[联合翻译] Exile meets homeland

rhapsody

想删掉一个也不行……很好，很强大……{:9_349:}

rlsrls08

我也碰到同样的问题
...
马上把最后一章发上来

rlsrls08

蓝色是最初翻译稿
绿色是第1次校对稿



Authorities of homeland and subject formation
代表家乡的权威与主体的形成

When Drolgar reacted to Tibetan exile youths’ performance of traditional Tibetan songs by exclaiming “poor things!” and “they don’t know anything about Tibetan culture”, she implied that she had greater authority than they to judge what is and what is not truly, or authentically, Tibetan. She commented that the regional styles of dance meant little to the performers, who most likely did not know the location of one region in relation to another. Her claim to cultural authority is based on her personal experience of the actual place of the homeland, and particularly on her concrete geographical and embodied spatial knowledge of it. Another woman from Amdo, Wangmo, who had also recently arrived in the San Francisco Bay Area after living in Beijing for some years, had similar reactions after the picnic described above. Witnessing the silence and unenthusiastic reception of the exiles to the Lhasa performers, she had the following to say about most of the Tibetans she had encountered in California: “I think these Tibetans here _ are not real, pure Tibetans. They’ve already changed. I think in the future there will be a lot of trouble among Tibetans. These people here don’t understand what Tibet is really like. They really should go to Tibet for themselves then they would understand.” Tibet, in her view, is best known through embodied, lived experience.

当流亡藏族青年表演传统西藏歌曲，卓嘎对此的反应是惊叫：“可怜的东西！”和“他们完全不了解西藏文化”，她暗示着她比他们更具权威来判定什么是或什么不是真正的、正统的西藏的。她评价道，对那些很可能并不知道某地与其他地方的方位的表演者来说，舞蹈的地方风格并不意味着什么。她所宣称的文化权威是建立在她个人在家乡具体位置的体验之上的，特别是建立在她对此实实在在的地理知识和具象化的空间知识之上的。另一位来自安多的女士王沫（音译），在北京居住多年后，最近来到了旧金山，她在上述的野餐后有同样的反应。目睹了流亡藏人对拉萨表演者的沉默和缺乏热情的接待后，就她在加州所碰到的大多数藏人，她说了如下一番话：“我认为这里的这些藏人...不是真正、纯正的藏人。他们已经变了。我觉得将来他们会是藏人的大麻烦。这些人根本不了解西藏真正是怎样的。为了他们自己起见，他们真应该到西藏去，那样他们就会明白了。”西藏，在她看来，最好是通过具体的、活生生的体验来了解。% D
卓嘎对流亡藏族青年表演传统西藏歌曲的反应--惊叫"可怜的东西！"和"他们完全不了解西藏文化"--暗示着她比他们更具有权威来判定什么是或不是真正的、正统的西藏风格。她评价道，对那些很可能连某个地区在哪个方位都搞不懂的表演者来说，舞蹈的地方风格毫无意义。她所宣称的文化权威是建立在她个人在家乡这个具体地方的体验，尤其是她对家乡实实在在的,地理上和具体的空间认知之上的。另一位来自安多的女士王沫(音译）在北京居住多年后，最近来到了旧金山，她在上述的野餐后有同样的反应。目睹了流亡藏人对拉萨表演者的沉默和缺乏热情的接待后，她对在加州所碰到的大多数藏人说了如下一番话："我认为这里(译者注:指美国)的这些藏人...不是真正、纯正的藏人。他们已经变了。我觉得将来他们会是藏人的大麻烦。这些人根本不知道真正的西藏是什么样的。他们应该亲自到西藏去，那样他们就会明白了。"西藏，在她看来，最好是通过具体的、活生生的体验来了解。

In contrast, the authority that exile Tibetans claim to speak for Tibet is based neither on embodied experience of place nor on concrete geographical knowledge, but rather has a strong temporal dimension. Indeed, it is rare for Tibetan diasporic youth to have much concrete geographic knowledge beyond the most general regional divisions; Strom (1997, page 37) notes that he “met very few ... who are able to relate to a map of Tibet or locate an area according to the four directions ... .” Instead, their relationship to Tibet as homeland is based on tradition, and on the claim that they have preserved the authentic Tibetan culture that existed before it was destroyed in Tibet, and transplanted it to Dharamsala, “a temporary home preserving a historical culture in its pure form before an inevitable return to the original homeland” (Anand, 2002, page 13). Exile is “a time when it is vital to preserve a pure form of this civilization since it is itself under erasure in the original home” (page 19).

与之相反，流亡藏人所宣称的对西藏的权威，既不是建立在具体地方体验上，又不是建立在实在的地理知识上，但却具有暂时强大的规模。确实，侨居藏族青年对大部分一般地域划分几乎没有具体的地理知识；Ström (1997, page 37) 提到，他“几乎很少碰到能懂西藏的地图或用东南西北来给出某地区方位的流亡藏人...”实际上，他们与西藏本土的关系仅仅是建立在传统之上，便宣称他们保留了西藏被毁之前所存的传统西藏文化，并将它与达兰萨拉嫁接起来，“一个临时的家，在终将返回原来的家园之前，以其纯正的形式保存了一种历史文化” (Anand, 2002, page 13)。流亡是“保存文明纯正形式的一段重要时期，因为这种文明本身在它原来的家乡遭到毁灭”(page 19)。

与之相反，流亡藏人所宣称的对西藏的权威，既不是建立在具体地方的体验上，也不是建立在实在的地理知识上，而是强大的世俗规模。的确，除了最基本的地域划分，侨居藏族青年几乎没有任何具体的地理知识；Strom提到，他"碰到的流亡藏人，几乎没人懂西藏的地图或能用东南西北来指出一个地方的.."相反，他们与西藏本土的关系仅仅是建立在传统之上，以及宣称他们保留了在被毁灭之前存在于西藏的传统文化，并将它移植到达兰萨拉，"在终将返回家园之前，(达兰萨拉)是一个临时的家，维持着一种历史文化的纯正的形式"。流亡是"保存文明纯正形式的一段重要时期，因为这种文明本身在它原来的家乡遭到毁灭"。

As a result, everything that is viewed as authentically Tibetan derives from what older Tibetans remember from a time before 1959. Although the Tibetan government in exile has been careful in recent years to clarify that it does not object to ‘development’, and to change over time in Tibet per se, there is still a sense in which a pre-1959 moment is the point of comparison for all contemporary change (see also Harris, 1999). A certain nostalgic longing for the past, imbricated in romantic portrayals of an idealized but lost landscape, can be offensive to both kinds of new arrivals. Because they have experienced the complexities of change in Tibet, it seems to them that the ‘old arrivals’ wish to freeze Tibet in time and to deny modernity to the majority of Tibetans living in Tibet.(10)

结果，所有被看作是正统西藏的，全都来源于老藏人对1959年前某段时期的回忆。尽管西藏流亡政府近年来小心澄清，它不是致力于'发展'，而且随着时间推移西藏发生彻底改变，然而，仍给人一种感觉，1959年前的时光是与当代所有改变相比较的关键 (see also Harris, 1999)。对过去一定程度上怀旧的渴望，与理想化但已失去的山水的浪漫描绘相叠加，可能会让两类新来者都感到不快。因为他们体验了西藏变化的复杂性，对他们而言，‘旧来者’（译注：指与‘新来者’意义上相对的早期流亡藏人）希望及时将西藏凝固住，并拒绝承认大多数生活在西藏的藏人的现代性。

结果，所有被看作是正统西藏的，全都来源于老藏人对1959年前的回忆。尽管西藏流亡政府近年很小心地澄清，它并不反对'发展'，但对于西藏本身随着时间推移发生的转变，仍会不自觉地把所有当代的变化与1959年前相比较 。某种程度上对过去的怀旧渴望，叠加在对被理想化却已失去了的山水的浪漫描绘之上，可能会让两种新来者都感到不快。因为他们体验 过西藏变化的错综复杂，对他们来说，“旧来者”希望把西藏封存在过去里，并拒绝承认大多数生活在西藏的藏人的现代性。

For Tibetans who fled in 1959 and have spent most of their adult lives in exile, and for younger Tibetans raised in South Asia, being a refugee is a foundational principle of identity. Exile youth learn their parents’ nostalgic memories of an idealized pre-1959 Tibet, and claim them as their own. However, their attachment to the idea of Tibet as homeland is not complicated by the reality of living in Tibet over the past half century. Instead, they hold tightly to what Malkki (1995, pages 54 ^ 55), in her study of Hutu refugees, calls a ‘mythico-history’ a recasting and reinterpretation of the past in fundamentally moral terms. In this mythico-history, Tibet was a culturally unique and completely independent nation-state with a well-defined geographical territory, until it was occupied by China. Tibetans outside Tibet are responsible for preserving Tibetan culture and traditions that have been destroyed within the PRC, with the ultimate goal of returning to the homeland with this preserved culture.

对于1959年逃亡并且成年生涯都在流亡中渡过的藏人和长在南亚的年轻藏人来说，做一个难民是拥有其身份的基本原则。流亡青年从他们父母那儿了解到对一个理想化了的1959年前的西藏的怀旧回忆，并声称那是他们的。然而，他们对西藏故土的眷恋之情并未因半个世纪以来在西藏生活的真实而复杂化。实际上，他们紧紧抓住Malkki(1995, pages 54-55)在她关于Hutu难民的研究中所说的‘神话-历史’不放--这个词是从根本意义上对过去的重塑和重新阐释。在这个神话-历史中，西藏曾是一个文化上独一无二并完全独立的单一民族国家，有着地理上明确规定的版图，一直到它被中国所占领。西藏外的藏人们有责任保存被中国毁掉的西藏文化和传统，其终极目标是带着这些保存的文化返回家乡。

对于1959年逃跑并且在流亡中度过成年生涯的藏人、和生长在南亚的年轻藏人来说，最基本的身份就是难民。流亡青年通过他们父母的回忆了解到的，是一个被理想化的1959年前的西藏，并把它当成自己的。然而，他们对西藏故土的眷恋之情并未因半个世纪以来生活在西藏的真相而复杂化。实际上，他们紧紧抓住 “神话化的历史(mythico-history)”不放。“神话化的历史”是Malkki在关于卢安达胡图族难民的研究中发明的词，指的是从根本意义上对过去的重新塑造和阐释。在这个神话化的历史中，西藏具有独特的文化，曾是完全独立的单一民族国家，有着地理上明确定义的版图，一直到它被中国占领。西藏外的藏人们有责任保存被中国毁掉的西藏文化和传统，其终极目标是带着这些保存完好的文化返回家乡。

This mythico-history is constituted not just as a set of ‘facts’ to learn about Tibet, but also through emotions. The mythico-history and its attendant bodily dispositions are formed through repetition, such as the singing of the Tibetan national anthem in schools, and rituals and rallies commemorating the Dalai Lama’s birthday, Democracy Day, and National Uprising Day. National Uprising Day includes the singing of Rise up (Long Shog), the lyrics of which include: “Rise up! _/The butchering enemy, their hands red [with blood]/The enemy of the religion, the red Chinese/We will drive them out of Tibet/Rise up, rise up, patriotic people of Tibet!” When practicing the song, children in Tibetan schools are admonished, “No smiling! Look serious [literally, ‘show a black face’]!” The mythico-history and the locus of Tibetan-ness are literally inscribed on bodies as children learn not only the words but also the proper emotions to associate with them; one Tibetan exile recalls from his elementary school days,

这个神话-历史并不仅是作为一套用于了解西藏的‘事实’而形成的，而且还通过情感。神话-历史及其伴随的具体性情是在重复述说中形成的，正如在学校唱西藏国歌，庆祝达赖喇嘛生日的仪式和集会、民主日、西藏人民起义日。西藏人民起义日包括唱‘起来’ (Long Shog)，歌词有：“起来！/屠杀的敌人，他们双手沾满鲜血/宗教的敌人，红色汉人/我们要把他们赶出西藏/起来，起来，爱西藏的人民！”在练唱这首歌的时候，藏语学校的孩子们被告诫道，“不许笑！表情严肃[从字面意义上来说，‘摆个黑脸’]！”神话-历史以及西藏特色的定位被具体体现出来，孩子们随之了解到的不仅是语句，还有与之相关的对应情感；一位流亡藏人回忆他的小学日子道，

这个神话化的历史不仅成为用于了解西藏的‘事实’，而且还通过情感表达。神话化的历史及其伴随的身体语言是在重复中形成的，比如在学校唱西藏国歌，庆祝达赖喇嘛生日的仪式和集会、民主日、西藏人民起义日。西藏人民起义日包括唱‘起来’ (Long Shog)，歌词有：”起来！/杀人成性的敌人，双手沾满鲜血/宗教的敌人，红色汉人/我们要把他们赶出西藏/起来，起来，爱西藏的人民！”在练唱这首歌的时候，藏语学校的孩子们被告诫道，”不许笑！表情严肃[原话是‘摆个黑脸’]！”神话化的历史以及西藏特色的定位被具体体现出来，孩子们要学的不仅是文字，还有与之相关的正确情感；一位流亡藏人回忆他上小学的时候:

“Many of the adults cried when they sang ‘Rise up’, so I felt sad too, even when I was too young to fully understand the lyrics.” Remembering the student-led songs at Tibetan anniversaries and festivals at the holy site of Boudnath, he stated:

“许多成年人在唱到‘起来’的时候哭了，于是我也觉得悲伤，尽管我那时很小还不完全懂得歌词的意思。” 忆及在西藏纪念日和在博达纳（译注：藏传佛教圣地，位于尼泊尔）圣洁一隅的节日上学生领唱的歌曲，他陈述道：

“许多大人在唱’起来’的时候哭了，于是我也觉得悲伤，尽管我那时很小，还不完全懂得歌词的意思。"忆及在西藏纪念日和在博达纳（译注：藏传佛教圣地，位于尼泊尔）圣地的节日上，学生领唱歌曲，他陈述道：

“Most of these songs are very serious in nature. We learned and practiced these songs for months prior to public gathering. I remember students getting punished for not taking them seriously. Some patriotic songs required us to make a serious face, raise our fists and make angry gestures against our ‘enemy.’ I had a difficult time making those gestures not because I was not conscious of the Tibetan plight but because it was difficult to relate to directly. However, I got better at it as I did it again and again. Furthermore, in public gathering as I found many older Tibetans getting sad and shedding tears, I also became sad and started shedding tears.”

“事实上，这些歌大多非常严肃。在公共集会前，我们花数月时间学练这些歌。我记得，如果不够严肃，学生们会受罚。一些爱国歌曲要求我们满脸严肃，举起我们的拳头，对我们的‘敌人’做出愤怒的手势。”做那些手势对我来说满困难的，不是因为我没意识到藏人的困境，而是因为很难把两者关联起来。但是，经过一遍一遍的重复后，我做的越来越好了。而且，在公众集会的时候，当我发现许多老藏人变得悲伤并且流泪时，我也悲伤并开始掉眼泪了。“

“事实上，这些歌大多非常严肃。在公共集会前，我们花数月时间学练这些歌。我记得有学生因为不够认真受到处罚。一些爱国歌曲要求我们满脸严肃，举起我们的拳头，对我们的‘敌人’做出愤怒的手势。做那些手势对我来说满困难的，不是因为我没意识到藏人的困境，而是因为很难把两者关联起来。但是，经过一遍一遍的重复后，我做的越来越好了。而且，在公众集会的时候，当我发现许多老藏人变得悲伤并且流泪时，我也悲伤并开始掉眼泪了。”

My intent is not to suggest that Tibetans from Tibet or new arrivals may not also agree with or be moved by the words of patriotic songs. However, the structure of exile institutions predisposes particularly situated Tibetans to react in specific ways, and this is partly how the homeland becomes less a topographic entity than a moral destination for many exiles (compare Malkki, 1997, page 67). The embodied and visceral nature of habitus make the encounter with other Tibetans who do not meet predisposed expectations of ‘Tibetan-ness’ that much more fraught.

我并不是想说，来自西藏的藏人或新来者也许也是不同意爱国歌曲里的语句或者不被打动。但是，流亡机构的结构更倾向于以特定方式作反应，尤其是对定居的藏人而言，这就可以部分解释，家乡如何更像是许多流亡者的一个道德目标而几乎不是一个地形学上的实体的 (compare Malkki, 1997, page 67)。惯习中这些具体而核心的特性，在与另外一些不能满足期望的藏人的遭遇中更加充满‘西藏特色‘。

我并不是说来自西藏的藏人或新来者不认同或不会被爱国歌曲的歌词打动。但是流亡群体的机制让藏人养成了在特定情况下有特定的反应。这就可以部分解释，家乡对许多流亡者来说变得更像是一个道德目标而不是一个地形学上的实体。惯习的内在的具体的特性使得与其他藏人相遇时，他们不符合期望中的设定的“西藏特色”让相遇并的更不愉快。


Another difficulty for young Tibetans born in exile is posed by the fact that Tibetans from Tibet seem ‘too Chinese’, despite their embodied experience with the homeland which they themselves have never seen. One reaction has been the emergence of an alternative imagined geography of homeland, particularly among young elites from Dharamsala. Frequently referred to as ‘Little Lhasa’, Dharamsala has become the center of Tibetan diasporic geography. As the Dalai Lama’s residence, it is the major site of Tibetan pilgrimage outside of Tibet. Although it is considered a ‘temporary resting place’ for Tibetan culture before its inevitable return home, some Tibetans have begun to see it, rather than Lhasa, as the center of Tibetan symbolic geography and as the locus of authentic Tibetan culture. Being from Dharamsala, not Lhasa, becomes the mark of pure Tibetan-ness, and geographical proximity to Dharamsala, rather than to Lhasa, is a measure of one’s Tibetan-ness. This is what enables occasional comments, for example, that Tibetans who live ‘too close to the border’ of Tibet, in Nepal, are deficient in the determination and resolve they have toward the ‘Tibetan cause’ (of independence). In this frame, it is contemporary Tibet (rather than the Tibet of the idealized past or the hoped-for future) that cannot be the site of authenticity.

在流亡中出生的年轻藏人遭遇到的另一个困难是，来自西藏的藏人看起来"太中国味"了，尽管前者有着（所谓）关于家乡的具体体验，但他们从未亲眼见过家乡。（他们的）反应之一便是，对想象中地理故乡的某替代物的出现，尤其是在来自达兰萨拉的年轻藏人精英间。常被指作‘小拉萨’的达兰萨拉成为藏人侨居的地理中心。作为达赖喇嘛的居住地，它是西藏境外的藏人主要朝圣地。虽然它被看作是流亡藏人终将重返家园之前西藏文化的一个‘临时栖居地’，但一些藏人已开始注意到，它比拉萨更像是西藏的象征性地理中心并成为正统西藏文化的所在地。来自达兰萨拉，而不是拉萨，成为了纯正西藏特色的标志，与达兰萨拉（而不是拉萨）在地理上的接近程度，成为了衡量一个人西藏特色多寡的标准。这就偶尔会产生一些评论，比如说，在尼泊尔，离西藏边境越近的藏人，就越是缺乏对‘西藏事业’（独立）的决心和意志。在这个框架下，当代的西藏（而不是理想化了的旧西藏或是向往的未来西藏）是不可能成为正统所在地的。

Tibetans from Tibet, of course, do not agree. Although they acknowledge that there are significant differences between themselves and most of the Tibetans they encounter in the USA, it does not follow to them that they are any less Tibetan than the others or that Dharamsala is the real center of Tibetan culture. In contrast to the mythico-history of Tibet in exile, Tibetan-ness in the PRC stands in dialectical relationship to the imagining of Chinese-ness. Tibetans are, on the one hand, subject to negative stereotypes of Tibetans as backwards, dirty, lazy, and barbaric. On the other hand, urban and well-educated Tibetans are sometimes complimented for being difficult to recognize as Tibetan, a position which motivates them to identify more strongly with Tibetan-ness. Identifications with Tibetan-ness can be rooted, ironically, in the specters of their own potential inauthenticity. According to Drolma, who grew up in Xining, Qinghai province:

来自西藏的藏人当然是不同意的。尽管他们承认他们自己与大多数他们在美国遇到的藏人有明显不同，也并不能说他们比其他人更不像藏人或达兰萨拉是西藏文化的真正中心。与流亡藏人宣扬的神话-历史的西藏不同，中国所指的的西藏特色是与想象中的中国特色相对的辩证关系。一方面，藏人是诸如落后、肮脏、懒惰和野蛮这些负面老套藏人形象的主体。另一方面，城市里受良好教育的藏人有时会因为很难认出他是藏族的而被赞扬，这却促使对西藏特色有更强的认同感。讽刺的是，对藏族特色的认同可能根源于他们自身的潜在的不正宗。在青海西宁长大的卓嘎说，

来自西藏的藏人当然不同意以上说法。尽管他们承认他们与大多数在美国遇到的藏人明显不同，但不等于他们比其他人更不像藏人，他们也不同意达兰萨拉是西藏文化的真正中心。与流亡藏人宣扬的神话化的历史不同，中国境内的西藏特色与想象中的中国特色，存在辩证关系。一方面，藏人被套上诸如落后、肮脏、懒惰和野蛮这些负面模式。另一方面，城市里受到良好教育的藏人有时会被称赞说他们不象藏族，却促使了他们对西藏特色有更强的认同感。讽刺的是，对藏族特色的认同可能根源于他们自身的潜在的不正宗。在青海西宁长大的卓嘎说:

“When I was young I didn’t think there was any difference between Tibetan and Han. I didn’t think it was a big deal being Tibetan, since we were just another minzu [nationality; ethnic group]. But other people wanted to make me different. When I go out with my friends in the city and dress like a city girl, no one believes I am Tibetan. Even when I tell them, they always ask me ‘which one of your parents is Han, your father or your mother?’ ... They congratulate me for not being like a Tibetan ... Whenever a rural Tibetan gets on a city bus, people hold their noses and walk away and make very rude comments. Once I took my cousin from the village to a hospital in Xining. All of the doctors tried to ignore her, each telling the others to go and examine the dirty Tibetan ... I started to feel: okay, I am Tibetan. I’m not at all like you Han people. Then after I finished junior high I decided to go back to another school to learn Tibetan for several years. I volunteered to teach for a year in a nomadic area ... . Now I’m proud of being Tibetan ... I think it’s very important for us to keep our Tibetan culture.”

“小时候，我没有想过藏人和汉人之间有什么不同。我不认为做一个藏人有什么了不起，因为我们只是民族不同而已。但是其他人想让我不一样。在城里，当我和朋友们一起出去，我穿的象一个城里女孩，没有人会认为我是一名藏人。就算我告诉他们了，他们也总是会问我‘你父母亲中哪一位是汉人，你父亲还是你母亲？’... 他们恭喜我不像一个藏人...每当一个农村藏人上了一辆城市公交车，人们捏住鼻子走开，还用粗鲁的话来议论。有一次，我带我从村里来的堂姐去西宁的一家医院。所有的医生都不想看她，互相推来推去，要其他人来检查这个脏脏的藏人...我开始意识到：那么，我是藏人。我和你们汉人完全不相同。后来，在我上完初中后，我决定回去到另一个学校学几年藏语。我义务在一个牧区教了一年书...现在，我很自豪是藏人...我觉得，对我们来说，保持西藏文化是非常重要的。”

"小时候，我没有想过藏人和汉人之间有什么不同。我不认为做一个藏人有什么了不起，因为我们只是民族之一而已。但是其他人想让我不一样。在城里，当我和朋友们一起出去，我穿的象一个城里女孩，没有人相信我是藏人。就算我告诉他们了，他们也总问我‘你父母亲中哪一位是汉人，你父亲还是你母亲？’... 他们恭喜我不像一个藏人...每当一个农村藏人上了公共汽车，人们捏住鼻子走开，还用粗鲁的话来议论。有一次，我带从乡下来的堂姐去西宁的一家医院。所有的医生都不理她，互相推脱，要其他人来检查这个脏脏的藏人...我开始意识到：好吧，我是藏人。我和你们汉人完全不同。后来，在我上完初中后，我决定回去到另一个学校学几年藏语。我义务在一个牧区教了一年书...现在，我为自己是藏人自豪...我觉得，对我们来说，保持西藏文化是非常重要的。"

Younger Tibetan elites who have been educated and raised in urban China often come to first identify and then to perform their own Tibetan-ness through a contradictory process in which the misrecognition of Tibetans as a group, together with their own misrecognition as Han, is precisely what engenders their desire to become ‘real’ Tibetans, to inhabit and embody the category ‘Tibetan’. At the same time, their identity is also shaped within the context of state discourse. The Chinese state actively promotes its own version of history, according to which Tibet has been part of China since the 11th century. It also seeks to shape imaginations of belonging through the regulation of linguistic categories and through the promotion of popular songs according to which, for example, “the Han and the Tibetans are daughters of one mother”.

受过良好教育、在中国城市中长大的年轻藏族精英们常常会首先表明自己（藏族）身份，然后通过一种自相矛盾的过程来展现他们自己的西藏特色，在这个过程中误识藏人为一个群体，再加上他们自己对汉人的误识，从而让他们产生了他们要成为‘真正’藏人、存在于并具体化‘藏人’类别的需求。同时，他们的身份也是由政府讲话的背景所决定的。中国政府积极宣传它自己对历史的说法，根据这种说法，西藏自十一世纪起就是中国的一部分。它同样试图（使人们）形成归属感，借由语言范畴的调节和通过宣传流行歌里所唱的比如“汉人和藏人是一个妈妈的女儿”。

受过良好教育、在中国城市中长大的年轻藏族精英们常常会首先表明自己（藏族）身份，然后通过一种自相矛盾的过程来展现他们自己的西藏特色，在这个过程中误识藏人为一个群体，再加上他们自己对汉人的误识，从而让他们产生了他们要成为‘真正’藏族、接受并体现‘藏族’这一群体的愿望。同时，国家论述的背景对他们的身份也有重大影响。中国政府积极宣传它自己的历史版本，根据这种说法，西藏自十一世纪起就是中国的一部分。政府也试图借由语言类别的立法和推广流行歌曲建立藏人的归属感，比如"汉人和藏人是一个妈妈的女儿"。

The processes and contexts of Tibetan subject formation within the PRC contrast starkly to the experience of exile, where constant repetition and verbalization of the mythico-history of Tibet is a primary way in which identity is constituted and performed. These differences are then brought into the cultural politics of Tibetan-ness in the USA. Tibetans from Tibet challenge the critique that others make about their engagement with Chinese culture. One such man does so by criticizing some of the exiles for mistakenly reifying Tibetan culture, or in his words: “treating
Tibetan culture like a thing which can be put on a table, bounded, and moved around.” These Tibetans base their claims to authenticity in an authority of place: they are, after all, literally from Tibet. They know what Tibet is like, whereas, they say, the long-term exiles carry around an image of Tibet in 1959 and act as if it is still accurate now. For them, being Tibetan is no more incompatible with speaking Chinese than it is with speaking English or enjoying Hindi movies. If some of these Tibetans are genuinely concerned with the way their own Tibetan-ness has been diluted by outside influences, or, more commonly, if they are concerned with the younger generation of Tibetans in the PRC, they see this as no different from the Indian and Western influences observable in the styles and language of Tibetans from exile.

藏族主体在中国形成的过程和背景是与流亡体验完全相反的，不断复述和用言语表现西藏的神话-历史是后者确立和表现身份的主要途径。这些区别接着被带到了在美国的西藏特色的文化政治中。西藏来的藏人反驳其它人对于他们融入中国文化的批评。有一个人他是这样来反驳的，他批评一些流亡藏人错误地把藏族文化实物化，或者以他的话来说：“把藏族文化当作一件物品，可以把它放在台上，扎起来和拿着到处走”。这些藏人声称自己的正统性正是基于位置上的一种权威：他们毕竟是真正来自西藏的。他们知道西藏是什么样的，然而，他们说，长期流亡藏人带给人们的是1959年的西藏印象并且表现出好象现在也仍旧如此的样子。对他们来说，藏人与说汉语的人相处，与说英语和看北印度电影的人相处一样没什么区别。如果这些藏人由衷的担心他们自身的西藏特色被外界影响就这么稀释了，或者，更普通一些，如果他们关心中国年轻一代藏人，他们会看到这与流亡藏人在方式与与语言上显著受到印度和西方影响一样没有区别。

藏族主体在中国形成的过程和背景与流亡者的经历完全相反，不断复述和用言语表现西藏的神话化的历史是后者确立和表现身份的主要途径。这些差异接着被带到了美国的西藏特色的文化政治中。西藏来的藏人反驳其它人对于他们融入中国文化的批评。有一个人他是这样反驳的，他批评一些流亡藏人错误地把藏族文化实物化，或者以他的话来说："把藏族文化当作一件物品，可以把它放在台上，扎起来和拿着到处走"。这些藏人对正统性的宣称基于一种所在地的权威：他们毕竟是真正来自西藏的。他们知道西藏是什么样的，然而长期流亡藏人带着1959年的西藏印象并且表现出现在依然正确的样子。对西藏来的藏人来说，藏人说汉语，跟藏人说英语和看印度语电影一样，没什么不能兼容的。如果这些流亡藏人由衷地担心他们自身的西藏特色被外界影响稀释了，或者，更普通一些，如果他们关心在中国的年轻一代藏人，他们会看到这与流亡藏人在风格与与语言上显著受到印度和西方影响一样没有区别。

rlsrls08

P.S. 大家对上面发的几部分也多提意见啊，之前讨论的不还挺热烈的么。

when I have to to review all of them....

音乐盒

冒个泡o3O120)

这个是学术论文版，搞定后，期待高手们在这个基础上改写发挥，来几个上次忧心推荐的那种通俗演义版本{:10_380:}

rhapsody

Another arena in which habitus becomes important in struggles over authenticity is what anthropologist Diehl calls 'sound values' - particular types of music and dance, including accompanying bodily stylizations, intonations, and gestures, and appreciation (or not) of these performances. Diehl describes a performance she witnessed by a number of women from Lhasa who managed to travel to Dharamsala on religious pilgrimage. They gathered one day in a square and sang patriotic songs about Tibet - some of which they could be imprisoned for singing inside Tibet. Although the "high wavering tones" and "sweeping arm gestures" of their songs were unfamiliar to the exile context, the lyrics were not. Nevertheless, not a single Dharamsala resident participated in or watched the pilgrims' performance. Instead, after it was over, a group of older exile Tibetan women, "amused each other by singing parodic imitations" and "howled with laughter" at the Tibetans from Tibet.
惯习在正统之争中渐具重大影响的另一领域便是人类学家迪赫所称的“正确价值观”——特定类型的歌舞，包括与其相随的形体风格、声调、姿势，以及对这些表演的欣赏（或不欣赏）。迪赫描述了她曾目睹的一次演出，从拉萨到达兰萨拉朝圣的一群妇女某天在一个广场集合，唱热爱西藏的歌曲——其中一些歌曲如果她们在西藏本土演唱有可能会因此入狱。尽管流亡藏人不熟悉她们歌里“高音调颤音”和“挥舞手臂的动作”，但却熟悉那些歌词。然而，没有一位达兰萨拉居民加入她们或观看她们的演出。相反，演出结束后，一群年长的流亡藏人妇女，“滑稽地模仿她们唱歌来互相取乐”，并对着那些来自西藏的藏人“高声大笑”。

In the USA staged performances of 'traditional culture' are fraught spaces of encounter of different habitus. The larger Tibetan communities organize gatherings, demonstrations, and parties for the Tibetan New Year, the Dalai Lama's birthday, 10 March (uprising day), and so forth. There are also regional events such as the 'West coast Tibetan gathering' that has been held every summer since 1995. These gatherings usually include staged performances, mostly by young Tibetans, of traditional songs and dances from different regions of Tibet, 'cultural competitions' in which such performances are rated against each other, and more free-form open-mikes and talent shows. These open mikes and talent shows typically feature many renditions of Hindi and Nepali pop songs, an increasing amount of singing in English, few Tibetan songs, and no songs at all in Chinese (even though there are now a number of popular Tibetan singers in China who sing Tibetan-themed songs in Chinese). Singing in Hindi or Nepali, like watching a Hindi movie, is a normal and unremarkable activity in the US-based Tibetan diaspora, but singing in Chinese continues to be unthinkable. At the same time, nobody seems to mind that only a few participants sing in Tibetan for the talent show portion.
在美国，“传统文化”的舞台演出充斥着不同惯习相互冲突的纷纷扰扰。在藏历新年、达赖喇嘛生日、3月10日（起义日）等日子，较大的藏人团体会组织集会、示威和聚会等活动。另外也有一些地区性的大型活动，比如自1995年起每年夏季举办的“西海岸藏人集会”。这些集会通常都有举办舞台演出（大多由年轻的藏人表演），节目包括：源于西藏不同地区的传统歌舞、“文化竞赛”（对表演进行打分和排座次），以及更多的不拘形式的即兴表演和才艺展示。这些即兴表演和才艺展示的典型特征就是：唱印度语和尼泊尔语流行歌曲的相当多，唱英语歌的越来越多，唱藏语歌的很少，而唱汉语歌的一个都没有（尽管现在中国有一些为大众喜爱的藏族歌手用汉语演唱西藏题材的歌曲）。唱印度语或尼泊尔语歌曲，和看印度电影一样，都是美国侨居藏人再寻常不过的活动；但是唱汉语歌仍被认为是匪夷所思的。而且，似乎没有人介意才艺展示时唱藏语歌的人只占很少的比例。

The more scripted traditional Tibetan songs and dances provoke stronger reactions. In 2002 I attended one such 'cultural show' in the San Francisco Bay Area at a celebration of the anniversary of the founding of the Tibetan Youth Congress, with Drolgar, a Tibetan woman from Lhasa. Drolgar had told me a number of times that she disliked socializing with other Tibetans because, she said, she had learned that they talked behind her back about the possibility that she might be a spy. As we watched the performances, with a motley collection of Tibetan regional costumes, Drolgar turned to me and whispered, in Chinese, "watching them is so funny - it's hilarious". A few minutes later she turned to me again and said, this time in Tibetan, "snying-rje" - meaning 'poor things' several times. She then switched back to Chinese and said "poor things - they don't know anything about Tibetan culture, they only know the very surface", implying that, no matter how hard they tried with their dancing and costumes, they would never be as authentically Tibetan as herself, someone who had personally experienced growing up in Tibet.
传统藏族歌舞越是照本宣科，激起的反应就越是强烈。2002年，与来自拉萨的卓嘎一起，笔者就出席了这样一场“文化表演”，在旧金山湾区举行的藏青会成立一周年庆典上。卓嘎对我说过很多次，她不喜欢与其他藏人交往，因为他们在背后议论她可能是个间谍。当我们在观看一个五花八门的藏族地方服饰表演时，卓嘎转过来，用汉语小声地说：“看他们多可笑，太滑稽了”。几分钟后，她又转过来，用藏语说了好几次：“snying-rje”——意思是“可怜的东西”。接着她又换回汉语说，“可怜的东西——他们完全不了解藏族文化，他们只知道皮毛”。这意味着，不管他们多么努力地跳舞和展示服饰，他们也不会成为她那样的正统藏人，她可是在西藏长大的。

Another example that I will discuss at some length was a picnic held at a park in the San Francisco Bay Area in 2002. An official Tibetan song and dance troupe from Lhasa had been invited to California as part of a larger cultural exhibition and exchange program. However, the exhibition had been quickly shut down by protests, and the troupe was unable to perform at the exhibition as planned. A few days later, the Tibetan Association of Northern California (which was not officially involved in the protests, but a number of whose members had participated in protest action through other groups, such as Students for a Free Tibet) invited the Lhasa Tibetans to perform for the local community. They agreed, and on a bright and cloudless Saturday after- noon the two groups came together for a picnic. The troupe from Lhasa performed a number of songs, after which a California-based Tibetan band also performed.
笔者要花些篇幅讨论的另一个例子是2002年在旧金山湾区某公园举办的一次野餐会。有个来自拉萨的官方藏族歌舞团应邀到加州参加一个文化展览和交流项目。然而，展览由于受到抗议很快就中止了，这个团也就无法按计划在展览上演出。数天后，北加州西藏协会（该团体没有正式参与抗议，但是其许多成员通过其他团体，比如自由西藏学生运动，参加了抗议行动）邀请拉萨藏人们为当地社区表演。他们同意了，在一个晴朗无云的周六下午，两个团体聚在一起野餐。拉萨歌舞团演唱了一些歌曲，之后加州当地的藏人乐队也表演了节目。

For most of the show, I sat listening with several former new arrivals and a few other Tibetans who had arrived in California from Lhasa. They appeared to be having a tremendously good time, singing along, clapping frequently, and making remarks such as "Today is just like being at the Norbulinkga" (the summer palace of the Dalai Lama in Lhasa, where summer picnics are frequently held); "it's just like being at Zholdon" (a yoghurt festival held in Lhasa every August); "it's just like being at a nangma" (a Tibetan-style karaoke popular in Lhasa); and even "for those who haven't been to Lhasa, this is just like taking them there for the day!" One woman, who had just received political asylum in the USA, exclaimed to me that this was her happiest day since she had arrived in the United States two years earlier, because "it's just like being back in Lhasa".
在表演的大多数时间里，笔者与一些新来者（在西藏出生和长大，在上世纪八九十年代前往印度或尼泊尔，然后移民美国者）和几个从拉萨直接来加州的藏人坐在一起聆听。他们显得极为高兴，频频鼓掌，并评论道，“今天就像在罗布林卡一样（达赖喇嘛在拉萨的夏宫，在那儿常举行夏日野餐）”；“就像是在雪顿节上（每年八月在拉萨举办的一个酸奶节）”；“就像是在一次囊玛上（拉萨流行的一种藏式卡拉OK）”；甚至“就像是带那些从未到过拉萨的人去了一次拉萨！”一个刚获准在美国政治避难的妇女对我惊呼这是她自两年前到美国以来最开心的一天，因为“就像回到了拉萨”一样。

Immersed as I was in my friends' pleasant nostalgia for Lhasa, memories of which flooded back to them as they listened to the Tibetan singers, I assumed that everyone present was enjoying the music. When I walked around, however, I realized that this was not the case. A mother and daughter, both participants in TUSRP, complained to each other about the way the performers sang in such a strangely un-Tibetan way, their tones too high, and their smiles and gestures too perfect and too dramatic. The daughter then said that she had had enough of this, and suggested, "let's go watch a Hindi movie". When I later asked other long-time exiles about their reactions, some said that they "didn't know whether to laugh or to cry, whether to be happy or sad". Although they were happy to see Tibetans perform, they felt strongly that everything about the way these Tibetans had been trained - from the way they opened their mouths and smiled, to the way they stressed certain syllables in their songs, to their use of nasal tonesöwas 'very Chinese'.Whatever happiness they might have expected to feel upon their encounter with those from the homeland for which they have been longing was dissipated by the alienness of what they saw and heard. Indeed, according to several, it was only a measure of their graciousness and goodwill that helped them refrain from laughing at the performers.
笔者沉浸在朋友们对拉萨的喜悦怀乡之情中，当听到藏族歌手演唱时，他们对拉萨的记忆如开了闸的洪水一般涌现。本以为每位在场者都很享受，但当笔者四处走动时，才意识到并非如此。一对通过TUSRP来美国的母女相互抱怨道，演出者唱歌的方式非常奇怪，非常的“不藏族”，他们的音调太高，而且他们的笑容和手势都太完美和太戏剧化。接着，女儿说她受够了，并建议：“我们去看一场印度语电影吧”。后来当笔者询问其他长期流亡藏人的反应时，一些人说他们“不知道该笑还是该哭，该高兴还是该悲伤”。尽管很高兴看到藏人演出，但他们强烈感到，这些受过培训的藏人无一处不是“非常中国式的”，从张嘴和微笑，到在歌里加重某些音节，再到对鼻音的运用。见到一直渴望见到的家乡人而可能产生的快乐，却因他们看到和听到的四不象演出消失殆尽了。实际上，有几个人说，只是出于礼貌和善意，他们才抑制住自己，没有去嘲笑表演者。

What I want to stress here is not just the bodily stylizations and sounds of those on stage, but also the audience's reaction to these various performances. Their sometimes visceral reactions to different styles of song or dance, their perceptions of performers as authentically Tibetan or not, and their accompanying appreciation, distaste, or condescending laughter are also shaped by habitus as a structuring structure which "engenders all the thoughts, all the perceptions, and all the actions consistent with those conditions, and no others". In other words, significations of transnational migrant identity take place not only in the structured compulsion to repeat particular gestures, manners, and bearings, but also in structured reactions to embodied practices. In the next section I turn to a more detailed exploration of the sources of authority to which differently routed Tibetans appeal.
在此笔者想强调的不只是舞台表演者的身体风格和声音，还有观众对这些各种表演的反应。他们有时对不同歌舞风格的骨子里的反应，他们对表演者是否是正统藏人的看法，和伴随的欣赏、嫌恶，或施舍的笑声，也是由惯习作为一种构建中的结构所决定的，这种结构“产生了与那些处境相符的所有想法、所有感知，以及所有行为，无它”。换言之，跨国移民身份的差异性不仅在于重复特定的手势、态度和举止，还在于对具体实践的反应。在下一部分里，笔者会更详细的揭示不同路线藏人所宣称的权威的来源。

rhapsody

When Drolgar reacted toTibetan exile youths' performance of traditional Tibetan songs by exclaiming "poor things!" and "they don't know anything about Tibetan culture", she implied that she had greater authority than they to judge what is and what is not truly, or authentically, Tibetan. She commented that the regional styles of dance meant little to the performers, who most likely did not know the location of one region in relation to another. Her claim to cultural authority is based on her personal experience of the actual place of the homeland, and particularly on her concrete geographical and embodied spatial knowledge of it. Another woman from Amdo, Wangmo, who had also recently arrived in the San Francisco Bay Area after living in Beijing for some years, had similar reactions after the picnic described above.Witnessing the silence and unenthusiastic reception of the exiles to the Lhasa performers, she had the following to say about most of the Tibetans she had encountered in California: "I think these Tibetans here - are not real, pure Tibetans. They've already changed. I think in the future there will be a lot of trouble among Tibetans. These people here don't understand what Tibet is really like. They really should go to Tibet for themselves - then they would understand." Tibet, in her view, is best known through embodied, lived experience.
卓嘎对流亡藏族青年表演传统西藏歌曲的反应——惊叫“可怜的东西！”和“他们完全不了解西藏文化”——暗示着她（认为自己）比他们更具有权威来判定什么是或不是真正的、正统的西藏风格。她评价道，对那些很可能连某个地区在哪个方位都搞不清楚的表演者来说，舞蹈的地方风格毫无意义。她所宣称的文化权威是基于其个人在家乡这个具体地方的体验，尤其是她对家乡在地理实体上和具体空间上的认知。另一位来自安多的女士王沫（音译）在北京居住多年后，最近来到了旧金山，她在参加了上述的野餐会后亦有相似的反应。目睹了流亡藏人对拉萨表演者的冷漠接待后，她对于在加州所碰到的大多数藏人评论如下：“我认为这里的这些藏人……不是真正、纯正的藏人。他们已经变了。我觉得将来藏人之间会有很多麻烦。这些人根本不知道真正的西藏是什么样的。他们应该亲自到西藏去，那样他们就会明白了。”西藏，在她看来，最好是通过具体的、活生生的体验来了解。

In contrast, the authority that exile Tibetans claim to speak for Tibet is based neither on embodied experience of place nor on concrete geographical knowledge, but rather has a strong temporal dimension. Indeed, it is rare for Tibetan diasporic youth to have much concrete geographic knowledge beyond the most general regional divisions; Ström notes that he "met very few... who are able to relate to a map of Tibet or locate an area according to the four directions ... ." Instead, their relationship to Tibet as homeland is based on tradition, and on the claim that they have preserved the authentic Tibetan culture that existed before it was destroyed in Tibet, and transplanted it to Dharamsala, "a temporary home preserving a historical culture in its pure form before an inevitable return to the original homeland". Exile is "a time when it is vital to preserve a pure form of this civilization since it is itself under erasure in the original home".
与之相反，流亡藏人所宣称的对西藏的权威，既不是建立在具体地方的体验上，也不是建立在地理实体的认知上，而是有着一种强烈的世俗意识。的确，除了最基本的地域划分，侨居藏族青年几乎没有任何具体的地理知识；斯特伦提到，他“碰到的流亡藏人，几乎没人懂西藏的地图或能用东南西北来指出一个地方的……”相反，他们与西藏本土的关系仅仅是建立在传统之上，以及宣称他们保留了在被毁灭之前存在于西藏的正统藏族文化，并将它移植到了达兰萨拉，“在终将返回家园之前，（达兰萨拉）是一个临时的家，维持着一种历史文化的纯正的形式”。流亡是“保存文明纯正形式的一段重要时期，因为这种文明自身在它原来的家乡遭到了毁灭”。

As a result, everything that is viewed as authentically Tibetan derives from what older Tibetans remember from a time before 1959. Although the Tibetan government in exile has been careful in recent years to clarify that it does not object to 'development', and to change over time in Tibet per se, there is still a sense in which a pre-1959 moment is the point of comparison for all contemporary change. A certain nostalgic longing for the past, imbricated in romantic portrayals of an idealized but lost landscape, can be offensive to both kinds of new arrivals. Because they have experienced the complexities of change in Tibet, it seems to them that the 'old arrivals' wish to freeze Tibet in time and to deny modernity to the majority of Tibetans living in Tibet.
结果，所有被看作是正统藏族的东西，全都来源于老藏人对1959年前的回忆。尽管西藏流亡政府近年很小心地澄清，它并不反对“发展”，以及西藏本身随着时间推移发生的转变，但在潜意识里，1959年以前的时刻仍是与所有当代的变化相比较的一个标尺。把对过去的些许怀旧渴望，倾注在被理想化却已失去了的山水的浪漫描绘上，这可能会让两类新来者都感到不快。因为他们体验过西藏变化的错综复杂，这让他们觉得，“旧来者”希望把西藏封存在过去，并拒绝承认大多数生活在西藏的藏人的现代性。

For Tibetans who fled in 1959 and have spent most of their adult lives in exile, and for younger Tibetans raised in South Asia, being a refugee is a foundational principle of identity. Exile youth learn their parents' nostalgic memories of an idealized pre-1959 Tibet, and claim them as their own. However, their attachment to the idea of Tibet as homeland is not complicated by the reality of living in Tibet over the past half century. Instead, they hold tightly to what Malkki, in her study of Hutu refugees, calls a 'mythico-history' - a recasting and reinterpretation of the past in fundamentally moral terms. In this mythico-history, Tibet was a culturally unique and completely independent nation-state with a well-defined geographical territory, until it was occupied by China. Tibetans outside Tibet are responsible for preserving Tibetan culture and traditions that have been destroyed within the PRC, with the ultimate goal of returning to the homeland with this preserved culture.
对于1959年逃跑并且在流亡中度过成年生涯的藏人、和生长在南亚的年轻藏人来说，最基本的身份就是难民。流亡青年通过他们父母的回忆了解到的，是一个被理想化的1959年前的西藏，并把它当成自己的。然而，他们对西藏故土的眷恋之情并未因半个世纪以来生活在西藏的真相而复杂化。实际上，他们紧紧抓住“神话式历史”不放。“神话式历史”是玛尔基在关于卢旺达胡图族难民的研究中发明的词，指的是从根本意义上对过去的重新盘点和阐释。在这个神话式历史中，在被中国所占领之前，西藏是一个文化独特、完全独立、（领土）版图明确的单一民族国家。西藏外的藏人们有责任保存在中国境内已不复存在的西藏文化和传统，其终极目标是带着这些保存完好的文化回归家乡。

This mythico-history is constituted not just as a set of 'facts' to learn about Tibet, but also through emotions. The mythico-history and its attendant bodily dispositions are formed through repetition, such as the singing of the Tibetan national anthem in schools, and rituals and rallies commemorating the Dalai Lama's birthday, Democracy Day, and National Uprising Day. National Uprising Day includes the singing of Rise up (Long Shog), the lyrics of which include: "Rise up!/The butchering enemy, their hands red [with blood]/The enemy of the religion, the red Chinese/We will drive them out of Tibet/Rise up, rise up, patriotic people of Tibet!" When practicing the song, children in Tibetan schools are admonished, "No smiling! Look serious [literally, 'show a black face']!" The mythico-history and the locus of Tibetan-ness are literally inscribed on bodies as children learn not only the words but also the proper emotions to associate with them; one Tibetan exile recalls from his elementary school days, "Many of the adults cried when they sang 'Rise up', so I felt sad too, even when I was too young to fully understand the lyrics." Remembering the student-led songs at Tibetan anniversaries and festivals at the holy site of Boudnath, he stated:
这个神话式历史不止是作为关于西藏的一系列“事实”而建立起来的，也是通过情感建立起来的。神话式历史及其伴随的身体习性是经多次反复形成的，比如在学校唱西藏国歌，以及庆祝达赖喇嘛生日的仪式和集会、民主日、西藏人民起义日等。西藏人民起义日包括唱“起来”，歌词有：“起来！/杀人成性的敌人，双手沾满鲜血/宗教的敌人，红色汉人/我们要把他们赶出西藏/起来，起来，爱西藏的人民！”在练唱这首歌的时候，藏语学校的孩子们被告诫道，“不许笑！表情严肃点[字面意思是‘摆个黑脸’]！”孩子们学到的不仅是歌词，还有与之相符的情感，神话式历史以及藏民族性的定位亦随之铭刻在了他们的身心；一位流亡藏人回忆他上小学的时候：“许多大人在唱‘起来’的时候哭了，于是我也觉得悲伤，尽管我那时很小，还不完全懂得歌词的意思。”忆及在西藏纪念日和在博达纳圣地的节日上，由学生领唱的歌曲，他陈述道：

"Most of these songs are very serious in nature. We learned and practiced these songs for months prior to public gathering. I remember students getting punished for not taking them seriously. Some patriotic songs required us to make a serious face, raise our fists and make angry gestures against our 'enemy.' I had a difficult time making those gestures not because I was not conscious of the Tibetan plight but because it was difficult to relate to directly. However, I got better at it as I did it again and again. Furthermore, in public gathering as I found many older Tibetans getting sad and shedding tears, I also became sad and started shedding tears."
“事实上，这些歌大多非常严肃。在公众集会前，我们花了数月时间学练这些歌。我记得有学生因为不够认真而受到处罚。一些爱国歌曲要求我们满脸严肃，举起我们的拳头，对我们的‘敌人’做出愤怒的手势。刚开始时做那些手势对我来说挺困难的，不是因为我没意识到藏人的困境，而是因为很难把两者关联起来。但是，经过一遍一遍的重复后，我做得越来越好了。而且，在公众集会的时候，当我发现许多老藏人变得悲伤并且流泪时，我也悲伤起来并开始掉眼泪了。”

My intent is not to suggest that Tibetans from Tibet or new arrivals may not also agree with or be moved by the words of patriotic songs. However, the structure of exile institutions predisposes particularly situated Tibetans to react in specific ways, and this is partly how the homeland becomes less a topographic entity than a moral destination for many exiles. The embodied and visceral nature of habitus make the encounter with other Tibetans who do not meet predisposed expectations of 'Tibetan-ness' that much more fraught.
笔者并不是说本土藏人或新来者不认同或不会被爱国歌曲的歌词打动。但是流亡群体的机制让（流亡）藏人形成了在特定情况下所产生的特定反应。这就在一定程度上可以解释这种现象：对许多流亡者来说，家乡变得更像是一个道德上的目的地而不是一个地形上的实体。而惯习的内在和外在特性，使得遭遇到不符合事先预期的“藏民族性”的其他藏人变得是那样的更为烦恼。

Another difficulty for young Tibetans born in exile is posed by the fact that Tibetans from Tibet seem 'too Chinese', despite their embodied experience with the homeland which they themselves have never seen. One reaction has been the emergence of an alternative imagined geography of homeland, particularly among young elites from Dharamsala. Frequently referred to as 'Little Lhasa', Dharamsala has become the center of Tibetan diasporic geography. As the Dalai Lama's residence, it is the major site of Tibetan pilgrimage outside of Tibet. Although it is considered a 'temporary resting place' for Tibetan culture before its inevitable return home, some Tibetans have begun to see it, rather than Lhasa, as the center of Tibetan symbolic geography and as the locus of authentic Tibetan culture. Being from Dharamsala, not Lhasa, becomes the mark of pure Tibetan-ness, and geographical proximity to Dharamsala, rather than to Lhasa, is a measure of one's Tibetan-ness. This is what enables occasional comments, for example, that Tibetans who live 'too close to the border' of Tibet, in Nepal, are deficient in the determination and resolve they have toward the 'Tibetan cause' (of independence). In this frame, it is contemporary Tibet (rather than the Tibet of the idealized past or the hoped-for future) that cannot be the site of authenticity.
尽管在流亡地出生的年轻藏人也有（所谓）关于家乡的具体体验，但他们从未亲眼见过家乡；他们遭遇到的另一个困难便是，来自西藏的藏人看起来“太中国味”了。（他们的）反应之一便是，对想象中地理故乡的某替代物的出现，尤其是在来自达兰萨拉的年轻藏人精英间。常被指作“小拉萨”的达兰萨拉已成为藏人侨居的地理中心。作为达赖喇嘛的居住地，它是西藏境外的藏人主要朝圣地。虽然它被看作是流亡藏人终将重返家园之前藏文化的一个“临时栖息地”，但一些藏人已开始注意到，它比拉萨更像是藏族的象征性地理中心，以及正统西藏文化的所在地。来自达兰萨拉，而不是拉萨，成了纯正藏民族性的标志；与达兰萨拉，而不是拉萨，在地理上的接近程度，成了衡量一个藏人民族性强弱的标准。在此思路下，一些议论由是应运而生，比如说，在尼泊尔，藏人如果住得“过于靠近”西藏边境，就是缺乏对“西藏事业”（独立）的决心和意志。在此框架下，当代的西藏（而不是理想化了的旧西藏或是向往的未来西藏）是不可能成为正统所在地的。

Tibetans from Tibet, of course, do not agree. Although they acknowledge that there are significant differences between themselves and most of the Tibetans they encounter in the USA, it does not follow to them that they are any less Tibetan than the others or that Dharamsala is the real center of Tibetan culture. In contrast to the mythico-history of Tibet in exile, Tibetan-ness in the PRC stands in dialectical relationship to the imagining of Chinese-ness. Tibetans are, on the one hand, subject to negative stereotypes of Tibetans as backwards, dirty, lazy, and barbaric. On the other hand, urban and well-educated Tibetans are sometimes complimented for being difficult to recognize as Tibetan, a position which motivates them to identify more strongly with Tibetan-ness. Identifications with Tibetan-ness can be rooted, ironically, in the specters of their own potential inauthenticity. According to Drolma, who grew up in Xining, Qinghai province:
来自西藏的藏人当然不同意以上说法。尽管他们承认他们与大多数在美国遇到的藏人明显不同，但不等于他们比其他人更不像藏人，他们也不同意达兰萨拉是藏文化的真正中心。与流亡者的西藏神话式历史不同，藏民族性在中国境内，与（设想的）汉民族特之间存在着辩证关系。一方面，藏人通常受困于诸如落后、肮脏、懒惰和野蛮等负面印象。另一方面，城市里受到良好教育的藏人有时会被称赞说他们不象藏族，却促使他们对藏民族性有了更强的认同感。而具有讽刺意味的是，对藏民族性的认同可能根源于他们内心对于自身潜在的不正统的恐惧。在青海西宁长大的卓玛说：

“When I was young I didn't think there was any difference between Tibetan and Han. I didn't think it was a big deal being Tibetan, since we were just another minzu [nationality; ethnic group]. But other people wanted to make me different. When I go out with my friends in the city and dress like a city girl, no one believes I am Tibetan. Even when I tell them, they always ask me 'which one of your parents is Han, your father or your mother?' ... They congratulate me for not being like a Tibetan ... . Whenever a rural Tibetan gets on a city bus, people hold their noses and walk away and make very rude comments. Once I took my cousin from the village to a hospital in Xining. All of the doctors tried to ignore her, each telling the others to go and examine the dirty Tibetan ... I started to feel: okay, I am Tibetan. I'm not at all like you Han people. Then after I finished junior high I decided to go back to another school to learn Tibetan for several years. I volunteered to teach for a year in a nomadic area ... . Now I'm proud of being Tibetan ... I think it's very important for us to keep our Tibetan culture.”
“小时候，我没有想过藏人和汉人之间有什么不同。我也不觉得身为一个藏人有什么了不起，因为我们只是另一个民族而已。但是其他人想让我不一样。在城里，当我和朋友们一起出去，我穿得像一个城里女孩，没有人相信我是藏人。就算我告诉他们了，他们也总问我‘你父母亲中哪一位是汉人，你父亲还是你母亲？’……他们恭喜我不像一个藏人……每当一个农村藏人上了公共汽车，人们捏住鼻子走开，还用粗鲁的话来议论。有一次，我带从乡下来的表姐去西宁的一家医院。所有的医生都不理她，互相推脱让其他人来检查这个脏脏的藏人……（那时）我开始意识到：好吧，我就是藏人。我和你们汉人完全不同。后来，在我上完初中后，我决定回去到另一个学校学几年藏语。我义务在一个牧区教了一年书……现在，我为自己是藏人自豪……我觉得，对我们来说，保持藏文化是非常重要的。”

Younger Tibetan elites who have been educated and raised in urban China often come to first identify and then to perform their own Tibetan-ness through a contradictory process in which the misrecognition of Tibetans as a group, together with their own misrecognition as Han, is precisely what engenders their desire to become 'real' Tibetans, to inhabit and embody the category 'Tibetan'. At the same time, their identity is also shaped within the context of state discourse. The Chinese state actively promotes its own version of history, according to which Tibet has been part of China since the 11th century. It also seeks to shape imaginations of belonging through the regulation of linguistic categories and through the promotion of popular songs according to which, for example, “the Han and the Tibetans are daughters of one mother”.
在中国的城市中长大和受教育的年轻藏族精英们常常会首先表明自己（藏族）身份，然后通过一种自相矛盾的过程来展现他们自己的藏民族性。在此过程中，他们误识藏人为一个群体，再加上他们自己对汉人的误识，使他们产生了要成为“真正的”藏族、融入并体现“藏族”这一族群的愿望。与此同时，他们的身份也是在国家宣传的背景之下成形的。中国政府积极宣传它自己的历史版本，而根据这个版本，西藏自十一世纪起就是中国的一部分。政府还试图通过调整语言类别，以及推广“汉藏一家”之类主题的流行歌曲以建立藏人的归属感。

The processes and contexts of Tibetan subject formation within the PRC contrast starkly to the experience of exile, where constant repetition and verbalization of the mythico-history of Tibet is a primary way in which identity is constituted and performed. These differences are then brought into the cultural politics of Tibetan-ness in the USA. Tibetans from Tibet challenge the critique that others make about their engagement with Chinese culture. One such man does so by criticizing some of the exiles for mistakenly reifying Tibetan culture, or in his words: "treating Tibetan culture like a thing which can be put on a table, bounded, and moved around." These Tibetans base their claims to authenticity in an authority of place: they are, after all, literally from Tibet. They know what Tibet is like, whereas, they say, the long-term exiles carry around an image of Tibet in 1959 and act as if it is still accurate now. For them, being Tibetan is no more incompatible with speaking Chinese than it is with speaking English or enjoying Hindi movies. If some of these Tibetans are genuinely concerned with the way their own Tibetan-ness has been diluted by outside influences, or, more commonly, if they are concerned with the younger generation of Tibetans in the PRC, they see this as no different from the Indian and Western influences observable in the styles and language of Tibetans from exile.
藏族主体在中国境内形成的过程和背景与流亡者的经历完全相反，不断复述西藏的神话式历史是后者确立和表现身份的主要途径。这些差异之后被带到了美国，带进了关于藏民族性的文化政治之中。本土藏人则反驳其它人对于他们接触中国文化的批评。其中有一个人就批评一些流亡藏人将藏文化错误地实物化，用他的话来说就是：“把藏文化当作一件物品，可以把它放在台上、扎起来和拿着到处走”。这类藏人对正统性的宣称是基于一种所在地的权威——他们毕竟是真正来自西藏的。他们知道西藏（现在）是什么样的；而在他们看来，长期流亡藏人对西藏的印象停留在1959年，却还装作如今依然正确的样子。对于他们（本土藏人）来说，藏人说汉语，跟藏人说英语或看印度电影一样，没什么不能兼容的。即使有些本土藏人由衷地担心他们自身的藏民族性被外界影响给稀释了，或者更广泛地，即使他们担心中国境内的年轻一代藏人，他们也会觉得这与流亡藏人在风格与语言上显然受到了印度和西方的影响没有任何区别（两者同样值得担忧）。

rhapsody

感觉这两节改动较大，发上来供大家一同审阅

rhapsody

The many layers of romantic projection and desire that refract Western perceptions of Tibetans, as well as the lingering effects of Cold War perceptions of China on global imaginaries, make analyses of Tibetan diasporic politics particularly important. The discussion offered here should emphatically not be read as an attempt to undermine Tibetan struggles for human rights, for an end to religious and political oppression, or for other political claims. Instead, it is motivated by a concern that the idealized image rather than the empirical reality of Tibetans has produced certain uncritical forms of Western support and activism. The particular forms of support made available not only have been limited but "may have damaged the political prospects of the Tibetan issue as much as it helped them". An understanding of diaspora without guarantees requires a grounding of analyses in everyday social relations and situated practices, which can then reveal the limits of the liberatory potential of diasporic political projects.
折射出西方对藏族的看法，以及残存的对华冷战思维的多层次想象和愿望，使得对藏族侨居政治的分析显得格外重要。需要强调的是，这里给出的论述并非试图否定藏人为争取人权、结束政教压制及其他政治诉求所作的努力，而是出于这样一种担忧：对藏族的美好想象压过了真凭实据，让西方产生了有些盲目的支持和狂热。现时这种形式的支持所起的作用不但是有限的，而且“对西藏议题政治前景造成的损害可能不亚于起到的帮助”。对藏族侨居的理解缺乏理据，就需要有对日常的社会关系和情境惯例进行的分析作为（理论）基础，而这可以揭示出侨居政治事业在解放潜能方面存在的局限性。

Contestations over what constitutes proper "Tibetan" behavior, and what gets recognized as authentically Tibetan and what does not, reflect very different processes of subject formation at work in the different transnational routes that link the Tibetan homeland to the United States. The Tibetan identity of exile is constituted by the mythico-history of Tibet, a recasting of the past in moral terms. Viewing themselves as preservers of the traditions that have been destroyed within Tibet itself, they appeal to a kind of temporal authority to affirm their authentic Tibetan-ness. To be Tibetan is to be part of a community of sentiment in which the experience of exile is geared toward the eventual recovery of the homeland. In the meantime, however, the locus of authenticity is recentered, away from contemporary Tibet. By contrast, the (significantly fewer) Tibetans who arrive straight from the PRC locate their Tibetan-ness in the embodied authority of experiencing the homeland as a living place. Hence, despite the pervasive image of Tibetans as constant and pure across space, Tibetan identity formation is varied and greatly inflected by national and linguistic locations. The question of what gets recognized as Tibetan by Tibetans in the new US diaspora, and why, is productive in that it forces us to examine the complex relationships between Tibet as a moral destination and Tibetan as a category of cultural identity, and the spaces in which these relationships are deployed and contested.
对于何谓恰当的“藏族”举止，以及何谓正统藏族与否的争论，反映出联结西藏本土和美国的不同跨国路径之间，有着不同的主体形成过程。流亡藏人的身份是借由西藏的神话式历史，以及对过去的道德化解读而建立起来的。流亡藏人视己为西藏境内已遭毁灭的传统的维护者，他们诉诸的是一种世俗的权威，以此来确认自己是正统的藏族；成为藏族也就是成为持这种观点的社团的一分子，即流亡的经历是为了最终能光复家园。但与此同时，（其认定的）正统所在地也移到了当代西藏以外的地方。反过来，直接从中国过来的藏人（数量上明显处于弱势）将其藏民族性定位于一种具体的权威之上，即他们居住于（西藏）本土的经历。因此，尽管藏人被想象成不分地域都是不变而纯粹的，藏族身份的形成却存在着差异，并且深受国家和语言区位的影响。在新的美国社区里，藏人将什么视为藏族的，又为何将其视为藏族的？这个问题促使我们审视作为道德上目的地的西藏，以及作为一类文化身份的藏族之间存在的复杂关系，还有这些关系活动和角逐所在的那些空间。

While homeland thus means very different things to differently routed Tibetans, the conscious meanings of Tibet are not the only ones that matter. Even more important is the embodied performance of Tibetan-ness - in language, dialect, code switching, grammatical patterns, as well as in the details of clothing, gesture, and taste. In short, the habitus, or set of 'durable dispositions', is a bodily inscription of the places and national locations through which differently positioned Tibetans dwell and travel. However, such dispositions are often unexpected; each group of Tibetans imagines that Tibetan-ness will always be easily recognizable through familiarity if not through selfsameness. It is the very visceral reaction to unfamiliar embodied aspects such as style of clothing, taste in music, and language usage that causes exile Tibetans to be disappointed by the apparent alienness of Tibetans from Tibet. This then becomes a lost opportunity to forge connections between exile and homeland.
家乡因而对于循不同路径的藏人而言，代表的可能是很不一样的东西；同时西藏的意识涵义也不是唯一重要的事物。更为重要的是藏民族性的种种外在体现——语言、方言、语码转换、语法模式，以及服饰、姿势和品味的种种细节等。简而言之，不同地方的藏人居住和往来于不同的国家和地区，这些地方在他们身上留下的印记，也就是所谓的惯习，或者说是一系列“持久的习性”。然而，这些习性经常是出人意料的；各个藏族群体却都以为藏族特色能通过与自己的相似以至相同的程度轻易地辨认出来。正是对服饰风格、音乐品味和语言运用等方方面面具体的不熟悉之处的本能反应，使得流亡藏人对于本土藏人的明显异族特征感到失望。这进而有导致了流亡和本土之间建立联系的机遇的丧失。
P.S. 终于贴完了，不容易啊…… 大家有空多看多提意见啊，没问题的话周末就发布。{:10_403:}

孜心

辛苦了，谢谢。

rlsrls08

辛苦了

音乐盒

发吧！

rhapsody

多谢楼上几位，不过要是能提点意见就更好……{:10_381:}

rhapsody

又碰上翻页的问题了，无语。。。

rhapsody

已发布于西藏版：http://bbs.m4.cn/thread-189456-1-1.html{:10_374:}

rhapsody

能进编译室的可移步到：http://bbs.m4.cn/thread-189471-1-1.html{:10_374:}

政治不正确

虽然还是有点小瑕疵，但已经比我期望中要好很多了。我认为可先发出去，有兴趣的人自然会去看原稿，寻求她自己对这论文的理解。

rhapsody

虽然还是有点小瑕疵，但已经比我期望中要好很多了。我认为可先发出去，有兴趣的人自然会去看原稿，寻求她自己对这论文的理解。
政治不正确 发表于 2009-8-17 01:15

已经发在“走进西藏”版了。觉得有小瑕疵尽管提出来，就算发布了也可继续改进的。