[联合翻译] Exile meets homeland

政治不正确

似乎最后一节conclusion还没有翻译完，那位童鞋把这段搞定，早完成早好，先把个业余版的翻译放到“走进西藏版”去抛砖引玉，说不定有专业人士看到，能把它修正成专业版。

rhapsody

似乎最后一节conclusion还没有翻译完，那位童鞋把这段搞定，早完成早好，先把个业余版的翻译放到“走进西藏版”去抛砖引玉，说不定有专业人士看到，能把它修正成专业版。 ...
政治不正确 发表于 2009-7-26 21:23

本人会接手最后结论部分的翻译，以及前边各节的校对，不过由于手上东西还比较多，进度可能不会太快。
赞同楼上把译文先发到“走进西藏”去的建议，之前我也这么想过。

rlsrls08

rhapsody,

我回来了!! 还有哪些需要校对和翻译的招呼一声。

音乐盒

太好了！
rhapsody一直都很勤奋。但是自你上周离开后，这个帖子差不多就停在这里了，555。。。

rlsrls08

Staging ‘cultural performance’
登上舞台的“文化演出”

Another arena in which habitus becomes important in struggles over authenticity is what anthropologist Diehl calls ‘sound values’ particular types of music and dance, including accompanying bodily stylizations, intonations, and gestures, and appreciation (or not) of these performances. Diehl (2002, page 64) describes a performance she witnessed by a number of women from Lhasa who managed to travel to Dharamsala on religious pilgrimage. They gathered one day in a square and sang patriotic songs about Tibet some of which they could be imprisoned for singing inside Tibet. Although the “high wavering tones” and “sweeping arm gestures” (2002, page 92) of their songs were unfamiliar to the exile context, the lyrics were not. Nevertheless, not a single Dharamsala resident participated in or watched the pilgrims’ performance. Instead, after it was over, a group of older exile Tibetan women, “amused each other by singing parodic imitations” and “howled with laughter” at the Tibetans from Tibet (page 94).

使得惯习在正统之争中变得重要的另一个领域便是人类学家Diehl所称的‘声音价值观’--特定类型的音乐与舞蹈，包括伴随的身体风格、 声调、手势、和对这些表演的欣赏（或不欣赏）。Diehl 描述了她曾目睹的一次演出，从拉萨到达兰萨拉朝圣的一些妇女某天在一个广场集合，唱有关西藏的爱国歌曲--其中一些歌曲如果她们在西藏(自治区)唱有可能会因此下狱。尽管流亡藏人不熟悉她们歌里"颤抖的高音"和"挥舞手臂的动作"，但却熟悉歌词。然而，没有一位达兰萨拉居民加入她们或观看她们的演出。相反，演出后，一群年纪较大的流亡藏人妇女，"拙劣地模仿她们唱歌来互相取乐"，并对着那些来自西藏的藏人"大笑着嗷嗷叫"。

In the USA staged performances of ‘traditional culture’ are fraught spaces of encounter of different habitus. The larger Tibetan communities organize gatherings, demonstrations, and parties for the Tibetan New Year, the Dalai Lama’s birthday, 10 March (uprising day), and so forth. There are also regional events such as the ‘West coast Tibetan gathering’ that has been held every summer since 1995. These gatherings usually include staged performances, mostly by young Tibetans, of traditional songs and dances from different regions of Tibet, ‘cultural competitions’ in which such performances are rated against each other, and more free-form open-mikes and talent shows. These open mikes and talent shows typically feature many renditions of Hindi and Nepali pop songs, an increasing amount of singing in English, few Tibetan songs, and no songs at all in Chinese (even though there are now a number of popular Tibetan singers in China who sing Tibetan-themed songs in Chinese). Singing in Hindi or Nepali, like watching a Hindi movie, is a normal and unremarkable activity in the US-based Tibetan diaspora, but singing in Chinese continues to be unthinkable. At the same time, nobody seems to mind that only a few participants sing in Tibetan for the talent show portion.

在美国，舞台上的‘传统文化’演出是不同惯习遭遇彼此的不愉快空间。(不同惯习在‘传统文化’的舞台演出遭遇彼此，结局多为不快。)在藏历新年、达赖喇嘛生日、3月10日（起义日）等日子，较大的藏人团体会组织集会，示威和聚会等活动。另外也有一些地区性的大型活动，比如自1995年起每年夏季举办的‘西海岸藏人集会’。这些集会通常包括西藏不同地区的传统歌舞演出(大都由年轻的藏人表演)，‘文化竞争’(在表演中贬低对抗彼此)，以及更多的不拘形式的即兴表演和才艺展示。这些即兴表演和才艺展示的典型就是大多数人演唱印度语和尼泊尔语的流行歌曲，以及越来越常见的演唱英文歌，但极少人唱藏文歌，唱中文歌的一个都没有（即使现在中国许多藏族流行歌手用中文演唱西藏题材的歌曲）。用印度语或尼泊尔语唱歌，就跟看印度语电影一样，是美国侨居藏人寻常和简单的活动，但是唱中文歌却是不能接受的。同时，似乎没有人介意才艺展示时唱藏语歌的人只占很少的比例。

The more scripted traditional Tibetan songs and dances provoke stronger reactions. In 2002 I attended one such ‘cultural show’ in the San Francisco Bay Area at a celebration of the anniversary of the founding of the Tibetan Youth Congress, with Drolgar, a Tibetan woman from Lhasa. Drolgar had told me a number of times that she disliked socializing with other Tibetans because, she said, she had learned that they talked behind her back about the possibility that she might be a spy. As we watched the performances, with a motley collection of Tibetan regional costumes, Drolgar turned to me and whispered, in Chinese, “watching them is so funny it’s hilarious”. A few minutes later she turned to me again and said, this time in Tibetan, “snying-rje” meaning ‘poor things’ several times. She then switched back to Chinese and said “poor things they don’t know anything about Tibetan culture, they only know the very surface”, implying that, no matter how hard they tried with their dancing and costumes, they would never be as authentically Tibetan as herself, someone who had personally experienced growing up in Tibet.

传统藏族歌舞越照本宣科，得到的反响就越强烈。2002年，与来自拉萨的卓嘎一起，我在旧金山湾区参加了藏青会成立一周年庆典的这样一个‘文化展’。卓嘎对我说过很多次，她不喜欢与其他藏人交往，因为他们在背后议论她有可能是个间谍。当我们在观看一个五花八门的藏族地方服饰表演时，卓嘎转过来，用汉语对我小声地说:"看他们多可笑，太滑稽了"。几分钟后，她又转向我，用藏语说了好几次:snying-rje"--意思是‘可怜的东西’。接着她又换回汉语说"可怜的东西--他们完全不了解藏族文化，他们只知道皮毛"，这意味着，不管他们多么努力地跳舞和展示服饰，他们也不会成为她那样的正统藏人，她可是在西藏长大的。

Another example that I will discuss at some length was a picnic held at a park in the San Francisco Bay Area in 2002. An official Tibetan song and dance troupe from Lhasa had been invited to California as part of a larger cultural exhibition and exchange program. However, the exhibition had been quickly shut down by protests, and the troupe was unable to perform at the exhibition as planned. A few days later, the Tibetan Association of Northern California (which was not officially involved in the protests, but a number of whose members had participated in protest action through other groups, such as Students for a Free Tibet) invited the Lhasa Tibetans to perform for the local community. They agreed, and on a bright and cloudless Saturday afternoon the two groups came together for a picnic. The troupe from Lhasa performed a number of songs, after which a California-based Tibetan band also performed.


我要花些篇幅讨论的另一个例子是2002年在旧金山湾区一个公园举办的一次野餐会。一个来自拉萨的官方藏族歌舞团应邀到加州参加大型文化展览和交流。然而，因为抗议展览很快就中止了，这个团不能按计划在展览上演出。数天后，北加州西藏协会（该团体没有正式参与抗议，但是它的许多成员通过其他团体，比如自由西藏学生运动，参加了抗议行动）邀请拉萨藏人们为当地社区表演。他们同意了，在一个晴朗无云的周六下午，两个团体聚在一起野餐。拉萨歌舞团演唱了许多歌曲，之后加州当地的藏人乐队也作了表演。

For most of the show, I sat listening with several former new arrivals and a few other Tibetans who had arrived in California from Lhasa. They appeared to be having a tremendously good time, singing along, clapping frequently, and making remarks such as “Today is just like being at the Norbulinkga” (the summer palace of the Dalai Lama in Lhasa, where summer picnics are frequently held); “it’s just like being at Zholdon” (a yoghurt festival held in Lhasa every August); “it’s just like being at a nangma” (a Tibetan-style karaoke popular in Lhasa); and even “for those who haven’t been to Lhasa, this is just like taking them there for the day!” One woman, who had just received political asylum in the USA, exclaimed to me that this was her happiest day since she had arrived in the United States two years earlier, because “it’s just like being back in Lhasa”.

在表演的大多数时间里，我与一些新来者(在西藏出生和长大，在八九十年代前往印度或尼泊尔，然后移民美国者)和几个刚从拉萨来加州的藏人坐在一起聆听。他们显得极为高兴，频频鼓掌，并评论说"今天就像在罗布林卡一样（达赖喇嘛在拉萨的夏宫，在那儿常举行夏日野餐）"；"就像是在雪顿节上（每年八月在拉萨举办的一个酸奶节）"；"就像是在一次囊玛上（拉萨流行的一种藏式卡拉OK）"；甚至"就像是带那些从未到过拉萨的人去了一次拉萨！"一个刚得到美国政治庇难的妇女对我惊呼这是她自两年前到美国以来最开心的一天，因为"就像回到了拉萨"一样。

Immersed as I was in my friends’ pleasant nostalgia for Lhasa, memories of which flooded back to them as they listened to the Tibetan singers, I assumed that everyone present was enjoying the music. When I walked around, however, I realized that this was not the case. A mother and daughter, both participants in TUSRP, complained to each other about the way the performers sang in such a strangely un-Tibetan way, their tones too high, and their smiles and gestures too perfect and too dramatic. The daughter then said that she had had enough of this, and suggested, “let’s go watch a Hindi movie”. When I later asked other long-time exiles about their reactions, some said that they “didn’t know whether to laugh or to cry, whether to be happy or sad”.

我沉浸在朋友们对拉萨的喜悦怀乡之情中，当听到藏族歌手演唱时，他们对拉萨的记忆如开了闸的洪水一般涌现。我以为每位在场者都很享受。而当我四处走动时，我才意识到并非如此。一对通过"藏人安居美国计划"来美的母女相互抱怨道，演出者唱歌的方式非常奇怪，非常的不藏族，他们的音调太高，而且他们的笑容和手势都太完美和太戏剧化。接着，女儿说她受够了，并建议:"我们去看一场印度语电影吧"。后来当我询问其他长期流亡藏人的反应时，一些人说他们"不知道该笑还是该哭，该高兴还是该悲伤"。

Although they were happy to see Tibetans perform, they felt strongly that everything about the way these Tibetans had been trained from the way they opened their mouths and smiled, to the way they stressed certain syllables in their songs, to their use of nasal tones was ‘very Chinese’. Whatever happiness they might have expected to feel upon their encounter with those from the homeland for which they have been longing was dissipated by the alienness of what they saw and heard. Indeed, according to several, it was only a measure of their graciousness and goodwill that helped them refrain from laughing at the performers.


尽管很高兴看到藏人演出，但他们强烈感到，这些受过培训的藏人无一处不是‘非常中国式的’，从张嘴和微笑，到在歌里加重某些音节，还有对鼻音的运用。见到一直渴望见到的家乡人而可能产生的快乐，却因他们看到和听到的四不象演出消失殆尽了。实际上，有几个人说，只是出于礼貌和善意，她们才抑制住自己没有去嘲笑表演者。

What I want to stress here is not just the bodily stylizations and sounds of those on stage, but also the audience’s reaction to these various performances. Their sometimes visceral reactions to different styles of song or dance, their perceptions of performers as authentically Tibetan or not, and their accompanying appreciation, distaste, or condescending laughter are also shaped by habitus as a structuring structure which “engenders all the thoughts, all the perceptions, and all the actions consistent with those conditions, and no others” (Bourdieu, 1977, page 95). In other words, significations of transnational migrant identity take place not only in the structured compulsion to repeat particular gestures, manners, and bearings, but also in structured reactions to embodied practices. In the next section I turn to a more detailed exploration of the sources of authority to which differently routed Tibetans appeal.


在此我想强调的不只是舞台表演者的身体风格和声音， 还有观众对这些各种表演的反应。他们有时对不同歌舞风格的骨子里的反应，他们对表演者是否是正统藏人的看法，和伴随的欣赏、嫌恶，或施舍的笑声，也是由惯习作为一种构建中的结构所决定的，这种结构"产生了所有的想法，所有的感知，和所有与条件相符的行为，而不是其他"。换言之，跨国移民身份的差异性不仅在于重复特定的手势、态度和举止，还在于对具体实践的反应。在下一部分里，我会更详细的揭示不同路线藏人所宣称的权威的来源。

rlsrls08

??? 刚贴完的怎么没了?

rlsrls08

注释:

深蓝色是最初翻译稿
绿色是第1次校对稿

Staging ‘cultural performance’
登上舞台的“文化演出”

Another arena in which habitus becomes important in struggles over authenticity is what anthropologist Diehl calls ‘sound values’ particular types of music and dance, including accompanying bodily stylizations, intonations, and gestures, and appreciation (or not) of these performances. Diehl (2002, page 64) describes a performance she witnessed by a number of women from Lhasa who managed to travel to Dharamsala on religious pilgrimage. They gathered one day in a square and sang patriotic songs about Tibet some of which they could be imprisoned for singing inside Tibet. Although the “high wavering tones” and “sweeping arm gestures” (2002, page 92) of their songs were unfamiliar to the exile context, the lyrics were not. Nevertheless, not a single Dharamsala resident participated in or watched the pilgrims’ performance. Instead, after it was over, a group of older exile Tibetan women, “amused each other by singing parodic imitations” and “howled with laughter” at the Tibetans from Tibet (page 94).

惯习在有关正统之争中变得重要，其另一领域便是人类学家Diehl所称的‘价值观’--音乐与舞蹈的特殊类型，包括伴随的身体风格、 声调、手势、和对这些表演的欣赏（或不欣赏）。Diehl (2002, page 64)描述了她曾目睹的一次演出，是由一些努力到达兰萨拉作宗教朝圣的拉萨妇女表演的。她们有一天在一个广场集合，唱有关西藏的爱国歌曲--有些歌在西藏 唱可能会因此而下狱。尽管她们歌里“颤抖的高音”和“挥舞手臂的示意”(2002, page 92)是流亡藏人所陌生的，但歌词却不是。然而，没有一位达兰萨拉居民加入进去或观看朝圣者的演出。实际上，演出完后，一群年纪较大的流亡藏人妇女，“以 拙劣模仿唱那些歌来互相取乐” 并对着那些来自西藏的藏人“狂笑” (page 94)。
使得惯习在正统之争中变得重要的另一个领域便是人类学家Diehl所称的‘声音价值观’--特定类型的音乐与舞蹈，包括伴随的身体风格、 声调、手势、和对这些表演的欣赏（或不欣赏）。Diehl 描述了她曾目睹的一次演出，从拉萨到达兰萨拉朝圣的一些妇女某天在一个广场集合，唱有关西藏的爱国歌曲--其中一些歌曲如果她们在西藏(自治区)唱有可能会因此下狱。尽管流亡藏人不熟悉她们歌里"颤抖的高音"和"挥舞手臂的动作"，但却熟悉歌词。然而，没有一位达兰萨拉居民加入她们或观看她们的演出。相反，演出后，一群年纪较大的流亡藏人妇女，"拙劣地模仿她们唱歌来互相取乐"，并对着那些来自西藏的藏人"大笑着嗷嗷叫"。

In the USA staged performances of ‘traditional culture’ are fraught spaces of encounter of different habitus. The larger Tibetan communities organize gatherings, demonstrations, and parties for the Tibetan New Year, the Dalai Lama’s birthday, 10 March (uprising day), and so forth. There are also regional events such as the ‘West coast Tibetan gathering’ that has been held every summer since 1995. These gatherings usually include staged performances, mostly by young Tibetans, of traditional songs and dances from different regions of Tibet, ‘cultural competitions’ in which such performances are rated against each other, and more free-form open-mikes and talent shows. These open mikes and talent shows typically feature many renditions of Hindi and Nepali pop songs, an increasing amount of singing in English, few Tibetan songs, and no songs at all in Chinese (even though there are now a number of popular Tibetan singers in China who sing Tibetan-themed songs in Chinese). Singing in Hindi or Nepali, like watching a Hindi movie, is a normal and unremarkable activity in the US-based Tibetan diaspora, but singing in Chinese continues to be unthinkable. At the same time, nobody seems to mind that only a few participants sing in Tibetan for the talent show portion.

在美国登台的‘传统文化’演出是不同的惯习相互遭遇的逼仄空间。较大的藏人团体组织一些集会、示威，为藏历新年、达赖喇嘛生日、3月10日（起义日）举办聚会，等等。也有一些地区大型活动，比如自1995起每年夏季的‘西岸藏人集会’。这些集会通常都有舞台演出，大都由年轻藏人表演西藏不同地区的传统歌曲和舞蹈，在这些表演中彼此评估，进行‘文化竞争’，以 及更多的形式自由的即兴表演和才艺展示。这些即兴表演和才艺展示很有代表性的突出了许多北印度和尼泊尔流行歌曲的特色表演，唱英文歌的数量大增，极少唱藏 文歌的，完全没有唱中文歌的（即使现在在中国有许多藏族流行歌手用中文演唱西藏题材的歌曲）。用北印度语或尼泊尔语唱歌，就像看一部北印度电影一样，是美 国侨居藏人的一项寻常和不起眼的活动，但是唱中文歌却是难以想象的。同时，似乎没有人注意到，才艺展示时唱藏语歌的人只占很少的比重。
在美国，舞台上的‘传统文化’演出是不同惯习遭遇彼此的不愉快空间。(不同惯习在‘传统文化’的舞台演出遭遇彼此，结局多为不快。哪个译法好?)在藏历新年、达赖喇嘛生日、3月10日（起义日）等日子，较大的藏人团体会组织集会，示威和聚会等活动。另外也有一些地区性的大型活动，比如自1995年起每年夏季举办的‘西海岸藏人集会’。这些集会通常包括西藏不同地区的传统歌舞演出(大都由年轻的藏人表演)，‘文化竞争’(在表演中互相评估)，以及更多的不拘形式的即兴表演和才艺展示。这些即兴表演和才艺展示的典型就是大多数人演唱印度语和尼泊尔语的流行歌曲，以及越来越常见的演唱英文歌，但极少人唱藏文歌，唱中文歌的一个都没有（即使现在中国许多藏族流行歌手用中文演唱西藏题材的歌曲）。用印度语或尼泊尔语唱歌，就跟看印度语电影一样，是美国侨居藏人寻常和简单的活动，但是唱中文歌却是不能接受的。同时，似乎没有人介意才艺展示时唱藏语歌的人只占很少的比例。

The more scripted traditional Tibetan songs and dances provoke stronger reactions. In 2002 I attended one such ‘cultural show’ in the San Francisco Bay Area at a celebration of the anniversary of the founding of the Tibetan Youth Congress, with Drolgar, a Tibetan woman from Lhasa. Drolgar had told me a number of times that she disliked socializing with other Tibetans because, she said, she had learned that they talked behind her back about the possibility that she might be a spy. As we watched the performances, with a motley collection of Tibetan regional costumes, Drolgar turned to me and whispered, in Chinese, “watching them is so funny it’s hilarious”. A few minutes later she turned to me again and said, this time in Tibetan, “snying-rje” meaning ‘poor things’ several times. She then switched back to Chinese and said “poor things they don’t know anything about Tibetan culture, they only know the very surface”, implying that, no matter how hard they tried with their dancing and costumes, they would never be as authentically Tibetan as herself, someone who had personally experienced growing up in Tibet.

照本宣科的传统藏族歌舞越多，就 会激起越强烈的反应。2002年，我在藏青会举行创建周年庆祝时参加了旧金山湾区的这样一个‘文化展’，与一位来自拉萨的妇女卓嘎一道。卓嘎对我说过很多 次，她不喜欢与其他藏人交往是因为，她说，她知道他们在她背后议论她有可能是个间谍。在她观看一个五花八门的藏族地方服饰表演时，卓嘎转过来，用汉语对我 低语道。“看他们多滑稽--令人捧腹”。几分钟后，她又转向我，这次用藏语说了好几次“snying-rje”--意思是‘可怜的东西’。接着她又换回汉 语说“可怜的东西--他们完全不了解藏族文化，他们了解的太肤浅了”，这意味着，不管他们多么努力的跳舞和展示服饰，他们也不会成为她心目中的正统藏人， 她是在西藏经历了个人成长的。# S0
传统藏族歌舞越照本宣科，得到的反响就越强烈。2002年，与来自拉萨的卓嘎一起，我在旧金山湾区参加了藏青会成立一周年庆典的这样一个‘文化展’。卓嘎对我说过很多次，她不喜欢与其他藏人交往，因为他们在背后议论她有可能是个间谍。当我们在观看一个五花八门的藏族地方服饰表演时，卓嘎转过来，用汉语对我小声地说:"看他们多可笑，太滑稽了"。几分钟后，她又转向我，用藏语说了好几次:snying-rje"--意思是‘可怜的东西’。接着她又换回汉语说"可怜的东西--他们完全不了解藏族文化，他们只知道皮毛"，这意味着，不管他们多么努力地跳舞和展示服饰，他们也不会成为她那样的正统藏人，她可是在西藏长大的。

Another example that I will discuss at some length was a picnic held at a park in the San Francisco Bay Area in 2002. An official Tibetan song and dance troupe from Lhasa had been invited to California as part of a larger cultural exhibition and exchange program. However, the exhibition had been quickly shut down by protests, and the troupe was unable to perform at the exhibition as planned. A few days later, the Tibetan Association of Northern California (which was not officially involved in the protests, but a number of whose members had participated in protest action through other groups, such as Students for a Free Tibet) invited the Lhasa Tibetans to perform for the local community. They agreed, and on a bright and cloudless Saturday afternoon the two groups came together for a picnic. The troupe from Lhasa performed a number of songs, after which a California-based Tibetan band also performed.

我要讨论的另一个相当详细的例子是在2002年旧金山湾区一个公园举办的一次野餐。一个来自拉萨的正规藏族歌舞团应邀到加利福尼亚，作为文化展览和交流项 目的一部分。然而，展览很快因抗议而中止，这个团不能按计划在展览上演出了。数天后，北加州西藏协会（虽然它没有正式参与抗议，但是它的许多成员都通过其 他诸如自由西藏国际学联的群体参加了抗议行动）邀请拉萨藏人们为当地社区表演。他们同意了，在一个晴朗无云的周六下午，两个团的人聚在一起野餐。拉萨歌舞 团演唱了许多歌曲，之后，加州藏人乐队也作了表演。
我要花些篇幅讨论的另一个例子是2002年在旧金山湾区一个公园举办的一次野餐会。一个来自拉萨的官方藏族歌舞团应邀到加州参加大型文化展览和交流。然而，因为抗议展览很快就中止了，这个团不能按计划在展览上演出。数天后，北加州西藏协会（该团体没有正式参与抗议，但是它的许多成员通过其他团体，比如自由西藏学生运动，参加了抗议行动）邀请拉萨藏人们为当地社区表演。他们同意了，在一个晴朗无云的周六下午，两个团体聚在一起野餐。拉萨歌舞团演唱了许多歌曲，之后加州当地的藏人乐队也作了表演。

For most of the show, I sat listening with several former new arrivals and a few other Tibetans who had arrived in California from Lhasa. They appeared to be having a tremendously good time, singing along, clapping frequently, and making remarks such as “Today is just like being at the Norbulinkga” (the summer palace of the Dalai Lama in Lhasa, where summer picnics are frequently held); “it’s just like being at Zholdon” (a yoghurt festival held in Lhasa every August); “it’s just like being at a nangma” (a Tibetan-style karaoke popular in Lhasa); and even “for those who haven’t been to Lhasa, this is just like taking them there for the day!” One woman, who had just received political asylum in the USA, exclaimed to me that this was her happiest day since she had arrived in the United States two years earlier, because “it’s just like being back in Lhasa”.

表演的大多数时间里，我坐在那儿与其他 一些从拉萨来加州的藏人坐在一起聆听。他们显得极为高兴，频频鼓掌，并作出如下评价“今天就像在罗布林卡一样”（达赖喇嘛在拉萨的夏宫，在那儿常举行夏日 野餐）；“就像是在雪顿节上”（每年八月在拉萨举办的一个酸奶节）；“就像是在一次囊玛上”（拉萨流行的一种藏式卡拉 OK）;甚至于“那些从未到过拉萨的人，今天正好可以感受一下了！”一个刚收到了美国政治庇难的妇女对我大叫，这是她自两年前到美国以来最开心的一天，因 为“就像回到了拉萨”一样。
在表演的大多数时间里，我与一些新来者(在西藏出生和长大，在八九十年代前往印度或尼泊尔，然后移民美国者)和几个刚从拉萨来加州的藏人坐在一起聆听。他们显得极为高兴，频频鼓掌，并评论说"今天就像在罗布林卡一样（达赖喇嘛在拉萨的夏宫，在那儿常举行夏日野餐）"；"就像是在雪顿节上（每年八月在拉萨举办的一个酸奶节）"；"就像是在一次囊玛上（拉萨流行的一种藏式卡拉OK）"；甚至"就像是带那些从未到过拉萨的人去了一次拉萨！"一个刚得到美国政治庇难的妇女对我惊呼这是她自两年前到美国以来最开心的一天，因为"就像回到了拉萨"一样。

Immersed as I was in my friends’ pleasant nostalgia for Lhasa, memories of which flooded back to them as they listened to the Tibetan singers, I assumed that everyone present was enjoying the music. When I walked around, however, I realized that this was not the case. A mother and daughter, both participants in TUSRP, complained to each other about the way the performers sang in such a strangely un-Tibetan way, their tones too high, and their smiles and gestures too perfect and too dramatic. The daughter then said that she had had enough of this, and suggested, “let’s go watch a Hindi movie”. When I later asked other long-time exiles about their reactions, some said that they “didn’t know whether to laugh or to cry, whether to be happy or sad”.

朋友们听到藏族歌手演唱时，记忆如开了闸的洪水一般涌现，当我沉浸在他们对拉萨的喜悦怀乡之情中时，我以为每位在场者都在欣赏音乐。当我四处走动时，我才 意识到不是这样的。一对双双参加了TUSRP的母女相互抱怨道，演出者唱歌用的是如此奇怪的非藏族方式，他们的声音太尖，而且他们的笑容和手势都太完美和 太戏剧化。接着，女儿说，她受够了，并建议，“我们去看一场北印度电影吧”。后来当我问其他长期流亡藏人的反应时，一些人说他们“哭笑不得，不知道该高兴 还是该悲伤”。
我沉浸在朋友们对拉萨的喜悦怀乡之情中，当听到藏族歌手演唱时，他们对拉萨的记忆如开了闸的洪水一般涌现。我以为每位在场者都很享受。而当我四处走动时，我才意识到并非如此。一对通过"藏人安居美国计划"来美的母女相互抱怨道，演出者唱歌的方式非常奇怪，非常的不藏族，他们的音调太高，而且他们的笑容和手势都太完美和太戏剧化。接着，女儿说她受够了，并建议:"我们去看一场印度语电影吧"。后来当我询问其他长期流亡藏人的反应时，一些人说他们"不知道该笑还是该哭，该高兴还是该悲伤"。

Although they were happy to see Tibetans perform, they felt strongly that everything about the way these Tibetans had been trained from the way they opened their mouths and smiled, to the way they stressed certain syllables in their songs, to their use of nasal tones was ‘very Chinese’. Whatever happiness they might have expected to feel upon their encounter with those from the homeland for which they have been longing was dissipated by the alienness of what they saw and heard. Indeed, according to several, it was only a measure of their graciousness and goodwill that helped them refrain from laughing at the performers.

尽管他们很高兴看藏族演出，但他们强烈感到，这些受过培训的藏人无一处不是‘非常中国式的’，无论是他们张嘴和微笑，还是他们在歌里加重某 些音节，还是他们对鼻音的运用。他们一直渴望见到那些来自家乡的人，不管这种期盼有多么的快乐，却都被他们最终所看到听到的异形（译注：指拉萨歌舞团的表演）给驱散了。实际上，有几位说，这（译注：指母女俩的做法）只是帮助她们抑制住自己不嘲笑表演者的一种亲切友好手段。#
尽管很高兴看到藏人演出，但他们强烈感到，这些受过培训的藏人无一处不是‘非常中国式的’，从张嘴和微笑，到在歌里加重某些音节，还有对鼻音的运用。见到一直渴望见到的家乡人而可能产生的快乐，却因他们看到和听到的四不象演出消失殆尽了。实际上，有几个人说，只是出于礼貌和善意，她们才抑制住自己没有去嘲笑表演者。

What I want to stress here is not just the bodily stylizations and sounds of those on stage, but also the audience’s reaction to these various performances. Their sometimes visceral reactions to different styles of song or dance, their perceptions of performers as authentically Tibetan or not, and their accompanying appreciation, distaste, or condescending laughter are also shaped by habitus as a structuring structure which “engenders all the thoughts, all the perceptions, and all the actions consistent with those conditions, and no others” (Bourdieu, 1977, page 95). In other words, significations of transnational migrant identity take place not only in the structured compulsion to repeat particular gestures, manners, and bearings, but also in structured reactions to embodied practices. In the next section I turn to a more detailed exploration of the sources of authority to which differently routed Tibetans appeal.

在此我想强调的不只是舞台上身体风格和听起来的那些东西， 还有观众对这些各种表演的反应。他们有时对不同歌舞风格的骨子里的反应，他们对表演者是否是正统藏人的感知，他们伴之的欣赏、嫌恶，或施恩式的大笑，也是 由惯习作为一种构建中的结构所决定的，这种结构“产生了所有的想法，所有的感知，和所有与条件相符的行为，而不是其他” (Bourdieu, 1977, page 95)。换言之，跨国移民身份的意义不仅在于有组织的强制重复特别的手势、举止和风度，还在于有组织的对具体实践的反应。在下一部分里，我会更详细的揭示 不同路线藏人所宣称的权威的来源。
在此我想强调的不只是舞台表演者的身体风格和声音， 还有观众对这些各种表演的反应。他们有时对不同歌舞风格的骨子里的反应，他们对表演者是否是正统藏人的看法，和伴随的欣赏、嫌恶，或施舍的笑声，也是由惯习作为一种构建中的结构所决定的，这种结构"产生了所有的想法，所有的感知，和所有与条件相符的行为，而不是其他"。换言之，跨国移民身份的差异性不仅在于重复特定的手势、态度和举止，还在于对具体实践的反应。在下一部分里，我会更详细的揭示不同路线藏人所宣称的权威的来源。

rlsrls08

Authorities of homeland and subject formation
代表家乡的权威与主体形成


正在看这一章节。

rhapsody

太好了！
rhapsody一直都很勤奋。但是自你上周离开后，这个帖子差不多就停在这里了，555。。。
音乐盒 发表于 2009-8-1 06:38

我不习惯一点一点零散地贴上来啊而且有些地方确实自己也是改了又改的
楼上加油{:9_371:} 你那两章搞定了就离全篇完成不远了

音乐盒

107# rlsrls08
理顺了，有几处也终于弄懂了，真棒，辛苦了。

音乐盒

我不习惯一点一点零散地贴上来啊而且有些地方确实自己也是改了又改的
楼上加油{:9_371:} 你那两章搞定了就离全篇完成不远了
rhapsody 发表于 2009-8-2 18:49

哈哈，我中文太差了，表达不力，意思不是指你啊，是说，自rlsrls08走后，帖子就没啥人回复了，当然，也包括我。

辛苦了{:9_371:}

rhapsody

After the failed uprising in Lhasa in 1959, roughly 80 000 Tibetans followed the 14th Dalai Lama to exile in South Asia. Some lived in towns such as Kathmandu, Delhi, Mussoorie, and Dharamsala, and others settled in agricultural and handicraft settlements established by the government in exile with the help of Western aid organizations. After the peak years of exodus from 1959 to 1961, the borders of Tibet were effectively closed. The political isolation of China meant that there was very little contact between Tibetans inside Tibet and the refugee community for more than two decades.
在1959年的拉萨暴动失败后，约8万名藏人随14世达赖喇嘛往南亚流亡。一些人住在加德满都、德里、马苏里和达兰萨拉等城镇，其他人定居在西方援助组织帮助流亡政府建立的农业和手工业定居区里。在1959至1961的出走高峰年份之后，西藏边境事实上被封锁了。中国的政治孤立意味着西藏境内的藏人和（境外流亡的）难民团体之间有二十多年是几近隔绝的。

Only after the death of Mao, the beginning of reform, and the then Chinese Party Secretary Hu Yaobang's fact-finding visit to Tibet in 1980 were restrictions somewhat loosened. In the early 1980s refugees were allowed to visit their relatives in Tibet if they applied for 'overseas Chinese' passports (many refused to do so). Between 1985 and 1988 some Tibetans were given permission to go on pilgrimage and to visit relatives in India, where many of them stayed. At the same time, parents began to send their children to schools in India to receive a Tibetan education.
只有到了毛泽东去世后，改革开始之际，以及当时的中共总书记胡耀邦1980年到西藏的实地考察之后，才使得限制稍微有所放松。上世纪八十年代早期，难民被允许到西藏探亲，如果他们申请“华侨”护照的话（许多人拒绝这么做）。在1985到1988年间，一些藏人获得许可去印度朝圣和探亲，许多人就在那儿呆了下来。同时，家长们开始将他们的孩子送到印度的学校以接受藏族教育。

However, the pro-independence demonstrations in Lhasa from 1987 to 1989 led to the imposition of martial law. Traveling legally to India became difficult once more, but the political crackdown that ensued produced another wave of Tibetans who fled to India. An estimated 2000 - 3000 Tibetans continue to leave illegally for India every year, though in recent years this has become increasingly difficult with the Chinese government's pressure on Nepal to arrest and forcibly repatriate Tibetans passing through to India. 'New arrivals' - as members of this second wave of Tibetans arriving in India are often referred to - are estimated to constitute more than 10% of the total diasporic population, which was estimated at 150 000 in 2002.
然而，1987到1989年间拉萨支持独立的示威致使政府实施戒严。合法前往印度再度变得困难，但接踵而来的政治镇压却在藏人中掀起了又一波逃往印度的浪潮。近年来，中国政府对尼泊尔施压要求逮捕和强制遣返经由尼泊尔入印度的藏人，又使情形随之变得日益困难，但据估计，每年仍有二到三千名藏人继续非法前往印度。这第二波抵达印度的藏人成员常常被称为“新来者”，据估计在2002年侨居藏人的15万总人口中占到了超过10%的比例。

The two major processes in the Tibetan diaspora of interest here are, first, the arrival of this second wave of refugees from Tibet after 1985; and, second, the large-scale movement of Tibetans from South Asia to the USA after the passage of the 1990 Immigration Act. Section 134 of the Act, the Tibetan US Resettlement Program (TUSRP), granted permanent resident status to 1000 Tibetans living in South Asia. These were chosen by quota according to categories, including 100 slots for 'new arrivals' from Tibet. Beginning in 1996 the lottery winners, who had been assigned to resettlement clusters in eighteen states, became eligible to bring their families to the USA.
侨居藏人的两大进程令人感兴趣，第一，1985年后这第二波来自西藏的难民的到来；第二，在《1990年移民法》通过后，藏人自南亚大举迁至美国。根据该法案第134章，藏人定居美国计划（下简称TUSRP），居住于南亚的1000名藏人被授予了（美国的）永久居留权。这些人是依照各类别配额被选中的，包括给来自西藏的“新来者”的100个名额。1996年开始采取抽签的办法，已被分配到18个州定居点的抽中者，可以将他们的家人带到美国。

A secondary effect of both the remittances that they began to send home and the heavy representation of Tibetan elites among the participants was the accumulation of social capital to the migrants. This has motivated and facilitated the migration of Tibetans from Nepal and India through non-TUSRP channels as well. The current estimate of 10 000 Tibetans in North America is far beyond what TUSRP had originally envisioned. Economically, there is intense pressure for remittances, and, symbolically, 'the West' has come to be seen in South Asian exile communities as a surrogate Shangri-la, diametrically opposed to China.
他们开始往家里汇款以及参与者中许多是藏族中的精英这两个因素产生了一个次生效应，即移民社会资本的积聚。这一效应同样诱使和便利了藏人通过非TUSRP渠道从尼泊尔和印度向外移民。当前估计有1万藏人生活在北美，已远远超过TUSRP的初始预想。在经济意义上，对汇款的需求相当迫切；而在象征意义上，“西方”已经成了在南亚的流亡团体眼中“香格里拉”的代名词，与中国一词截然相反 。

Increasingly, however, the USA has also become the destination of Tibetans who travel directly from Tibet. They are few in number, no more than a handful in all but the largest Tibetan communities (such as, New York or San Francisco). Though a few have rural origins and minimal educational background, the dominant pattern of their transnational migration is through channels that rely on extensive education in the PRC, which in turn favors urban backgrounds. Some were cadres or staff for the small but increasing number of foreign development projects in Tibet, who come to the USA as visitors, trainees, or students. Their numbers also include a few who had come under political suspicion in their work units in Tibet. The contentious politics of authenticity between the long-time exiles, the 'new arrivals', and the Tibetans from Tibet, in the USA, grows out of the earlier reception of 'new arrivals' in India, to which I turn next.
渐渐地，美国也成为了来自西藏的藏人的直接目的地。他们数量很少，零星地散布在各个藏人群体里，除却一些大型社区（比如，纽约或旧金山）。尽管有少数人出自农村，只受过基础教育，但他们跨国移民的主要方式是通过在中国受高等教育而得来的出国渠道，而城市的藏人更容易享有这种机会。西藏对外发展项目数量虽少却在日益增多，有些人是这些项目的干部或员工，他们到美国探访、培训或留学。一些在他们西藏的工作单位受到政治上的怀疑的人也在其中。在美国的长期流亡者、“新来者”，以及本土藏人间对于正统的争议政见，产生于接收来自印度的“新来者”的早期，接下来我会谈到这个。

rhapsody

Virtually all organized Tibetan community activity outside of Tibet has focused on reclaiming political control of the national homeland, and on speaking and struggling on behalf of those Tibetans who remain in Tibet. When Tibetan border policies were first relaxed in the mid-1980s, the newcomers were warmly welcomed. Political prisoners and religious leaders, such as the 17th Karmapa, who have escaped Tibet recently continue to receive unreserved welcomes. However, this is not necessarily the case for many ordinary Tibetans. New arrivals, whose first destination is usually Dharamsala because it is the residence of the Dalai Lama, are, in fact, crucial to the exile community as sources of the latest information about the situation in Tibet. However, when exiles, particularly the younger generation, find themselves face to face with the new arrivals and with their unfamiliar and hence 'Chinese' habits, mannerisms, and clothes the image of their fellow Tibetans as pure and uncorrupted quickly gives way to a belief that they have been brainwashed by their upbringing under Chinese rule. The fact that Tibetan identity in exile has been constituted in opposition to China contributes to both the scorn and suspicion of the 'Chinese' appearance and behavior of new arrivals who, because they are different, are seen as less than authentically Tibetan.
实际上，所有有组织的西藏境外藏人团体活动的焦点都集中在：声称受到中国的政治管控，为那些仍在西藏的藏人利益代言和抗争。上世纪八十年代中期，西藏边境政策首次被放宽时，新来者受到了热情的欢迎。政治犯和宗教领袖一直都受到毫无保留的欢迎，比如近年逃离西藏的十七世噶玛巴。然而，这不是可供许多普通藏人参考的例子。新来者的第一目的地通常是达兰萨拉，因为那里是达赖喇嘛的居住地，实际上，他们对于流亡团体来说至关重要，因为他们是西藏局势最新消息的来源。但是，当流亡者，尤其是年轻一代，发现当他们真正面对新来者，面对其不熟悉的——因而是“汉族”的，习惯、癖好和衣着，纯正和未堕落的同胞印象随即转变成这样一种想法，即新来者在中国统治下的教化中被洗脑了。流亡藏人的“藏族身份”被塑造得与中国水火不容，引致了对与其不同的新来者的“汉族”外表和举止的鄙视和怀疑，认为他们是不纯正的藏族。

Even worse than being considered brainwashed, some new arrivals are suspected of being spies for the Chinese government, a situation that is reinforced both by the politics of language use, discussed in detail below, and by events such as the arrest in 1995 and 1998 of several new arrivals in Dharamsala for allegedly spying for China. (6) As a result, many new arrivals report that they feel like outsiders among Tibetan exiles in India. Even those who leave because of political difficulties sometimes feel they are not completely trusted because their narratives do not conform to the standard, expected story of Chinese oppression. The situation is made no easier by the occasional Tibetan on an official visit to India. A PRC-based Tibetan who has founded a nongovernmental organization focused on cultural preservation, and who attended the 2004 World Social Forum in India, told me: "When I saw all of the Tibetans there [in India], I felt they were my brothers and sisters, but [because he was being closely monitored], I ignored them and acted like I didn't know anything." Such 'acts' by Tibetans concerned about repercussions back home confirm long-term exiles' fears and also feed suspicions of new arrivals.
甚至比被认为洗脑了更糟，一些新来者被怀疑是中国政府的间谍，一种语言运用的政治（后面会详细讨论）以及几名据说为中国从事间谍活动的新来者在1995年和1998年被逮捕等事件强化了这一现象。结果便是，许多的新来者反映，他们觉得像是印度流亡藏人的局外人。即使那些因政治困境离开的人，有时也感觉他们不完全被信任，因为他们的叙述不符合所期待的关于中国压迫的故事的常规。一名来自中华人民共和国的藏人曾组建了关注文化保留的非政府组织，曾参加2004年印度的世界社会论坛，他告诉我：“当我看到那儿（在印度）的所有藏人，我觉得他们是我的兄弟姐妹，但是（因为他是被严密监视的），我不理他们并装作什么都不知道。”藏人担心回去后产生不良影响的这种“装作”证实了长期以来流亡者的担心，也滋长了对新来者的猜疑。

The other major reaction to the new arrivals' unfamiliar bodily stylizations is scorn and embarrassment. These attitudes, with a strong element of class and urban con- descension, are primarily directed at new arrivals from rural backgrounds; they tend to be looked down on, rather than seen as politically suspect (though sometimes the two reactions are mixed). Young Tibetan exiles often refer to the new arrivals (sarjor) as being kacha, or 'raw' in Hindi, which is a reference to their unfashionable clothing, haircuts, and musical tastes. Decades of living in South Asia have produced a shift in style among Tibetan communities, whether it is the wearing of shawls and the salwar kameez by Tibetan women, or the Bollywood-inspired slicking back of men's hair. However, the exile community's view of themselves as the defenders and preservers of Tibetan culture (particularly in Dharamsala) prevents these influ- ences from being fully acknowledged. Like all styles, those read as kacha vary over time, but among men they have included the wearing of large blocky sunglasses popular in Tibet, polyester pants, and thin-soled olive-green cloth army shoes (in contrast to the US-inspired jeans, T-shirts, and brand-name sneakers favored by exile youth). According to one exile from Nepal, in the late 1980s, "the most important thing was whether your pants were tapered or flared at the ankles; only the sarjors' pants were tapered." These sarjor are also said to be recognizable by their ruddy complexions, their propensity for wearing multiple thick layers of long underwear, and, say some, their tendency to bathe too infrequently.
对新来者那生疏具体的风格化的其他主要反应表现为轻蔑和尴尬。这些态度带有一种很强的阶层因素和城市人的居高临下态度，主要针对有农村背景的新来者；他们会被瞧不起，多过被从政治方面的猜测来对待（尽管有时这两种反应是混合的）。年轻流亡藏人经常用“kacha”，也就是印度语“土气”来描述新来者（sarjor），这是因为他们不时尚的衣着、发型和音乐品位。几十年来在南亚居住已使藏人群体在（服装）样式上发生了变化，不论是藏族女子穿披肩和旁蔗普服，还是藏族男子从背后看来有着宝莱坞风尚的油光水滑的头发。但是，流亡社团视自己为藏族文化的维护者和保存者（特别是在达兰萨拉），阻止这些完全公认的影响。同所有样式一样，那些被视为kacha的样式，也随着时间在变化，在西藏的人们也流行戴太阳眼镜，穿聚酯材质的长裤和薄底橄榄绿军鞋（与流亡青年喜爱美国时尚的牛仔体恤和名牌运动鞋相反）。一位八十年代后期从尼泊尔来的流亡者说：“最重要的一点在于你的裤子在脚踝处是收窄还是张开；只有sarjor的裤子是张开的。”据说这些sarjor还可通过以下几点来辨认：他们的红润肤色；他们穿多件又厚又长的内衣的癖好；以及有些人说的，他们太不经常洗澡了。

An important and related image of the new arrivals is that they are 'impolite' and behave poorly, and that the men are 'aggressive' and prone to fighting. The Bir School for new arrivals was known for being a site of frequent fighting in the 1990s. Similarly, in the three main Gelukpa monasteries in exile, new arrivals are characterized by teachers and other students alike "as having less respect for monastic discipline as well as being wild and unruly" (Stro « m, 1997, page 41). For Tibetans in exile, long attuned to their positive public image as compassionate and gentle, nonviolence has become internalized as a marker of authentic Tibetan-ness (Huber 2001; Sperling, 2001). The Dalai Lama himself has framed the issue of authenticity in this way; when asked about the loss of Tibetan culture in a recent interview he replied:
一个对新来者的重要和相关印象是他们是“不礼貌的”和缺乏教养的，以及他们是“挑衅的”和好斗的。新来者就读的比尔学校，在上世纪九十年代是出了名的频繁斗殴场所。与之类似，在流亡政府的三大格鲁派寺院，新来者被教师和其他学生描述为“不遵守寺院规章，就像是野蛮和无法无天的”。对流亡藏人来说，长期以来，习惯于其有同情心和温和的正面公众印象，非暴力已被内化为正统西藏特色。在近期的一次采访中，被问及藏族文化的丧失时，达赖喇嘛自己以这样的回答表述了正统问题：

"There are clear signs of the degeneration of the Tibetan traditions, and of moral principles. In recent years there have been a number of murder cases in the Tibetan community in India. All of them took place among people newly arrived from Tibet. This shows the degeneration of the spirit of tolerance and self-discipline. And then in Tibet itself, there is gambling and also prostitution".
“有明显的迹象表明藏族传统和道德信念的退化。近年来印度藏人社区中发生了一些谋杀案。这些案件都发生在来自西藏的新来者之间。这表明了忍耐和自律精神的倒退。而在西藏境内，有赌博，还有卖淫。”

Violence, then, is read as proof that Tibetans from Tibet have been Sinicized and are no longer authentically Tibetan. What this framing obscures is the long history of socially and culturally sanctioned codes of honor and revenge, and the celebration of weaponry and fighting as a performance of masculinity in some parts of Tibet (for example, Norbu, 1997). This is not to suggest that all behavior of new arrivals is an unproblematic continuation from a pre-1959 past, but it is equally problematic to assume that everything that Tibetans in exile now associate with authentic Tibetan-ness is a true preservation of a single 'pure' Tibetan culture.
暴力于是被认为是本土藏人被中国化而不再是正统藏人的证据。这种说法掩盖了在长期的历史里，社会上和文化上认可的荣誉与复仇的准则，以及颂扬武器与格斗在西藏某些地方被看作是男子气概的表现。笔者并不是说新来者所有的行为都肯定是来自于在1959年前已经形成的习惯，但如果认为流亡藏人现在所声称的正统藏族特色的事物都真正保存了单一纯正的藏族文化的话，那也同样是荒谬的。

The behavior of some new arrivals is also seen as deplorable because of the exiles' self-understanding of Tibetans as refugees, temporary guests of the Indian state. Long- term refugees believe that bad behavior on the part of the new arrivals engenders Indian resentment towards the Tibetan population as a whole, giving them an undeservedly bad reputation. These issues are exacerbated by the scarcity of resources in South Asian exile communities, which are further taxed by continual arrivals from Tibet. Thus, although sarjor means literally new arrival, many of those labeled sarjor understand the term as an insult.
由于流亡藏人将自己看作难民、印度政府的临时客人，一些新来者的举止也被视为是可悲的。老难民认为，部分新来者的不良举止会使印度人迁怒于整个藏人群体，带来与其不相符的坏名声。这种观点由于南亚流亡团体的资源稀缺而被放大了，因从西藏持续不断到来的新来者加重了他们的负担。因而，尽管sarjor在字面意义上意味着新来者，很多被打上这个标签的sajor都将这个词理解成一种侮辱。

In the USA, the new arrivals are on a more level playing field with other Tibetans than was the case in South Asia, where they were more structurally dependent on the larger Tibetan community. Almost everyone struggles to make ends meet, and the immediate Tibetan community diminishes in economic as well as in political impor- tance. In interviews several former new arrivals pointedly claimed that they were as successful in the USA as the long-term exiles, if not more so. Nevertheless, the term sarjor continues to be used in sometimes perjorative ways. "That man is such a sarjor", said one exile who himself had recently immigrated to the USA, as a marker of his exasperation with another man with whom he squabbled over a downtown Oakland parking space. On another occasion, when one Tibetan man called out in jest to two other Tibetan basketball players on a languid Saturday afternoon in Denver, "hey, you two sarjor are pretty darn good at basketball", the comment nearly provoked a fistfight, again indicating that the term continues to be saturated with meanings far beyond the length of residence time in a particular place.
在美国，新来者与其他藏人的交往有一个比起南亚更公平的环境，在南亚他们更多地是被结构性地嵌入和附庸于更大的藏人群体。在美国，几乎每个人都在努力维持生计，藏人群体在经济上和政治上的影响力随之减弱。在访谈中，几位曾经的新来者直陈，他们在美国与那些长期流亡者一样成功，至少并不差于他们。然而，sarjor这个词仍然时常被用于贬损他人。最近刚移民到美国的一位流亡者提起在奥克兰市中心为一个停车位与人吵架时，骂道：“那个人真是个sarjor”。在另一例里，在丹佛一个慵懒的周六下午，当一位藏人对另两位打篮球的藏人开玩笑，“嗨，你们两个sarjor，篮球打得不错啊”，这一句话几乎挑起了一场互殴，这又一次表明这个词蕴含的影响力远远超过了在某个特定地方居住的时间长度。

In fact, the term sarjor is used in the USA in reference not only to Tibetans such as Tenzin who arrived in India in the 1980s but also to those who have migrated directly from Tibet to the USA. This suggests that the term has taken on multiple valences. As discussed above, those who have migrated directly from Tibet to the USA are often urban and educated, and thus are not seen as "raw" or uncouth. But their more urban styles are read even more strongly as 'Chinese'; something as innocuous as wearing glasses, which is much more common in the PRC than among Tibetans in South Asia, can come to be read as part of a 'Chinese' rather than Tibetan gestalt. These Tibetans are treated with much greater political suspicion, particularly because of their linguistic practicesöone of the most emotionally charged arenas of struggle over authenticity.
实际上，sarjor一词在美国不只是被用来指像丹增一样在八十年代到印度的藏人，也指那些直接从西藏移民到美国的藏人。这表明，这个词有了更多种含义。如上所述，那些直接从西藏到美国的移民者通常为城市人和受过良好教育者，因而不被视作“土气”或粗野。但是他们的越是城市化却越是被认为“汉化”。有些事情本是区区小事，比如戴眼镜，因为这在中国比在南亚藏人间更为普遍，所以被认为是“汉族的”而不是藏族的形格。这些藏人受到更多政治上的怀疑，很重要的原因是他们的语言运用，语言运用正是关于正统的争论最情绪化的一个环节。

rhapsody

Not surprisingly, then, a key element in the distrust of 'new arrivals' in India, and, even more so, of Tibetans from Tibet in the USA, is the fact that they speak Chinese, which is understood as 'the language of the enemy'. Many Tibetans who escaped to India in the 1980s - particularly those who came of age during the Cultural Revolution - recounted to me their frustrations at arriving in Dharamsala unable to read or write Tibetan because they had not been taught in school.
一点也不奇怪的是，对印度的“新来者”——甚至是对那些从西藏来到美国的藏族人不信任的一个关键因素是他们讲汉语这样一个事实，而汉语被认为是“敌人的语言”。很多在20世纪80年代——尤其是在文化大革命的岁月里逃到印度的西藏人向我叙述了到达兰萨拉后无法读写藏语而遇到的挫折，因为此前学校并没有教他们藏语。

Linguistic tensions are considerably heightened by certain characteristics of the Tibetan language itself. Classical literary Tibetan has a remarkably conservative orthography, but the many spoken dialects have changed dramatically, such that they are consistent neither with the literary language nor with each other. Vernacular Tibetan is highly nonstandardized, with large regional variations that are mutually incomprehensible; dialects diverge significantly even within small geographical areas. In exile a version of Lhasa dialect is taught in schools and has become the common, standardized language of the diaspora. As a result, few younger Tibetans in the diaspora are able to speak or understand regional dialects. In Tibet, by contrast, regional dialects continue to be used, but much less has been done to promote a transregional standardized Tibetan - with Mandarin instead filling the role of a lingua franca. Linguistic differences thus inflect the different national contexts with which Tibetans are associated.
藏语本身的某些特点也在相当程度上加深了语言上的紧张关系。正统的书面藏语采用的是一种非常保守的拼字法，但许多藏语方言口语已经发生了巨大的变化，这些方言口语不但和书面语不同，而且相互之间也不一致。藏族土语非常不标准，区域间口语的差异大到了难以相互理解的地步。即便是在小范围的地理区域内，方言的差异也很显著。在流亡地区，学校教授的是拉萨方言的一种版本，这种方言已成为这一侨区共同的、标准化的语言。其结果是，侨区里几乎没有年轻的藏人能够讲或听懂其它地域的方言。反过来，在西藏，地区方言继续通行，但未能形成一种跨地区的标准化藏语，反而是普通话充当了通用语的角色。语言上的差别使维系着藏人的民族背景在其彼此之间发生了相异的变化。

As a result, many new arrivals from the eastern regions of Kham and Amdo are perfectly fluent in their own Tibetan dialects, but have a great deal of difficulty with the Lhasa dialect that has become the diasporic standard. On the other hand, many of them can speak at least some Chinese. Indeed, several Tibetans from Gyalthang, in Yunnan, recalled that, when they first arrived in Lhasa on the way to India, they resorted to Chinese to communicate with other Tibetans, even though their own Mandarin was far from perfect. When they tried the same way of communicating in India, however, they were chastised for speaking Chinese. Another man from Chamdo remembers, "When I first arrived in India, I constantly had to explain [to other Tibetans] that just because I sometimes read a Chinese newspaper didn't mean that I didn't understand [Tibetan] politics. I always had to explain that one must consider the contents of a book or what someone is saying, not just what language it's in." These misunderstandings are exacerbated by the changing regional composition of the diasporic population. In 1991 only about 5% of Tibetans in South Asia were from Amdo, though Amdo accounted for 27% of the Tibetan population before 1959. The proportion of Tibetans from Amdo leaving Tibet has been increasing, however. The fact that Amdo dialects are the most divergent from the 'standard' Lhasa dialect means that these Tibetans are especially likely to encounter these linguistic difficulties, which are sometimes read as problems of authenticity and, by extension, of national loyalty.
因此，许多来自西藏东部的康巴及安多地区的新来者说起自己地区的藏语方言非常流利，但说起已成为侨区标准的拉萨方言来却有很大的困难。另外，他们中的许多人至少都会讲一点汉语。的确，几名从云南建塘来的藏民回忆说，当他们在去印度的路上第一次来到拉萨时，他们可以借助汉语来和其他藏人交流，尽管他们的普通话也不算好。但到了印度，当他们想如法炮制时，却因讲汉语而遭到了责骂。另一名从昌都来的男子记得：“当我刚刚到达印度时，我不断的（向其他藏人）解释说，我有时看下中文报纸并不能说明我就不懂（藏人的）政治。我老是不得不解释说，人们要看一本书或是一个人说的是什么内容，而不能只看它（他）用的是什么语言。”由于侨区的人口来源地成分不断变化，这类误解被加剧了。在1991年只有约5％的南亚藏人来自安多，但是1959年前安多藏人已占到当地藏族人口的27％。并且，来自安多的离藏人员比例一直在增加。事实上，安多方言和“标准”的拉萨方言差的最远，意味着安多藏人格外可能遇到语言上的麻烦，这有时候会被当作正统与否的问题，甚至上升到民族忠诚度的问题。

For example, one day in the winter of 2001 I walked down a busy street in Berkeley, California, with a young woman from Amdo whom I had worked with several years prior, in Qinghai province, and who had just arrived in the USA. We ran into an older man, a former headmaster of a Tibetan high school in India. I introduced the two, and was part of the following exchange:
例如，2001年冬季的一天，笔者和一位刚从安多来到美国的年轻女子（数年前曾和她在青海省共事）一起走过加州伯克利市的一条繁忙的街道。途中碰到了一个老人，他是印度一所藏人高中的前任校长。笔者介绍这两人认识，并参与了如下的对话：

Man [in Lhasa Tibetan]: "So you're from Amdo? Did you come to the US for school?"
Woman [not comprehending]: [no response]
Man [in Lhasa Tibetan]: "I said, did you come to the US to go to school?"
Woman [to me in Chinese]: "What did he say?"
Author [in Chinese]: "He asked whether you came to the US to study."
Woman [in Amdo dialect to man]: "No, I came to visit my boyfriend."
Man [in Lhasa Tibetan, not understanding her response]: "Such a shame. When I see Tibetans who can't speak Tibetan, I feel very sad."
Author [in Lhasa Tibetan, protesting]: "But she's speaking Tibetan!"
老人（拉萨方言）：“你从安多来的？你是来美国上学吗？”
女子（听不懂）：（没回答）
老人（拉萨方言）：“我是说，你是来美国上学吗？”
女子（汉语；对笔者）：“他在说什么？”
笔者（汉语）：“他问你是不是到美国来学习的。”
女子（安多方言；对老人）：“不，我是来看望男朋友的。”
老人（拉萨方言；听不懂她的答复）：“真让人感到羞耻。当我看到藏人不会说藏语时，我都感到非常难过。”
笔者（拉萨方言；抗议）：“但她说的（也）是藏语啊！”

The linguistic sensibilities of the long-time exiles include not only the view that using Chinese is unacceptable but also, particularly among the younger generation, a tendency to code switch with Hindi and English. Indeed, many younger Tibetans in South Asia speak Hindi and Nepali as well as, or better than, Tibetan; in the USA, virtually all Tibetans speak English better than Tibetan. However, whereas mixing Hindi and English words into Tibetan sentences is considered hip and stylish, the use of Chinese words is considered unacceptable. For them, a Tibetan who speaks Chinese cannot be truly Tibetan and cannot be trusted for his or her political viewpoints.
长期流亡者的语言情结不仅包括认为使用汉语是不可接受的，也包括——尤其是在年轻一代中——那种与印地语及英语进行语码转换的倾向。事实上，很多南亚的年轻藏人印地语和尼泊尔语说得和藏语一样好，甚至比藏语更好；在美国，几乎所有藏人英语都说得比藏语好。然而，虽然把印地语和英语单词混入藏语句子中被看做是新潮和时尚的，使用汉语词汇却被认为是不可接受的。对他们来说，一个讲汉语的藏人不是真正的藏人，其政治观点也是不能信任的。

By contrast, those Tibetans who have experienced 'new arrival' status in India have had personal experience in Tibet and thus have had a closer engagement with Chinese culture. Though many of them left Tibet for political reasons, they do not assume that other Tibetans' use of the Chinese language has a necessary connection to political views. There is an even greater linguistic gap between long-time exiles and the Tibetans who come directly from Tibet, because many of the latter come having finished college in the PRC, and thus may find speaking Chinese just as convenient as speaking Tibetan (or, at least, Lhasa-dialect Tibetan). Even more than the new arrivals in India, they are likely to speak excellent Chinese, enjoy Chinese television and music, and have mannerisms, gestures, and taste in food and clothing that mark them as 'un-Tibetan' to the Tibetan exiles from South Asia.
反过来，那些在印度有过“新来者”境遇的藏人都有在西藏生活的亲身经历，从而与中华文化有过更近的接触。虽然当中的许多人是由于政治原因而离开西藏，但他们并不认为藏人使用汉语就与政治观点存在必然联系。在长期流亡的藏人和从西藏直接过来的藏人之间还有一个更大的语言差距，就是后者里边有许多人都是在中国完成大学学业的，因此，人们可能会发现他们讲汉语就像讲藏语（或至少像讲藏语拉萨方言）一样方便。比起印度那些新来者更甚的是，他们很可能会讲流利的汉语，欣赏汉语的电视和音乐；还有着不同的习惯、手势，以及食物和衣着品味——对于来自南亚的流亡藏人来说，这些都标志着他们是“非藏人”。

They also use Chinese loan words. Indeed, Tibetan intellectuals in exile as well as Western Tibet scholars have expressed dismay at the general inability of most Tibetans in Lhasa to speak Tibetan without extensive borrowing of Chinese. This includes not only relatively new words, such as 'television' and 'fax', for which Tibetan equivalents have been created but have failed to be widely adopted, but also familiar words such as numbers and days of the week. Tibetans in Tibet are well aware of, and worried about, the fact that Tibetan literacy rates are low, and that some youth, particularly those whose high marks allow them to study in schools in other parts of China, have a hard time speaking pure Tibetan. In Tibet today some Tibetans privately voice dismay that their own language is, in their words, 'so useless'. With both government affairs and business conducted in Mandarin there is little incentive for students to study Tibetan.
他们还使用外来的汉语词汇。事实上，对于大多数拉萨的藏人在说藏语时通常没法不大量借用汉语的状况，流亡藏人知识分子及西方的藏学学者都表示失望。这种借用不但包括“电视”和“传真”等相对较新的词语，这些词语有着相应的藏语词汇却未被广泛采用；而且还包括一些常用词语，如数字和星期几。西藏的藏人完全认识到并在担心着这样一个事实，藏语识字率很低，一些年轻人——尤其是那些得到高分可以在中国其它地区学校学习的藏人，不太会说纯正的藏语。如今，西藏的一些藏人私下里表达了对他们自己的语言是——用他们的话说——“那样无用”的失望之情。在政务和商务都是用普通话进行沟通的情况下，几乎没有什么动力能激励学生学习藏文。

At the same time, however, many 'homeland' Tibetans wonder about Tibetan intellectuals in exile who feel more comfortable speaking English. From their perspective it is the diasporic Tibetans who really have a choice about whether to use Tibetan, and, in this, they have done no better than those who live in Tibet. Thus, they point out the hypocrisy of diasporic critics who also have trouble speaking Tibetan without code switching - to English. In fact, except in some remote areas in Tibet, in monastic settings, and among the elderly, there are few spaces in the contemporary world in which Tibetans do not make extensive use of loan words and code switching to another language. A historian in Lhasa spoke caustically to me about the criticisms he had encountered at an international conference of Tibetan scholars:
然而，与此同时，许多“本土”藏人质疑流亡藏人知识分子更习惯于讲英语的现象。从他们的角度来看，藏族侨民是真正能够选择是否要使用藏语的，但侨民在这方面并没有做得比那些生活在西藏的藏人更好。因此，他们指出侨居批评家们的虚伪，这些人也没法说不经（英语）语码转换的藏语。事实上，除了在西藏某些偏远地区、寺院环境里和长者中间，当代世界中几乎没有空间留给未广泛使用外来语或未与其它语言进行语码转换的藏语。一位拉萨的历史学家谈到他在一次国际会议上遭遇藏人学者的批评时，尖刻地对笔者说道：

"The Tibetans outside [Tibet] call us ra-ma-lug [literally 'neither goat nor sheep', ie hybrid or mixture, implying that they are not 'real' Tibetans]. Well, I'd like to challenge them to a contest. I'd like to see who can speak more Tibetan without mixing in another language! We'd [Tibetans in Tibet] win that competition for sure. Then we could find out for sure - who is more ra-ma-lug?! "
“（西藏）外边的藏人说我们是ra-ma-lug（字面意思是“既不是山羊也不是绵羊”，即杂种或混合物，暗示他们不是“真正的”藏人）。那么，我愿意和他们来场比赛一试高下——我倒要比比看谁能说更多没有混入其他语言的藏语！我们（本土藏人）肯定能赢下这场比赛。然后我们就可以清楚地知道：究竟是谁更ra-ma-lug了？！”

Unlike this scholar, whose own mastery of literary Tibetan makes him resentful of exile charges of linguistic incompetence, a Tibetan woman from Amdo, who spent a number of years in Beijing before immigrating to the USA, calls her own inability to read and write Tibetan "a victory for the Chinese government". She explained to me that she wants independence for Tibet and is a Tibetan Buddhist (nangpa, literally an 'insider'). However, she also believes that Tibetans outside should not hold anything against the Chinese language, people, or culture per se. Even more importantly, she would like more sympathetic understanding from other Tibetans in the USA that she cannot just erase seventeen years of Chinese education, and, at the same time, that this does not make her sems (mind) any less Tibetan.
这位学者对藏文的精通使他不满流亡者对于语言上的无能的指责，与他不同的是，一个来自安多的藏人妇女移民到美国前在北京待过多年，她认为自己无法读写藏文是“中国政府的胜利”。她向笔者阐明，她希望西藏独立，自己是藏传佛教教徒（nangpa，字面意思是“会员”）。然而，她也认为海外藏人不应该不顾一切地反对中文、中国人或中华文化本身。更重要的是，她希望得到其他在美国的藏人更多地同情和理解，她没法抹去在中国所受的十七年教育，但这一点都改变不了她的西藏心。

注：该节前面和后面有“引经据典”的部分仍需酝酿，先把剩余的大部分发上来

rhapsody

说点题外话：不知是否受天气影响，这几天头疼不断{:9_359:}实在影响个人的状态和进度……今晚就先贴上边的三节吧
不过除去“引经据典”的部分仍需酝酿外，其他的都差不多了（包括一些没发上来的）；如之前所说的，等楼上那位把Authorities of homeland and subject formation一节再发上来就离完成不愿了

vivicat

说点题外话：不知是否受天气影响，这几天头疼不断{:9_359:}实在影响个人的状态和进度……今晚就先贴上边的三节吧
不过除去“引经据典”的部分仍需酝酿外，其他的都差不多了（包括一些没发上来的）；如之前所说的，等 ...
rhapsody 发表于 2009-8-3 23:33

最近貌似很多人感冒。。。各位大大注意身体啊。。。辛苦了

rhapsody

最近貌似很多人感冒。。。各位大大注意身体啊。。。辛苦了
vivicat 发表于 2009-8-4 13:55

谢谢，不过本人没感冒。。。上边选的表情让人误解了

rhapsody

侨居、身份与惯习 (Diaspora, identity, and habitus)

The importance of everyday practice, and the ways in which the 'authenticity' of Tibetan identities is both inscribed on and read off of bodies, suggests habitus as a productive analytical frame. Bourdieu emphasizes that habitus is a set of 'durable dispositions', a kind of historical sedimentation in and of the body: "The habitus, a product of history, produces individual and collective practices ... it ensures the active presence of past experiences which, deposited in each organism in the form of schemes of perception, thought and action, tend to guarantee the 'correctness' of practices and their constancy over time, more reliably than all formal rules and explicit norms". Habitus mediates between places and selves; it is the way in which bodies bear traces of the places in which they have dwelled. Casey describes these traces as being "continually laid down in the body, sedimenting themselves there and thus becoming formative of its specific somatography."
日常活动的重要性，以及所谓的“正统”藏族身份形成和表现于个体的方式，说明“惯习”是一个有效的分析框架。布尔迪厄强调，惯习是一系列“持久的习性”，一种历史的沉淀，它作用于机体又由其表现出来：“惯习是历史的产物，产生个体和集体的实践活动……它确保既往经验的有效存在，这些既往经验以感知、思维和行为图式储存在每个人身上，与各种形式规则和明确的规范相比，能更加可靠地保证实践活动的一致性和它们历时而不变的特性。”惯习作用于场所与自身之间；个体透过这种方式表现出它栖身过的场所的痕迹。凯西将这些痕迹描述为“持久地潜藏并自我沉降于个体里，且由此成为其自我生发的形成要素”。

语言政治 (The politics of language) 补完之前不完整的部分

Language - dialect and words used, as well as intonations and accompanying gestures - is an embodied competence which in turn structures social relations. Bourdieu writes that:
语言——方言、用辞以及语调和相应手势——是一种能力的具体体现，这种能力转而又塑造了社会关系。布尔迪厄写道：

“every confrontation between agents ... brings together ... systems of dispositions, such as a linguistic competence and a cultural competence, and, through these habitus, all the objective structures of which they are a part, structures which are active only when embodied in a competence acquired in the course of a particular history (with the different types of bilingualism or pronunciation, for example, stemming from different modes of acquisition)” (emphasis in original).
“行动者相互间的遭遇将诸如语言能力和文化能力等习性体系串联起来；而透过这些惯习，又把所有的客观结构串联起来，有些结构仅当被包含在某一特定历史时期所需的某项能力之时才有效。比如，起源于不同类型需求的各种双语能力或发音方法”。

'Homeland' Tibetans also bring their own linguistic sensibilities, shaped in the reality of contemporary Tibet, with them to the USA, leading to considerable friction. In addition to language choice, regional dialect, and the actual vocabulary used, divergent linguistic sensibilities also include the more subtle issue of how words are spoken. Even when the same Lhasa dialect is being spoken, there are subtle differences in intonation and insertion of marker words. As Bourdieu writes, "Body hexis speaks directly to the motor function, in the form of postures that is both individual and systematic ... a way of walking, a tilt of the head, facial expressions, ways of sitting and using implements, always associated with a tone of voice, a style of speech, and ... a certain subjective experience." Class habitus, and the distinction between aristocratic and nonaristocratic ways of speaking, remains strong even today in the diasporic community. At the same time, speech patterns and movements, such as a subtle tilting of the head to indicate agreement or dissent, or gestures that indicate embarrassment, can distinguish PRC Tibetans from their South Asia counterparts. Thus, even Tibetan that is relatively 'pure' in vocabulary and authentic to some, can sound or feel 'Chinese' to others.
在当代西藏的现实生活中，“本土”藏人也形成了自己的语言情结，并把这些情结随他们一起带到了美国，从而引发了大量的摩擦。除了语言选择、地区方言和实际词汇的使用外，形形色色的语言情结里还包括述辞方式这样更微妙的问题。即使都在说同一种拉萨方言，在语调的变化和标记词的插入上也会有细微的差异。正如布尔迪厄所写的那样，“身体素性直接向运动官能阐明了既是个人的、也是社会的各种举止形式……走姿、坐姿、摆头、面部表情和器物使用等，总是与语气、讲话风格以及……某种特定的主观经验有关。”阶级惯习以及贵族和非贵族之间讲话方式的区别，时至今日仍在侨居社区里强烈地存在着。于是，讲话方式和一些动作——如轻摆头部表示同意或反对，或者用手势表示尴尬——可以用来区分中国境内的藏人和南亚的藏人。因此，对于一部分人而言是用辞相对“纯正”和正统的藏人，对于另一部分人而言却仍能听出或是感觉出其中的“中国味”。

P.S. 大家对上面发的几部分也多提意见啊，之前讨论的不还挺热烈的么。

rhapsody

Why are these issues of cultural authenticity so contentious? Part of the reason is that the diasporic problem of maintaining a distinctive cultural identity faces new challenges in the USA, despite the fact that a major premise of TUSRP was precisely to help Tibetans "preserve Tibetan culture and identity" (Yeh and Lama, 2006). In contrast to South Asia, the Tibetan national anthem cannot be sung in school, and inflexible work schedules make protests much smaller and more poorly attended. Defiant teens in baggy pants, oversized athletic jerseys, gold chains, sporting cornrows appear at Tibet Youth Congress events dedicated to celebrating Tibetan culture (Yeh and Lama, 2006). In this context, the encounter with other Tibetans who appear alien and 'Chinese' looms as an even bigger problem - another challenge to the already vexed problem of cultural preservation - than it might otherwise be. Another reason is that, in the Tibetan diaspora, cultural and political identity are assumed to stand in for each other. Thus, a Tibetan who appears to be culturally 'other' is assumed to be politically 'other' as well - that is, to be sympathetic to the Chinese state's claims of Tibetan 'liberation', rather than to the counternarrative of Tibetan occupation and colonization. The flip side is that only those who loudly proclaim a desire for independence are assumed to be authentically Tibetan - that is, not to have been hopelessly 'brainwashed' by China.
为什么这些有关文化正统性的观点如此有争议？部分原因是，侨民如何保持自身独特的文化特征这一问题在美国面临新挑战，尽管准确说来，事实上TUSRP的一个主要前提就是帮助藏人“保存西藏文化和特征”的。与在南亚不同，藏人在（美国的）学校里不能唱西藏国歌，而且，工作安排缺乏弹性使抗议规模大为减小，参加的人数也更少。身着肥大的裤子、宽大的运动毛绒衫、戴金链、梳运动型玉米辫的叛逆期少年们，现身于藏青会组织的旨在宏扬西藏文化的一些活动中。在这种情形下，遭遇到其他看似异族的藏人和“中国人”，被放大成了个可怕的问题——对已经很令人烦恼的文化保存问题的又一项挑战——尽管可能并非如此。另一个原因是，在侨居藏人中，文化身份和政治身份被看作是相辅相成的。因此，一个看上去在文化上“异类”的藏人，在政治上亦会被视为“异类”，比如：（这个人）赞同中国政府声称的对西藏的“解放”，而不是与之相反的——西藏被占领和殖民。另一方面，只有那些大声宣称渴望独立的人被视为正统藏人，换句话说，还未无可救药地被中国“洗脑”。

The in-between position of the new arrivals in India who then come to the USA, between the long-term exiles and the new Tibetans from Tibet, speaks to the intensity of struggles over authenticity because of the new arrivals' imbrication with struggles for the nation. Like the 'homeland' Tibetans, the new arrivals can claim an authority derived from embodied knowledge of the homeland. However, as a group they tend to be less fluent in Chinese language and styles. At the same time, many are nevertheless enthusiastic consumers of Chinese music and movies, which can lead to ambivalence from others. A resident of Oakland, Dawa grew up near Lhasa but fled to India in the late 1980s. He also happens to be fond of watching Chinese soap operas, a hobby which led to a confrontation with a resentful roomate from India. Dawa defended himself by talking about his relatives who had been killed while they were participating in pro-independence rallies, and about his own harsh experience fleeing over freezing mountain passes to India. Content, he suggested, not language, is the better gauge for a person's political sympathies. Like him, many former new arrivals try to 'prove' their authenticity through public statements of their personal suffering and commitment to the Tibetan struggle. Others prominently display photographs of themselves at demon- strations or with the Dalai Lama, or work for Tibet Movement advocacy groups, but as in the case of Tenzin, such strategies do not always work.
之后来美国的印度新来者的立场，介于长期流亡和来自西藏的藏人之间，这印证了正统之战的剧烈程度，因为新来者同样也在为民族而斗争。与“本土”藏人一样，新来者会宣称（自身）是一种源于家乡的具象化知识的权威。然而，他们这群人很少说流利汉语或具汉人风格。同时，许多人仍然是中国音乐和电影的爱好者，而这可能导致同他人的矛盾。住在奥克兰的达瓦在拉萨附近长大，二十世纪八十年代后期逃到印度。他正好也喜欢看中国肥皂剧，这个爱好引起了来自印度的同屋的不满，两人因此产生了争端。达瓦在谈话中为自己辩护道，他的亲戚在参与主张西藏独立的集会中丧命，而他自己在翻越冰山要隘去印度时经受了严酷体验。他建议，衡量一个人政治主张的应该是内容，而不是语种。同他一样，许多曾经的新来者都有各自的个人遭遇和投身于西藏斗争，他们尝试借公众对他们的说法来“证明”自己的正统。其他人主要是展示他们示威时的照片，或与达赖喇嘛的合影，或是为拥护西藏独立运动的团体工作时的照片，但是正如丹增的案例所示，这些办法并不总是奏效的。

Assumptions about authenticity and identity are read off of national location and citizenship. The Chinese state works hard to interpellate Tibetans as citizens of China, fostering Tibetans' conceptions of themselves as 'people of China' (zhongguo ren). Many Tibetans in Tibet do, in fact, use this term, regardless of how they might feel about issues of cultural identity, political repression, or future autonomy. The same Tibetan scholar who complained to me about the level of Tibetan linguistic compe- tence of many Tibetan exiles also surprised me by telling me he was happy that the PRC (zhongguo) had finally won the bid for the 2008 Olympics, because "one is always happy when one's country [guojia] is shown to be powerful". At the same time, he is also committed to the project of keeping alive Tibetan language and culture, and sees himself as authentically Tibetan; he does not see these stances as being incompatible. The fact that a number of dissident intellectuals as well as political asylum seekers have emerged from among urban Tibetans who have been educated within the Chinese system (for example, the poet Woser, who writes in Chinese) suggests that a self-identification of a Tibetan as a 'person of China' is not necessarily evidence of complete political allegiance to the PRC (it may instead simply be a practical acknowledgement of the current political situation). However, what the exiles insist on is precisely this ability to read political interests from these other signs.
关于正统和身份的判定很容易由说话者的民族区位和国民身份识别出。中国政府努力为藏人的中国公民身份正名，培养藏人自身的“中国人”概念。许多本土藏人事实上的确在用（中国人）这个词，不论他们对文化特征、政治压迫或未来自治的观点如何。令笔者惊讶的是，那位曾向笔者抱怨过许多流亡藏人的藏语能力水平的藏族学者，也声称他很高兴中国最终赢得了2008年奥运会的主办权，因为“人总是为其国家的强大感到高兴的”。同时，他也决心投身保存藏语和藏文化的项目，并视自己为正统藏人——他并不将这两类立场看作是相互背道而驰的。实际上，许多政治上持异见的知识分子和寻求政治庇护者，都是在接受了中国系统教育的城市藏人中产生的（比如用中文写作的诗人唯色），而这表明，藏人自我认同为“中国人”，也不一定会在政治上表现出对中国的完全忠诚（也许仅仅是对当前政治局势的务实性承认）。然而，流亡人士所坚持的，更确切的说，正是这种从其他一些标记上解读出政治利益的能力。

Thus, a Tibetan from the PRC who identifies as such is immediately suspect. This extends to the type of passport he or she possesses.When some of the first Tibetan exiles were naturalized as USA citizens, they found that they were not allowed to list 'Tibet' as their 'place of birth' because the USA does not officially recognize Tibet as a country. A long struggle ensued, leading to the concession in which Tibetans are allowed to list the city or town of their birth, without appending either 'Tibet'or 'China' after it. Given the symbolic importance of this issue, many exiles are somewhat taken aback by Tibetans who travel to the USA as Chinese citizens with Chinese passports. This has resulted in misunderstandings and in a closing down of chances at dialogue. One Beijing-based Tibetan researcher, originally from Lhasa, recalled an academic trip to the USA several years ago. It was his first visit to the USA, and he was excited about meeting other Tibetans, until they asked him "strange questions, like 'do you have a Chinese passport?' Well, what kind of passport did they think I could possibly have? Then they seemed to become very wary of me, so I didn't spend that much time with them after all." There is no way to make the journey from Tibet directly to the USA except with a Chinese pass- port, which categorizes the passport bearer as 'a person of China'. For Tibetan exiles, however, this identification with China is sometimes understood not as a practical necessity but as a capitulation, as a rejection of Tibet's mythico-history, and thus further confirms the apparent rightness of recentering the locus of authenticity away, at least for the time being, from the actual place of the homeland.
因此，一位来自中国的藏人被确定有这些特征的话，就会立即引起怀疑。这延伸到了他或她所持有的护照类型。当首批流亡藏人中的一些人归化为美国公民时，由于美国官方不承认西藏是一个国家，他们发现“出生地”一栏没有列“西藏”。接下来他们作了漫长的抗争，最后官方妥协为藏人可以填自己出生的城镇，但不许在后面加上“西藏”或“中国”。鉴于这一问题具有重要的象征意义，许多流亡者在遇到以中国公民身份持中国护照到美国的藏人时总不免要“触景生情”。这种情形导致了误解隔阂的产生以及对话机会的丧失。一位原籍拉萨从北京过来的藏族学者，想起几年前一次到美国的学术访问。这是他第一次到美国，遇见其他藏人他很兴奋，直到他们问他“诸如‘你持有中国护照么？’这样一些奇怪的问题，他们以为我可能会拿什么护照？接着他们就显得对我小心翼翼，我就没再花那么多时间和他们在一块了。”从西藏直接到美国是不可能不持有中国护照的，只要他是“中国人”。但是对于流亡藏人来说，与中国的这项关联有时并不被理解成是一种实际需要，而被看作是一种投降，一种对西藏神话历史的抛弃，从而进一步证明了，重新确立正统中心所在地而不是在家乡的实际位置，显然是正确的，至少暂时是这样。

Unlike Tibetans from exile who have been engaged in political protest for their entire lives, Tibetans from Tibet often profess that they have no interest in politics. Their studied lack of interest in 'politics' and the low priority given to attending protests, rallies, and meetings arise not only out of the frictions of their encounter with other Tibetans but also importantly from their concern about repercussions for close family members in Tibet and for their own possible plans to return. There is, in fact, a wide spectrum of political opinion among Tibetans from Tibet vis-a-vis Tibet's political status, though many are focused on a hope for policies that will allow for equitable economic development without a complete loss of Tibetan language and culture. Regardless, most Tibetans came to the USA for reasons similar to those that motivated most TUSRP participants - because they see it as a way to a better life, whether through the opportunity for higher education or through the ability to send remittances home. However, because of the structure of migration to the USA and the cultural politics of routedness, they are challenged to 'prove' their Tibetan-ness in a way that others do not have to.
与那些终生从事政治抗议的流亡藏人不同，本土藏人常常声称他们对政治不感兴趣。他们有意识地缺乏“政治”上的兴趣，并将参加抗议、集会和会议的活动置于次要地位，这不仅仅是出于他们与其他藏人相遇时产生的摩擦，更重要的是因为，他们担心这会对他们在西藏的亲属和自己可能回国的计划产生不良影响。实际上，本土藏人对于西藏政治地位的政治观点差别很大，尽管许多人寄希望于政策能允许公平的经济发展，同时不完全丢失藏语言和文化。不管怎样，大多数藏人到美国的原因与那些TUSRP期盼者相似，他们都将它视为一种过更好生活的途径。但是，因为美国移民的结构和路线化的文化政治，他们受到挑战，得用一种他人不必采用的方式来“证明”他们的西藏特色。

rhapsody

翻页时不发多两个帖还真翻不过去……