

但是翻译的话……


呵呵，恐怕没那么空闲时间

magicboy

magicboy

bird327

期待看到中文版，各位辛苦了

政治不正确

因为对下面几个词的翻译感不太好把握，希望大家提出自己见解
tibetanness 藏文化？藏族性？藏族的？
identity 身份？ 民族特征？
authenticity 正宗？正统？纯正？
diaspora 散居区？流亡藏人聚居区？散居的藏族群体？

No.648
Exile meets homeland: Politics, performance and authenticity in the Tibetan diaspora
Emily T Yeh
Department of Geography, Campus Box 260, University of Colorado, Boulder, CO 80309 0260
USA, e-mail: yeh@colorado.edu

Abstract. Tibetans are often imagined as authentic, pure, and geographically undifferentiated, but Tibetan identity formation is, in fact, varied and deeply inflected by national location and transnational trajectories. In this paper I exmine the frictions of encounter between three groups of Tibetans who arrive in the USA around the same time, but who differ in their relationships to the homeland. The numerically dominant group consisits of refugees who left Tibet in 1959 and of exiles born in South Asia; second are Tibetans who left Tibet after the 1980s for India and Nepal; and third are those whose route have taken them from Tibet directly to the United States. Whereas the cultural authority claimed by long-term exiles derives from the notion of preserving tradition outside of Tibet, that of Tibetans from Tibet is base no their embodied knowledge of the actual place of the homeland. Their struggles over authenticity, which play out in everyday practices such as language use and embodied reactions to staged performances of “tradition culture”, call for an understanding of diaspora without guarantees. In this paper I use habitus as an analytic for exploring the ways in which identity is inscribed on and read off of bodies, and the political stakes of everyday practices that produce fractures and fault lines.

当流亡的遇上本土的：流亡藏人聚居区的政治、表象与正统

Emily T Yeh
Department of Geography, Campus Box 260, University of Colorado, Boulder, CO 80309 0260
USA, e-mail: yeh@colorado.edu

概要：藏族人常常被认为是纯洁与正统，并且没地理造成的差别。但事实上，藏族人的特征的构成是多样化的，深受地理位置以及各民族之间交往的影响。在本论文里，我将探讨生活在美国的三个不同藏族群体在交往中的摩擦，他们几乎在同一个时期来到美国，但他们与祖国有着不同的关系。人数上占主导地位的一个群体是那些1959年逃亡或者出生在南亚的难民; 第二个群体是在上世纪80年代离开西藏，前往印度和尼泊尔的藏族人; 第三个群体是那些直接从西藏来到美国的藏族人。但是居于在西藏之外保存藏族传统这一理念，长期流亡藏族人所宣称的正统文化是根据这些藏族人关于西藏本土文化的具体形式的理解。关于“正统”的争论，比如如何运用语言和具体的为展现“传统文化”，很难在流亡藏族聚居区得到一个共识。在本文里，我用“习惯”作为一个思辩（前一个概念层次的概念与语意内涵这个过程我们叫它解析的analytic或思辩）以探讨民族特征的概念是如何形成又影响着那个群体，而对日常行为的政治性划界是如何造成分裂与断层。
“水油不可交溶
汉藏不可交溶
我们是佛教徒
你们是破坏者
我们吃牦牛肉
你们竟吃狗肉
我们吃糌粑
你们吃虫子”
    “红色匪帮”来自于加州藏族艺术家德琼（techung）
一个流亡藏族聚居区的故事

墨羽

诗中“its destroyers”这句的翻译把“its”（指佛教）漏掉了：“我们信仰佛教，你们将其破坏。”此外“吃狗肉”这句原文并无“竟然”的意思，翻译时岂能随便添加进去。

墨羽

因为对下面几个词的翻译感不太好把握，希望大家提出自己见解

单提出来，任何词的翻译都不好把握。翻译一定要看上下文，疑难处尤其如此。

政治不正确

诗中“its destroyers”这句的翻译把“its”（指佛教）漏掉了：“我们信仰佛教，你们将其破坏。”此外“吃狗肉”这句原文并无“竟然”的意思，翻译时岂能随便添加进去。 ...
墨羽 发表于 2009-3-24 19:44

的确，看漏了“its”谢谢指教。另外，因为藏族人对吃狗肉的态度是像西方人那样的，也是为了凑字数，所以加了“竟”。我也想知道如何更好地把这种意境表达出来。

Exile meets homeland: Politics, performance and authenticity in the Tibetan diaspora

performance 表现？？行为？？表象？？
authenticity 正宗？正统？纯正？
diaspora 散居区？流亡藏人聚居区？散居的藏族群体？


In this paper I use habitus as an analytic for exploring the ways in which identity is inscribed on and read off of bodies, and the political stakes of everyday practices that produce fractures and fault lines.

identity 身份？ 民族特征？

政治不正确

No.648

In February 2004 the board of directors of a regional Tibetan Association received an anonymous letter, written in bright red capital letters, accusing one of its members of ``faxing documents to the Chinese government'' about Tibetans in the USA, and of receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars for his `spying' activities.  The accused, who I will call Tenzin, is a Tibetan man in his mid-thirties. .Raised in a village in the Tibet Autonomous Region of China, he fled to India after participating in Tibetan independence protests in the late 1980s. Not long after arriving in Dharasmala, India, seat of the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government in exile, he was picked by lottery to participate in the Tibet US Resettlement Project. In the USA he has been actively involved in the local Tibetan community. He also communicates regularly by telephone with family and friends in Tibet, remaining up to date on the latest trends in music and the changing economy of his home village.

Despite having been naturalized as a US citizen, Tenzin has not returned to Tibet because of lingering fear for his family members and because of the fact that they have already been made  to suffer for his actions; one brother was jailed for six years. When I met his elderly mother in Tibet, she pleaded, ``please, tell him not to come back for another couple of years at least'' even though she longed to see her son after a separation of more than a decade. The family's experience is both tragic and exemplary of the type of political repression to which the transnational Tibet Movement has called attention. The fact that he is a political refugee, together with his dedication to improving conditions in Tibet suggest that Tenzin should be a poster child for the Tibet Movement, held out by the community as a model for others. Why, then, has he instead been suspected and accused (more than once) of being a spy for China?

2004年的二月份，一个地区性藏族协会的理事会收到一封用红色大写字母写的匿名信，举报其中一个会员把关于在美藏族人的文件传真给中国政府，并且凭这些间谍活动收到数以十万计的美元。那个被告发的是一个35岁左右的藏族人，我将会称他为丹增。他出生在西藏自治区的一个村庄，在参加了80年代末的争取西藏独立示威后逃亡到印度。在到达达赖喇嘛和西藏流亡政府所在地达兰萨拉不久后，他获抽签选中参加“藏族人定居美国计划”。 他在美国积极加入到当地藏族社区，他也经常电话联系仍在西藏的家人和朋友，了解最新的音乐潮流和老家村庄的经济变化。

尽管丹增已归化为美国公民，他还没有回过西藏，因为难于挥去的对家人的担忧，他的家人们确实也因为他的活动而受苦，他的一个兄弟坐了六年牢。当我在西藏见到他年迈的母亲时，虽然她很想见到分别十多年的儿子，但她仍然恳求道：“请你告诉他别要回来，至少要等多几年”。 这个家庭的经历是一个悲剧，也是一个跨国西藏运动要唤起世人注意的政治压迫的典型案例。他作为政治难民的事实以及他对改善西藏状况的努力表明丹增应该是西藏运动的一个模范，作为这个社区的表率。那么为什么恰恰相反，他不止一次地被怀疑及指控为中国间谍。

政治不正确

No.649

Significantly, Tenzin is one of the very few Tibetans in the area to have spent a good part of his life in Tibet, rather than in India or Nepal. To at least a few Tibetans from India, the fact that he is from Tibet, is very active in the local organization, and has at times refused to have his photograph posted on community websites is `proof ' enough that he is a spy. More generally, his strong ties to the homeland, and the way the homeland is inscribed on his body, make him the object of derision and suspicion.

值得注意的是，丹增是当地藏族人中，为数不多的在西藏而不是在印度或尼泊尔渡过人生的大部分的人。至少对于一部分从印度来的藏族人来说，他来自西藏、他在当地组织非常活跃、他有时拒绝把他的相片放在社区网站上，这些事实已经足够证明，他是一个间谍。总的来说， 他与家乡的紧密联系，以及他身上那种家乡给他的印记都使得他成为一个嘲笑与怀疑的对象。

政治不正确

No.649

Migrants' stories have theoretical power beyond their own uniqueness (Lawson,2000). Tenzin's story alerts us to some of the political and cultural contradictions of the Tibetan diaspora which emerge around the issues of migrants' roots and routes. Like other groups of transnational immigrants, Tibetans in the USA ``forge and sustain multistranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement''  (Basch  et al, 1994, page 6). Yet the structure of Tibetan immigration to the USA is such that the `society of origin' to which the vast majority of Tibetans have immediate ties is in South Asia, not in Tibet. Tibetan immigrants in the USA can be divided into three groups vis-a-vis their embodied experience of Tibet and their immediate society of origin. First, the largest group is comprised of those who either left Tibet in 1959 or were born in South Asian refugee communities: for convenience, I refer to them here as `exile Tibetans'. Second, a smaller number, who I refer to as `new arrivals', were born and raised in Tibet, but left for India or Nepal in the 1980s and 1990s. Third, the smallest group，are those whose routes have taken them directly from Tibet to the United States; I call them `Tibetans from Tibet'.

“在理论上说，移民的故事是不可以用单一视界来看的”（劳森 2000年）。丹增的故事提醒我们注意一些由移民的原籍和路线的不同而在流亡藏族聚居区引起的政治上和文化上的矛盾。“与其它跨国移民群体一样，在美国的藏族人也形成并维持了与他们的原居地和移居地紧密相连的多层社会联系”（Basch et al 1994 第6页）。然而移居美国藏族人的社会关系的构成中，原居地关系群对大部分藏族人来说，最直接的是与南亚的而不是与西藏的联系。根据他们与原居地的社会联系和具体经历，在美国的藏族移民可以分为三组：第一组，也是最大的一组由1959年离开西藏或者出生在南亚的难民社区难民组成，为方便起见，我把他们称为“流亡藏族人”；第二组是人数较少的一组，我称他们为“新来者”，他们在西藏出生和长大，但在八九十年代前往印度或尼泊尔；第三组是人数最少的一组，是那些直接从西藏来到美国的藏族人，我把他们称为“来自西藏的藏族人”。

墨羽

另外，因为藏族人对吃狗肉的态度是像西方人那样的，也是为了凑字数，所以加了“竟”。我也想知道如何更好地把这种意境表达出来。

即使“藏族人对吃狗肉的态度是像西方人那样的”，也不代表每一位藏族人都如此——你怎么知道这首诗的作者是其中之一？再退一步，即使这首诗的作者在其它场合发表过他对吃狗肉的负面看法，也不能因此把它添加到这首诗里去。翻译要忠实原文，不要忠实原作者（两者有重要区别，比如作者说了他本来不想说的话，你必须照他说的翻译，而不是照他想说的翻译；相反作者有话想说但是没说，甚至他可能都作了某种暗示，但你还是不能擅自为他“代言”）——当然更不能受译者个人对作者所属群体的“一竿子打死”式偏见所影响。为了字面的整齐而添加原文没有的意思，此谓因“雅”失“信”，乃大忌也。

墨羽

Exile meets homeland: Politics, performance and authenticity in the Tibetan diaspora

“performance”的确切意思要通读了正文才知道，我也不能马上下结论。“authenticity”我倾向于“正宗”或是“真实”。“diaspora”（单数）不是某个地理区域，而是所有生活在藏区以外的藏人的总和（当然其中绝大多是是流亡外国的藏人），我建议译为“藏侨”或“藏族侨民”。

“identity”是（民族或群体的）归属性、认同性。中国社会学领域应该有一个相应的固定术语，但是我不知道是什么。

政治不正确

No.649

In this paper I examine struggles over the authenticity of everyday embodied practices as well as of staged performances of `Tibetan culture', which fracture the imagined unity of a seamless diasporic community. Marked as `Tibetan' in distinct ways by the varied national locations through which they have traveled, Tibetans also draw on different strategies for establishing their authority to speak as Tibetan. Tibetans from Tibet draw on the embodied knowledge and experience of homeland, whereas `exile Tibetans' seek to recenter authentic Tibet-ness away from the physical territory of the homeland and toward other geographical spaces particularly Dharamsala. Exile Tibetans  are  numerically dominant  in  the  USA,  and  it  is  their  views  that  set  the discursive terrain. However, their authority is challenged by the Tibetans from Tibet whom they encounter. The project of recentering the locus of authenticity is thus unstable, and requires an enormous amount of everyday cultural work.

在本文中，我将探讨关于日常生活中的以及舞台表演上的“藏族文化”正统性的冲突，这些冲突已经撕破了天衣无缝的统一的流亡藏族人聚居区的幻像。从不同民族地区移居而来的截然不同的藏族人，他们运用不同的策略来争取诠释藏族人定义的权威。来自西藏的藏族人依靠他们对家乡的具体认知和经验。相反的，流亡藏族人寻求把“正统藏族”重新定位，由地理上的传统家园转移到其它地理空间，比如达兰萨拉。流亡藏族人在美国在数量上居主导地位，他们喜欢地理上的重新定位。但是它们的权威受到来自西藏的藏族人的挑战。所以正统性的地理上重新定位这一课题是不牢固的，需要大量的对日常文化进行研究。

政治不正确

这是一篇社会学学术论文，很多专业词汇都不知道公认的中文翻译应该是什么。希望有这方面常识的童鞋多多指教。

政治不正确

认领第648 649 650 651页。
这是一篇学术著作，它的理据与学术严谨性符合西方人的标准，是难得的揭露藏独丑恶面目，而又符合西方人思维方式的资料。只是由于是学术著作的缘固翻译起来比较有挑战性，希望有兴趣的同学加入一起翻译。

政治不正确

No. 650

Diaspora, identity, and habitus

Responding to celebrations of diaspora and of border crossings as metaphors of emancipation,
transgression, and subversion, critical geographers have suggested rethinking diaspora as being `without guarantees', to borrow from Hall (1986). That is, a diasporic condition may indeed be subversive or transgressive, but it is not necessarily so. Furthermore, diasporic identities and communities are always multiple and contested (Mitchell, 1997; Nagar, 1997; Nagel, 2001). All of this is quite evident in the lyrics of Red China Robber Gang by Techung, a popular California-based Tibetan singer. In exuding a sense of defiance and pride in Tibetan identity, the song also plays directly into existing Western stereotypes of Chinese as alien, dog-eating, and/or Communist Others. This demonization of the Chinese is often extended by Tibetans reared in South Asia to Tibetans who have grown up in Tibet who are suspected of being `brainwashed' by China. The need to recognize that a diasporic condition is not always already politically progressive is acute in the Tibetan case, because of the way in which the diasporic struggle has been structured by the Cold War and by the conflation of Chinese-ness with Communism. The CIA's covert support for the Tibetan resistance army, Chushi Gangdrug, from 1956 until 1972 grew directly out of the Cold War project to contain Communism (Conboy and Morrison, 2002; Knaus, 1999). These geopolitical entanglements have made for strange political bedfellows; former Republican Senator Jesse Helms, known for his distaste for what he called ``Red China'' and the ``barbarous, Communist Chinese government'', was one of the earliest and most vocal supporters of the Tibetan cause in the US government (Collinson, 2001). In an ironic twist, performances in the 1970s by the Dharamsala-based Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts were heckled vociferously by audiences in Washington DC, Madison, and Berkeley, who were ideologically supportive of,if not well-informed about,theCommunist project in China (Calkowski, 1997). The partial structuring of the internal politics of Tibetan communities by this field of global geopolitics makes their dynamics all the more important to tease apart.

离散藏人聚居区 民族特征和习惯

Responding to celebrations of diaspora and of border crossings as metaphors of emancipation,transgression, and subversion, critical geographers have suggested rethinking diaspora as being `without guarantees', to borrow from Hall (1986). （实在不懂翻译）也就是说，流亡聚居的状况可能真的具有颠覆性或进攻性的，也它不一定要这样。此外，流亡藏族人的民族特征和这个群体经常是多样化以及争议中的(Mitchell, 1997; Nagar, 1997; Nagel, 2001)。由加州藏族流行歌手德琼创作的“红色匪帮”的歌词是其中一个很好的例证，这首歌展示了西方人眼中固有的中国形像，作异形，吃狗肉者以及或者可能是共产党。在南亚长大的藏族人经常把对中国人的妖魔化扩大至在西藏长大的藏族人，怀疑他们已经在中国被洗脑。认识到流亡状况在政治上不一定是进步的，这一点对认清西藏运动很重要，因为流亡藏族人的抗争是由冷战以及共产党的吞并构成的。中央情报局从1956年到1972年间对卡西康卓藏族抵抗军的秘密援助，完全是出于钳制共产主义的冷战策略(Conboy and Morrison, 2002; Knaus, 1999)。这些地缘政治上的姻缘成就了这对政治红尘知己；前共和党参议员杰西·赫尔姆斯以对他所称作“红色中国”、“野蛮的共产中国政府”的憎恶而著称，他是美国政府中其中一个最早期的和最强烈的西藏运动支持者。一个啼笑皆非的插曲是，以达兰萨拉为基地的藏族表演艺术学院的表演常常被华盛顿、麦迪逊和巴克利的观众喝倒彩，他们在意识形态上支持共产党人在中国的目标，当然他们可能对共产党人的目标不太了解(Calkowski, 1997)。藏族社群的内部党派政治斗争在世界地缘政治的大气候中得到了动力而不是分裂。


Of course, Tibetan communities have always been cross cut by multiple identities. Nevertheless,practices such as long-distance trade and pilgrimage gave a relative coherence to Tibetan cultural identity, including a sense of shared history, a common literary language, aspects of genealogy, myth, and religion, and folkloric notions such as Tibetans as eaters of tsampa (ground barley flour) (Kapstein, 1998). However, the `imagined community' of Tibet as a nation and the belief that Tibetans should thus have a unique nation-state (Anderson, 1983), emerged strongly only in the early 20th century, after the 13th Dalai Lama fled to India and then to Mongolia after British and Chinese invasions, and especially after the 1951 incorporation of Tibet into the People's Republic of China (PRC).
当然，各种各样的身份特征一直交互影响着藏族社群。尽管如此，长途贸易和朝圣这些活动造就了一个相对连贯藏族的文化特征，包括共同的历史、共同的书面语言、血缘联系、神话和宗教，还有民俗概念，比如藏族是吃糌粑的（Kapstein, 1998）然而，，到了二十世纪初期，在十三世达赖喇嘛因为英国和中国的侵略而逃亡到印度再前往蒙古之后，那些把想像中的藏族社群当成一个国家，并且认为藏族应该有一个单一民族的国家的思潮（Anderson, 1983）清晰显现出来，尤其是1951年西藏并入中华人民共和国后更加强烈。


Prior to this century, Tibetans conceived of themselves primarily in relation to sectarian and regional affiliations. Thus, the term Bod-pa, now a general term for `Tibetan', was used only in reference to nonnomadic inhabitants of Central Tibet (Stoddard, 1994). Even in the 1970s the Tibetan government in exile worked hard to forge a national Tibetan identity to supercede divisive regional and sectarian identifications (Nowak, 1984).In exile communities today there are still undercurrents of regional divisiveness, but, like the `Kham for the Khampas' (3) movements of the 1930s and the history of the Kham-oriented Chushi Gangdrug resistance movement (McGranahan, 2005), they are largely papered over in the transnational nation-building project of the Tibetan government in exile and of the Tibet Movement. Tibetans in exile insist today that, ``For more than two thousand years, Tibet ... existed as a sovereign nation'' (http://www.tibet.net/diir/eng/enviro/overview/). As Renan (1939 [1882], page 190) has observed, ``To forget and to get one's history wrong, are essential factors in the making of a nation.''

    在二十世纪以前，藏族人眼中的彼此联系主要是宗教派系和地区从属。因此，“Bod-pa”这个词，也就是现在的“Tibetan”仅仅指生活在西藏中部的游牧民(Stoddard,1994)。甚至在七十年代，西藏流亡政府尽力树立一个全民族的藏族民族特征，来取代地区性和宗派性的民族特征(Nowak,1984). 直至现在地区性派别仍然影响着流亡藏族人社区，如三十年代的“来自康藏的康巴人”运动和在起源于康藏的卡西康卓抵抗运动的历史（Mcgranahan,2005）,但这些分歧在大体上被西藏流亡政府的跨国的“建国计划”和藏族运动掩盖起来。流亡藏族人今天坚持：“在超过二千年的时间里，西藏是以一个主权国家存在的” (http://www.tibet.net/diir/eng/enviro/overview/)。 正如Renan(1939[1882],page 190)评论道：“忘记、、、、或者一段谬误的历史，是编造一个国家的必要因素”





Responding to celebrations of diaspora and of border crossings as metaphors of emancipation,transgression, and subversion, critical geographers have suggested rethinking diaspora as being `without guarantees', to borrow from Hall (1986). （实在不懂翻译）各位童鞋，谁懂得翻译这句话？

墨羽

正述补全：Critical geographers have suggested that we rethink diaspora as being 'without guarantees' -- a term borrowd from Hall (1986). This rethinking is a response to celebrations of diaspora and of border crossings as metaphors of emancipation,transgression, and subversion.

政治不正确

651
In addition to regional affiliation, axes of identification that were socially relevant both in the 1950s and today (in diaspora as well as in Tibet) include gender, age, class, and social status (aristocrats and commoners), religious and sectarian affiliation, and the lay-monastic divide. However, these differ from the contestation of identities that are the specific focus of this paper: the varying routes to the US diaspora through different national locations, and the consequent forms of identification with homeland. The latter are the product of the diasporic process itself, and thus constitute a newly formed axis of struggle and consent. This axis is not, however, independent of other axes of identification, particularly that of region, as I discuss below. Though these distinctions are relatively new and are not as formalized in linguistic categories as are other types of identifications, they are nevertheless social facts that permeate everyday practices and struggles around recognition.
无论是五十年代还是在今天（包括流亡聚居地和西藏），民族特征组成的轴线除了地区性的从性关系之外，在社会关系上还包括：性别、年龄、阶级、和社会地位（贵族与平民）、宗教和派系的从属关系，以及僧侣之间阶层。但是这些都与本文所专注讨论的民族特征不同：不同民族居住区域由不同的路线前往美国藏族聚居区，由此形成的民族特征与祖国的关系。后者是流亡藏族聚居区自身发展的产物，由此形成了新的争论与认同的轴线。但这条轴线并不是独立于其它民族特征的轴线，特别是正如我下面讨论的区域性特征。虽然这些差异性相对来说比较新，并且不像其它特征那样有一个名称类别，但它们却是渗透到日常活动及民族认同的纷争的社会现象。


The importance of everyday practice, and the ways in which the `authenticity' of Tibetan identities is both inscribed on and read off of bodies, suggests habitus as a productive analytical frame.Bourdieu (1990) emphasizes that habitus is a set of `durable dispositions',a kind of historical sedimentation in and of the body: ``The habitus, a product of history, produces dividual and collective practices ... it ensures the active presence of past experiences which, deposited in each organism in the form of schemes of perception, thought and action, tend to arantee the `correctness' of practices and their constancy over time, more reliably than all formal rules and explicit norms'' (page 53). Habitus mediates between places and selves; it is the way in which bodies bear traces of the places in which they have dwelled. Casey (2001, page 688) describes these traces as being ``continually laid down in the body, sedimenting themselves there and thus becoming formative of its specific somatography.''
日常活动的重要性和所谓的“正宗藏族特征”如何作用于身体语言又由身体语言表现出来，说明“惯习”是一个有效的分析框架。Bourdieu(1990)强调，惯习是一个系列的持久的习性，一种历史的沉淀，它作用于身体又由其表现出来：“惯习，一个历史的产物，产生了个人或集体的行为、、、它是一个沉积在人体里的感知、思想和行动的过往经验的展现，这些行为的正确性得到长期活动的验证，比起所有形式的规条和明确的准则更有效”（page53）。惯习互相作用于场所与自身之间；个体通过这些迹象表现出它与它所生活的场所的联系。Casey(2001,page688)这样描述这些迹象“持久地藏在个体里，把自己固化在个体里，由此产生了特定的身体语言”。


Despite the remarkable influence that this concept has had on contemporary understandings of culture and society in critical human geography (Cresswell, 2002, page 379), habitus has been relatively neglected in geographical studies of diaspora and transnationalism (but see Bauder,2005;Friedmann,2002;Kelly and Lusis,2006; McKay,2001). However, Kelly and Lusis(2006) write that ``the habitus of Filipino immigrants is constructed not just within a geographically contiguous space, but also through transnational linkages with their place of origin'',a useful observation for understanding how Tibetan immigrants, who imagine that they should share a set of unique and recognizable characteristics with all other Tibetans, nevertheless have divergent embodied, durable dispositions, constructed through transnational linkages with different national locations. The variations in habitus encounter the expectation of similarity and recognizability, leading to the frictions explored here. Sedimentations in the body include the deployment of particular languages and of words within a language, as well as taken-for-granted dispositions such as intonation, gestures, and `taste', appreciation for or reaction against particular styles, such as of dress, food, and staged performances of `authentic' song and dance. Habitus is durable, but not eternal. As a sedimentation of past determinations it has a certain inertia which confers ``upon practices their relative autonomy with respect to the eternal determinations of the immediate present'' (Bourdieu,1990, page 56). On the other hand, change within limits of continuity can occur through a dialectical confrontation between habitus and social field; this happens when ``dispositions encounter conditions (including fields) different from those in which they were constructed and assembled'', such as in a rapidly changing society (2002,pages 29 ^ 31).
虽然这个概念对了理解当代人类地理学中的社会和文化有显著的影响(Cresswell,2002, page 379)，惯习在对流亡藏族聚居区和跨国主义的地理学研究中往往被忽略(but see Bauder,2005;Friedmann,2002;Kelly and Lusis,2006; McKay,2001)。然而，Kelly和Lusis(2006)写道“菲律宾移民的惯习不仅地理邻近空间的影响，还受他们原居地的跨国结合关系所影响”，这观点对于理解藏族移民的思维很有帮助，他们想像着所有藏族人应该有共同的一系列独特的易于辩认的特征，而不是受到不同民族区域的跨国结合关系影响的持久的不尽相同的性情气质。当不同的惯习与渴望认同和共性的期盼相遇时，就产生了本文所要探讨的摩擦。沉积在个体里的惯习包括：同一种语言的特定词汇的运用，自然而然的腔调、势态和口味，对一些流行样式的评价，比如：衣着，饮食，还有舞台表演中的正宗民族歌舞。惯习具有持久性，但不是永恒的。惯习是过去的沉积，它具有惰性，受制于正在发生的外部影响（Bourdieu,1990,page56）。另一方面，在保持延续性的情况下，惯习与社会环境也会有所变化。这种情况发生在，固有的习性面对它所形成的各种条件（包括场所）已经有所转变时，比如一个急速变化着的社会（2002，page 29 31）