[联合翻译] Exile meets homeland

音乐盒

“freeze Tibet in time ”似应译成：“希望将西藏的时间凝结起来。”

哪个misrecognition是所谓后共产主义时代一些学者发明的社会学专业用语：

符号权力理论是布迪厄对权力关系研究的重要贡献。他在批评了“语言 ...
忧心 发表于 2009-7-23 00:42

多谢忧心，“freeze Tibet in time ”的意思也很明白，可是读起来一直都觉得很不顺，不知道怎么办才好，还请你们帮忙再想想。

又：误识那句具体到底该怎么理解和翻译呢？

vivicat

各位辛苦。。。那么晚还在

音乐盒

哇，这时候倒是分外热闹。编译里果然“夜猫子”多（当然是相对国内时间而言）o017)
rhapsody 发表于 2009-7-23 02:16

新头像很摩登啊，夜猫子同学们还不睡么？过两天该你校对，痛苦起来，想睡可都没门了，哈哈哈

HOHO, 还有只vivi小夜猫。

rhapsody

新头像很摩登啊，夜猫子同学们还不睡么？过两天该你校对，痛苦起来，想睡可都没门了，哈哈哈

HOHO, 还有只vivi小夜猫。
音乐盒 发表于 2009-7-23 02:19

换头像是为了配合自己开的音乐帖。rlsrls08和楼主回来了我轻松很多。
如果CC说她是“失忆界女王”，那我估计自己是“失眠界的编译”吧……{:9_352:}

rlsrls08

抓狂中的某人路过~~~

音乐盒

抓狂中的某人路过~~~
rlsrls08 发表于 2009-7-23 04:10

我那节还差一段就好，看到你这句，忍住笑上来留个言，安慰安慰。

想想，注释也都不要了好了，想看的人自己找原文罢。

不急不急，慢慢来，我已经痛苦了好几个礼拜了都，实在是人间地狱的煎熬。

rlsrls08

谢谢楼上的安慰，只恨自己水平太低，英文没学好，中文已经退步了。

音乐盒

谢谢楼上的安慰，只恨自己水平太低，英文没学好，中文已经退步了。
rlsrls08 发表于 2009-7-23 04:44

别担心，还有我垫底呢，你英文中文可比我好多了

音乐盒

Staging `cultural performance'
登上舞台的“文化演出”

Another arena in which habitus becomes important in struggles over authenticity is what anthropologist Diehl calls `sound values'--particular types of music and dance, including accompanying bodily stylizations, intonations, and gestures, and appreciation (or not) of these performances. Diehl (2002, page 64) describes a performance she witnessed by a number of women from Lhasa who managed to travel to Dharamsala on religious pilgrimage. They gathered one day in a square and sang patriotic songs about Tibet--some of which they could be imprisoned for singing inside Tibet. Although the ``high wavering tones'' and ``sweeping arm gestures'' (2002, page 92) of their songs were unfamiliar to the exile context, the lyrics were not. Nevertheless, not a single Dharamsala resident participated in or watched the pilgrims' performance. Instead, after it was over, a group of older exile Tibetan women, ``amused each other by singing parodic imitations'' and ``howled with laughter'' at the Tibetans from Tibet (page 94).

惯习在有关正统之争中变得重要，其另一领域便是人类学家Diehl所称的‘价值观’--音乐与舞蹈的特殊类型，包括伴随的身体风格、声调、手势、和对这些表演的欣赏（或不欣赏）。Diehl (2002, page 64)描述了她曾目睹的一次演出，是由一些努力到达兰萨拉作宗教朝圣的拉萨妇女表演的。她们有一天在一个广场集合，唱有关西藏的爱国歌曲--有些歌在西藏唱可能会因此而下狱。尽管她们歌里“颤抖的高音”和“挥舞手臂的示意”(2002, page 92)是流亡藏人所陌生的，但歌词却不是。然而，没有一位达兰萨拉居民加入进去或观看朝圣者的演出。实际上，演出完后，一群年纪较大的流亡藏人妇女，“以拙劣模仿唱那些歌来互相取乐” 并对着那些来自西藏的藏人“狂笑” (page 94)。

In the USA staged performances of `traditional culture' are fraught spaces of encounter of different habitus. The larger Tibetan communities organize gatherings, demonstrations, and parties for the Tibetan New Year, the Dalai Lama's birthday, 10 March (uprising day), and so forth. There are also regional events such as the `West coast Tibetan gathering' that has been held every summer since 1995. These gatherings usually include staged performances, mostly by young Tibetans, of traditional songs and dances from different regions of Tibet, `cultural competitions' in which such performances are rated against each other, and more free-form open-mikes and talent shows. These open mikes and talent shows typically feature many renditions of Hindi and Nepali pop songs, an increasing amount of singing in English, few Tibetan songs, and no songs at all in Chinese (even though there are now a number of popular Tibetan singers in China who sing Tibetan-themed songs in Chinese). Singing in Hindi or Nepali, like watching a Hindi movie, is a normal and unremarkable activity in the US-based Tibetan diaspora, but singing in Chinese continues to be unthinkable. At the same time, nobody seems to mind that only a few participants sing in Tibetan for the talent show portion.

在美国登台的‘传统文化’演出是不同的惯习相互遭遇的逼仄空间。较大的藏人团体组织一些集会、示威，为藏历新年、达赖喇嘛生日、3月10日（起义日）举办聚会，等等。也有一些地区大型活动，比如自1995起每年夏季的‘西岸藏人集会’。这些集会通常都有舞台演出，大都由年轻藏人表演西藏不同地区的传统歌曲和舞蹈，在这些表演中彼此评估，进行‘文化竞争’，以及更多的形式自由的即兴表演和才艺展示。这些即兴表演和才艺展示很有代表性的突出了许多北印度和尼泊尔流行歌曲的特色表演，唱英文歌的数量大增，极少唱藏文歌的，完全没有唱中文歌的（即使现在在中国有许多藏族流行歌手用中文演唱西藏题材的歌曲）。用北印度语或尼泊尔语唱歌，就像看一部北印度电影一样，是美国侨居藏人的一项寻常和不起眼的活动，但是唱中文歌却是难以想象的。同时，似乎没有人注意到，才艺展示时唱藏语歌的人只占很少的比重。

The more scripted traditional Tibetan songs and dances provoke stronger reactions. In 2002 I attended one such `cultural show' in the San Francisco Bay Area at a celebration of the anniversary of the founding of the Tibetan Youth Congress, with Drolgar, a Tibetan woman from Lhasa. Drolgar had told me a number of times that she disliked socializing with other Tibetans because, she said, she had learned that they talked behind her back about the possibility that she might be a spy. As we watched the performances, with a motley collection of Tibetan regional costumes, Drolgar turned to me and whispered, in Chinese, ``watching them is so funny--it's hilarious''. A few minutes later she turned to me again and said, this time in Tibetan, ``snying-rje''--meaning `poor things' several times. She then switched back to Chinese and said ``poor things--they don't know anything about Tibetan culture, they only know the very surface'', implying that, no matter how hard they tried with their dancing and costumes, they would never be as authentically Tibetan as herself, someone who had personally experienced growing up in Tibet.

照本宣科的传统藏族歌舞越多，就会激起越强烈的反应。2002年，我在藏青会举行创建周年庆祝时参加了旧金山湾区的这样一个‘文化展’，与一位来自拉萨的妇女卓嘎一道。卓嘎对我说过很多次，她不喜欢与其他藏人交往是因为，她说，她知道他们在她背后议论她有可能是个间谍。在她观看一个五花八门的藏族地方服饰表演时，卓嘎转过来，用汉语对我低语道。“看他们多滑稽--令人捧腹”。几分钟后，她又转向我，这次用藏语说了好几次“snying-rje”--意思是‘可怜的东西’。接着她又换回汉语说“可怜的东西--他们完全不了解藏族文化，他们了解的太肤浅了”，这意味着，不管他们多么努力的跳舞和展示服饰，他们也不会成为她心目中的正统藏人，她是在西藏经历了个人成长的。

Another example that I will discuss at some length was a picnic held at a park in the San Francisco Bay Area in 2002. An official Tibetan song and dance troupe from Lhasa had been invited to California as part of a larger cultural exhibition and exchange program. However, the exhibition had been quickly shut down by protests, and the troupe was unable to perform at the exhibition as planned. A few days later, the Tibetan Association of Northern California (which was not officially involved in the protests, but a number of whose members had participated in protest action through other groups, such as Students for a Free Tibet) invited the Lhasa Tibetans to perform for the local community. They agreed, and on a bright and cloudless Saturday afternoon the two groups came together for a picnic. The troupe from Lhasa performed a number of songs, after which a California-based Tibetan band also performed.

我要讨论的另一个相当详细的例子是在2002年旧金山湾区一个公园举办的一次野餐。一个来自拉萨的正规藏族歌舞团应邀到加利福尼亚，作为文化展览和交流项目的一部分。然而，展览很快因抗议而中止，这个团不能按计划在展览上演出了。数天后，北加州西藏协会（虽然它没有正式参与抗议，但是它的许多成员都通过其他诸如自由西藏国际学联的群体参加了抗议行动）邀请拉萨藏人们为当地社区表演。他们同意了，在一个晴朗无云的周六下午，两个团的人聚在一起野餐。拉萨歌舞团演唱了许多歌曲，之后，加州藏人乐队也作了表演。

For most of the show, I sat listening with several former new arrivals and a few other Tibetans who had arrived in California from Lhasa. They appeared to be having a tremendously good time, singing along, clapping frequently, and making remarks such as ``Today is just like being at the Norbulinkga'' (the summer palace of the Dalai Lama in Lhasa, where summer picnics are frequently held); ``it's just like being at Zholdon'' (a yoghurt festival held in Lhasa every August); ``it's just like being at a nangma'' (a Tibetan-style karaoke popular in Lhasa); and even ``for those who haven't been to Lhasa, this is just like taking them there for the day!'' One woman, who had just received political asylum in the USA, exclaimed to me that this was her happiest day since she had arrived in the United States two years earlier, because ``it's just like being back in Lhasa''.

表演的大多数时间里，我坐在那儿与其他一些从拉萨来加州的藏人坐在一起聆听。他们显得极为高兴，频频鼓掌，并作出如下评价“今天就像在罗布林卡一样”（达赖喇嘛在拉萨的夏宫，在那儿常举行夏日野餐）；“就像是在雪顿节上”（每年八月在拉萨举办的一个酸奶节）；“就像是在一次囊玛上”（拉萨流行的一种藏式卡拉 OK）;甚至于“那些从未到过拉萨的人，今天正好可以感受一下了！”一个刚收到了美国政治庇难的妇女对我大叫，这是她自两年前到美国以来最开心的一天，因为“就像回到了拉萨”一样。

Immersed as I was in my friends' pleasant nostalgia for Lhasa, memories of which flooded back to them as they listened to the Tibetan singers, I assumed that everyone present was enjoying the music. When I walked around, however, I realized that this was not the case. A mother and daughter, both participants in TUSRP, complained to each other about the way the performers sang in such a strangely un-Tibetan way, their tones too high, and their smiles and gestures too perfect and too dramatic. The daughter then said that she had had enough of this, and suggested, ``let's go watch a Hindi movie''. When I later asked other long-time exiles about their reactions, some said that they ``didn't know whether to laugh or to cry, whether to be happy or sad''. Although they were happy to see Tibetans perform, they felt strongly that everything about the way these Tibetans had been trained--from the way they opened their mouths and smiled, to the way they stressed certain syllables in their songs, to their use of nasal tones--was `very Chinese'.Whatever happiness they might have expected to feel upon their encounter with those from the homeland for which they have been longing was dissipated by the alienness of what they saw and heard. Indeed, according to several, it was only a measure of their graciousness and goodwill that helped them refrain from laughing at the performers.

朋友们听到藏族歌手演唱时，记忆如开了闸的洪水一般涌现，当我沉浸在他们对拉萨的喜悦怀乡之情中时，我以为每位在场者都在欣赏音乐。当我四处走动时，我才意识到不是这样的。一对双双参加了TUSRP的母女相互抱怨道，演出者唱歌用的是如此奇怪的非藏族方式，他们的声音太尖，而且他们的笑容和手势都太完美和太戏剧化。接着，女儿说，她受够了，并建议，“我们去看一场北印度电影吧”。后来当我问其他长期流亡藏人的反应时，一些人说他们“哭笑不得，不知道该高兴还是该悲伤”。尽管他们很高兴看藏族演出，但他们强烈感到，这些受过培训的藏人无一处不是‘非常中国式的’，无论是他们张嘴和微笑，还是他们在歌里加重某些音节，还是他们对鼻音的运用。他们一直渴望见到那些来自家乡的人，不管这种期盼有多么的快乐，却都被他们最终所看到听到的异形（译注：指拉萨歌舞团的表演）给驱散了。实际上，有几位说，这（译注：指母女俩的做法）只是帮助她们抑制住自己不嘲笑表演者的一种亲切友好手段。

What I want to stress here is not just the bodily stylizations and sounds of those on stage, but also the audience's reaction to these various performances. Their sometimes visceral reactions to different styles of song or dance, their perceptions of performers as authentically Tibetan or not, and their accompanying appreciation, distaste, or condescending laughter are also shaped by habitus as a structuring structure which ``engenders all the thoughts, all the perceptions, and all the actions consistent with those conditions, and no others'' (Bourdieu, 1977, page 95). In other words, significations of transnational migrant identity take place not only in the structured compulsion to repeat particular gestures, manners, and bearings, but also in structured reactions to embodied practices. In the next section I turn to a more detailed exploration of the sources of authority to which differently routed Tibetans appeal.

在此我想强调的不只是舞台上身体风格和听起来的那些东西，还有观众对这些各种表演的反应。他们有时对不同歌舞风格的骨子里的反应，他们对表演者是否是正统藏人的感知，他们伴之的欣赏、嫌恶，或施恩式的大笑，也是由惯习作为一种构建中的结构所决定的，这种结构“产生了所有的想法，所有的感知，和所有与条件相符的行为，而不是其他” (Bourdieu, 1977, page 95)。换言之，跨国移民身份的意义不仅在于有组织的强制重复特别的手势、举止和风度，还在于有组织的对具体实践的反应。在下一部分里，我会更详细的揭示不同路线藏人所宣称的权威的来源。

音乐盒

红字部分又是拿不准的，请教。

音乐盒

Although the Tibetan government in exile has been careful in recent years to clarify that it does not object to 'development', 尽管西藏流亡政府近年来很小心地澄清它并不反对“发展”，and to change over  ...
政治不正确 发表于 2009-7-23 01:46

又看了一遍，的确如此，刚才还是看得太不仔细了。谢谢政治不正确，还望多多指正。

改正了这一段，您再看看：

As a result, everything that is viewed as authenticallyTibetan derives from what older Tibetans remember from a time before1959. Although the Tibetan government in exile has been careful inrecent years to clarify that it does not object to 'development', andto change over time in Tibet per se, there is still a sense in which apre-1959 moment is the point of comparison for all contemporary change(see also Harris, 1999). A certain nostalgic longing for the past,imbricated in romantic portrayals of an idealized but lost landscape,can be offensive to both kinds of new arrivals. Because they haveexperienced the complexities of change in Tibet, it seems to them thatthe 'old arrivals' wish to freeze Tibet in time and to deny modernityto the majority of Tibetans living in Tibet.(10)

结果，所有被看作是正统西藏的，全都来源于老藏人对1959年前的回忆。尽管西藏流亡政府近年很小心地澄清，它并不反对'发展'，但对于西藏本身随着时间推移发生的转变，仍会不自觉地把所有当代的变化与1959年前相比较 (see also Harris,1999)。某种程度上对过去的怀旧渴望，叠加在对被理想化却已失去了的山水的浪漫描绘之上，可能会让两种新来者都感到不快。因为他们体验过西藏变化的错综复杂，对他们来说，“旧来者”希望把西藏封存在过去里，并拒绝承认大多数生活在西藏的藏人的现代性。

政治不正确

My intent is not to suggest that Tibetans from Tibet or new arrivals may not also agree with or be moved by the words of patriotic songs. However, the structure of exile institutions predisposes particularly situated Tibetans to react in specific ways, and this is partly how the homeland becomes less a topographic entity than a moral destination for many exiles (compare Malkki, 1997, page 67). The embodied and visceral nature of habitus make the encounter with other Tibetans who do not meet predisposed expectations of `Tibetan-ness' that much more fraught

我并不是想说，来自西藏的藏人或新来者也许也是不同意爱国歌曲里的语句或者不被打动。但是，流亡机构的结构套路更倾向于培养藏人以特定方式作出特定反应，尤其是对定居的藏人而言，这就可以部分解释，家乡如何更像是许多流亡者的一个道德目标而几乎不是一个地形学上的实体的 (compare Malkki, 1997, page 67)。惯习中这些具体而核心的特性，在与另外一些不能满足期望的藏人的遭遇中更加充满‘西藏特色‘。
我并不是说来自西藏的藏人或新来者不认同或不会被爱国歌曲的歌词打动。但是流亡群体的机制让藏人养成了在特定情况下有特定的反应。这就可以部分解释，家乡对许多流亡者来说变得更像是一个地形学上的实体而不是一个道德目标(compare Malkki, 1997, page 67)。（我觉得这段话大概意思是）惯习的内在的具体的特性使得与其他藏人相遇时，他们不符合期望中的设定的“西藏特色”让相遇并的更不愉快。

政治不正确

On the other hand, urban and well-educated Tibetans are sometimes complimented for being difficult to recognize as Tibetan, a position which motivates them to identify more strongly with Tibetan-ness. Identifications with Tibetan-ness can be rooted, ironically, in the specters of their own potential inauthenticity.
另一方面，城里的和受过良好教育的藏人通常很难被认可为藏人，这种处境促使他们更强烈的去展现自己的西藏特色。具有讽刺意味的是，通过西藏特色来鉴别身份可能来源于他们对自己潜在的不正统所产生的恐惧感。
另一方面，城市里受良好教育的藏人有时会因为很难认出他是藏族的而被赞扬，这却促使对西藏特色有更强的认同感。讽刺的是，对藏族特色的认同可能根源于他们自身的潜在的不正宗。

政治不正确

Younger Tibetan elites who have been educated and raised in urban China often come to first identify and then to perform their own Tibetan-ness through a contradictory process in which the misrecognition of Tibetans as a group, together with their own misrecognition as Han, is precisely what engenders their desire to become `real' Tibetans, to inhabit and embody the category `Tibetan'.

这句的大意应该是：城市里长大和受教育的藏族人首先是意识到自己的藏族身份，然后在一个矛盾的过程中去实现自己的藏族特色。他们曾经只是把藏族当作一个“族”，以及被人误认为汉族，这正正是为什么他们希望成为真正的藏族人，去展现和演绎“藏族”这一类别。

政治不正确

Linguistic differences thus inflect the different national contexts with which Tibetans are associated.
藏人因民族背景而互相联系，语言上的差异就这样造成了藏人不同的民族背景。

我认为这句的意思应该是：“各具区域特色的民族背景把藏民族联系起来，但是语言的不同却使以此建立起来的联系发生了偏差。”但如果这样翻译的话，加入了太多我自己的个人见解了。

忧心

The politics of language
语言上的政治

Language——dialect and words used, as well as intonations and accompanying gestures——is an embodied competence which in turn structures social relations. Bourdieu (1977, page 81) writes that:
``every confrontation between agents … brings together … systems of dispositions, such as a linguistic competence and a cultural competence, and, through these habitus, all the objective structures of which they are a part, structures which are active only when embodied in a competence acquired in the course of a particular history (with the different types of bilingualism or pronunciation, for example, stemming from different modes of acquisition)’’ (emphasis in original).

语言——方言、用字以及语调和伴随着的手势——是一种能力的具体体现，这种能力进而构造了社会关系。布尔迪厄（1977年，第81页）写道：
“对话者之间的对抗……和解……管理体系——比如语言能力和文化能力。所有的客观事件都或多或少是通过这些惯习构建的，这种构建仅在某一特定历史时期所要求的能力被表现出来的时候才能实现（比如，各种双语能力或发音方法就起源于不同种类的需求。）”（加重是原文中就有的）。

Not surprisingly, then, a key element in the distrust of `new arrivals' in India, and, even more so, of Tibetans from Tibet in the USA, is the fact that they speak Chinese, which is understood as `the language of the enemy'. Many Tibetans who escaped to India in the 1980s——particularly those who came of age during the Cultural Revolution——recounted to me their frustrations at arriving in Dharamsala unable to read or write Tibetan because they had not been taught in school.

一点也不奇怪的是，对印度的“新来者”——甚至是对那些从西藏来到美国的藏族人不信任的一个关键因素是他们讲中文这样一个事实，而中文被认为是“敌人的语言”。很多在20世纪80年代——尤其是在文化大革命的岁月里逃到印度的西藏人向我叙述了到达达兰萨拉后无法读写藏语而遇到的挫折，因为他们在学校里没有学过藏语。

Linguistic tensions are considerably heightened by certain characteristics of the Tibetan language itself. Classical literary Tibetan has a remarkably conservative orthography, but the many spoken dialects have changed dramatically, such that they are consistent neither with the literary language nor with each other. Vernacular Tibetan is highly nonstandardized, with large regional variations that are mutually incomprehensible; dialects diverge significantly even within small geographical areas. In exile a version of Lhasa dialect is taught in schools and has become the common, standardized language of the diaspora. As a result, few younger Tibetans in the diaspora are able to speak or understand regional dialects. In Tibet, by contrast, regional dialects continue to be used, but much less has been done to promote a transregional standardized Tibetan with Mandarin instead filling the role of a lingua franca. Linguistic differences thus inflect the different national contexts with which Tibetans are associated.

藏语本身的某些特点也极大地加深了语言上的紧张关系。正统的西藏文采用一种非常保守的拼字法，但许多方言口语已经发生了巨大的变化，这些方言口语和书面语不同，互相之间也不一致。西藏语口语非常不标准，到了较大区域间口语的变化难以相互理解的地步。即使是在小的地理区域间，方言的差异也很显著。在流亡地区，学校教授拉萨方言的一种版本，这种方言已成为这一侨居区域共同的、标准化的语言。其结果是，侨居区域几乎没有年轻的藏人能够说或者懂得其它地域的方言。相比之下，在西藏，地区方言被继续使用，但是在普通话充当通用语角色的情况下，更加不能发展出跨地区的标准化藏语。藏人因民族背景而互相联系，语言上的差异就这样扭曲了藏人的民族背景，使其变得不同。

As a result, many new arrivals from the eastern regions of Kham and Amdo are perfectly fluent in their own Tibetan dialects, but have a great deal of difficulty with the Lhasa dialect that has become the diasporic standard. On the other hand, many of them can speak at least some Chinese. Indeed, several Tibetans from Gyalthang, in Yunnan, recalled that, when they first arrived in Lhasa on the way to India, they resorted to Chinese to communicate with other Tibetans, even though their own Mandarin was far from perfect. When they tried the same way of communicating in India, however, they were chastised for speaking Chinese. Another man from Chamdo remembers, ``When I first arrived in India, I constantly had to explain [to other Tibetans] that just because I sometimes read a Chinese newspaper didn't mean that I didn't understand [Tibetan] politics. I always had to explain that one must consider the contents of a book or what someone is saying, not just what language it's in.'' These misunderstandings are exacerbated by the changing regional composition of the diasporic population. In 1991 only about 5% of Tibetans in South Asia were from Amdo, though Amdo accounted for 27% of the Tibetan population before 1959 (Methfessel, 1997). The proportion of Tibetans from Amdo leaving Tibet has been increasing, however. The fact that Amdo dialects are the most divergent from the `standard' Lhasa dialect means that these Tibetans are especially likely to encounter these linguistic difficulties, which are sometimes read as problems of authenticity and, by extension, of national loyalty.

因此，许多来自东部地区康巴和安多的新来者完全精通自己地区的藏语方言，但说起已成为侨居地区标准的拉萨方言来却有很大的困难。但是，他们中的许多人至少会讲一点中文。实际上，几名从云南建塘来的藏民回忆说，当他们在去印度的路上第一次来到拉萨时，他们用中文来和其他藏人交流，虽然他们的普通话也不算太好。但当他们想这样在印度来进行交流时，却因说中文而遭到严厉批评。另一名从昌都来的男子记得：“当我刚刚到达印度时，我不断的（向其他藏人）解释说，仅仅因为我有时读中文报纸并不意味着我不明白（藏人的）政治。我老是不得不解释说，人们必须通过一本书或是一个人所说的内容来评价这本书或这个人，而不能仅仅以使用什么语言来评价。” 由于侨居区域的人口来自的地域不断变化，这些误解被加剧了。在1991年只有约5 ％的南亚藏人来自安多，但是1959年前安多藏人已占到藏人人口的27 ％（Methfessel，1997年）。而且，安多地区离开西藏的藏人数量一直在增加。事实上，安多方言和“标准”的拉萨方言差的最远，这意味着安多藏人格外可能遇到语言上的麻烦，这种麻烦有时候会被错误的当做正统与否的问题，甚至当做民族忠诚度的问题。

For example, one day in the winter of 2001 I walked down a busy street in Berkeley, California, with a young woman from Amdo whom I had worked with several years prior, in Qinghai province, and who had just arrived in the USA. We ran into an older man, a former headmaster of a Tibetan high school in India. I introduced the two, and was part of the following exchange:

例如，2001年冬季的一天，我和一位来自安多的年轻女子一起穿过加州大学伯克利分校的一条繁忙的街道，我数年前曾和她一起在青海省工作，她刚刚来到美国。我们碰到了一个老人，一位印度藏人高中的前校长。我介绍这两人认识，并参与了如下的交流：

Man [in Lhasa Tibetan]: ``So you're from Amdo? Did you come to the US for school?''
Woman [not comprehending]: [no response]
Man [in Lhasa Tibetan]: ``I said, did you come to the US to go to school?''
Woman [to me in Chinese]: ``What did he say?''
Author [in Chinese]: ``He asked whether you came to the US to study.''
Woman [in Amdo dialect to man]: ``No, I came to visit my boyfriend.''
Man [in Lhasa Tibetan, not understanding her response]: ``Such a shame. When
I see Tibetans who can't speak Tibetan, I feel very sad.''
Author [in Lhasa Tibetan, protesting]: ``But she's speaking Tibetan!''

老人（用拉萨藏语）：“你从安多来？你到美国是为了上学吗？”
女子（听不懂）：（没回答）
老人（用拉萨藏语）：“我是说，你到美国来上学吗？”
女子（对我用中文说）：“他说什么？”
作者（用中文）：“他问你是不是到美国来学习的。”
女子（用安多方言对老人说）：“不，我来看望男朋友。”
老人（用拉萨藏语，听不懂她的答复）：“多么羞耻。当我看到藏人不会说藏语时，我感到非常难过。”
作者（用拉萨藏语，抗议说）：“但她是在说藏语啊！”

The linguistic sensibilities of the long-time exiles include not only the view that using Chinese is unacceptable but also, particularly among the younger generation, a tendency to code switch with Hindi and English.(8) Indeed, many younger Tibetans in South Asia speak Hindi and Nepali as well as, or better than, Tibetan; in the USA, virtually all Tibetans speak English better than Tibetan. However, whereas mixing Hindi and English words into Tibetan sentences is considered hip and stylish, the use of Chinese words is considered unacceptable. For them, a Tibetan who speaks Chinese cannot be truly Tibetan and cannot be trusted for his or her political viewpoints.

长期流亡者的语言情结不仅包括认为使用中文是不可接受的，而且——尤其是在年轻一代中——有一种和印地语及英语语码转换的倾向。（注8）事实上，很多南亚的年轻藏人印地语和尼泊尔语说得和藏语一样好，或者比藏语更好；在美国，几乎所有的藏人英语都说得比藏语好。然而，虽然把印地语和英语单词混入藏语句子中被看做是新潮和时尚的，使用中文词语却被认为是不可接受的。对他们来说，一个讲中文的藏人不是真正的藏人，他的政治观点是不能信任的。

By contrast, those Tibetans who have experienced `new arrival' status in India have had personal experience in Tibet and thus have had a closer engagement with Chinese culture. Though many of them left Tibet for political reasons, they do not assume that other Tibetans' use of the Chinese language has a necessary connection to political views. There is an even greater linguistic gap between long-time exiles and the Tibetans who come directly from Tibet, because many of the latter come having finished college in the PRC, and thus may find speaking Chinese just as convenient as speaking Tibetan (or, at least, Lhasa-dialect Tibetan). Even more than the new arrivals in India, they are likely to speak excellent Chinese, enjoy Chinese television and music, and have mannerisms, gestures, and taste in food and clothing that mark them as `un-Tibetan' to the Tibetan exiles from South Asia.

相比之下，那些在印度有过“新来者”地位的藏人有着生活在西藏的亲身经历，从而密切接触过中华文化。虽然许多人由于政治原因离开了西藏，但他们并不认同其他藏人认为使用中文与政治观点有必然联系的想法。在长期流亡的藏人和直接来自西藏的藏人间还有一个更大的语言差距，就是后者中的许多人是在中华人民共和国完成大学学业的，因此，人们可能会发现他们讲中文像讲藏语（或者，至少像讲藏语拉萨方言）一样方便。不仅如此，那些新来者很可能会讲流利的中文，欣赏中文的电视和音乐。对于南亚流亡藏人来说，新来者的习惯、手势、食物口味和衣着标志着他们是“非藏人”。

They also use Chinese loan words. Indeed, Tibetan intellectuals in exile as well as Western Tibet scholars have expressed dismay at the general inability of most Tibetans in Lhasa to speak Tibetan without extensive borrowing of Chinese. This includes not only relatively new words, such as `television' and `fax', for which Tibetan equivalents have been created but have failed to be widely adopted, but also familiar words such as numbers and days of the week. Tibetans in Tibet are well aware of, and worried about, the fact that Tibetan literacy rates are low, and that some youth, particularly those whose high marks allow them to study in schools in other parts of China, have a hard time speaking pure Tibetan. In Tibet today some Tibetans privately voice dismay that their own language is, in their words, `so useless'. With both government affairs and business conducted in Mandarin there is little incentive for students to study Tibetan.

新来者还使用中文外来语。事实上，对于大多数拉萨的藏人不能在说藏语时不大量借用中文，藏人流亡知识分子及西方藏学家都在表示失望。这种借用不仅包括相对较新的词语，如“电视”和“传真”——人们已创造出这些词语相应的藏语词汇却没被广泛采用；而且还包括一些常用词语，如数字和星期。西藏的藏人完全认识到并在担心着这样一个事实，藏语识字率很低，一些年轻人——尤其是那些得到高分可以在中国其它地区学校学习的藏人，不太会说纯正的藏语。今天，西藏的一些藏人私下里表达了对他们自己的语言是——用他们的话说——“那样无用”的失望。在政府事务及商业事务都用普通话进行沟通的情况下，几乎没有什么东西能激励学生学习藏文。

At the same time, however, many `homeland' Tibetans wonder about Tibetan intellectuals in exile who feel more comfortable speaking English. From their perspective it is the diasporic Tibetans who really have a choice about whether to use Tibetan, and, in this, they have done no better than those who live in Tibet. Thus, they point out the hypocrisy of diasporic critics who also have trouble speaking Tibetan without code switching to English. In fact, except in some remote areas in Tibet, in monastic settings, and among the elderly, there are few spaces in the contemporary world in which Tibetans do not make extensive use of loan words and code switching to another language. A historian in Lhasa spoke caustically to me about the criticisms he had encountered at an international conference of Tibetan scholars:

然而，与此同时，许多“本土”藏人质疑藏人流亡知识分子感觉讲英语更舒服的行为。从他们的角度来看，侨居的藏人真正能够选择是否要使用藏文，他们在这方面并没能做得比那些生活在西藏的藏人好。因此，他们指出侨居批评家们的虚伪，这些人也不能说不和英语语码转换的藏语。事实上，除了在西藏某些偏远地区、寺院环境里和老年人中间，当代世界中几乎没有空间留给未广泛使用外来语或未与其它语言语码转换的藏语。一位拉萨的历史学家谈到他在一次国际会议上遇到的藏人学者的批评时尖刻地对我说：

``The Tibetans outside [Tibet] call us ra-ma-lug [literally `neither goat nor sheep', ie hybrid or mixture, implying that they are not `real' Tibetans]. Well, I'd like to challenge them to a contest. I'd like to see who can speak more Tibetan without mixing in another language! We'd [Tibetans in Tibet] win that competition for sure. Then we could find out for sure who is more ra-ma-lug?! ''

“（西藏）以外的藏人说我们是ra-ma-lug（字面意思是“既不是山羊也不是绵羊”，即杂种或混合物，这就意味着他们不是‘真正的’藏人）。那么，我愿意举行竞赛来挑战他们。我倒要看看谁可以说更多没有混入其他语言的藏语！我们（西藏的藏人）肯定能赢得比赛。然后我们就可以清楚地知道谁更ra-ma-lug了？！”

Unlike this scholar, whose own mastery of literary Tibetan makes him resentful of exile charges of linguistic incompetence, a Tibetan woman from Amdo, who spent a number of years in Beijing before immigrating to the USA, calls her own inability to read and write Tibetan ``a victory for the Chinese government''. She explained to me that she wants independence for Tibet and is a Tibetan Buddhist (nangpa, literally an `insider'). However, she also believes that Tibetans outside should not hold anything against the Chinese language, people, or culture per se. Even more importantly, she would like more sympathetic understanding from other Tibetans in the USA that she cannot just erase seventeen years of Chinese education, and, at the same time, that this does not make her sems (mind) any less Tibetan.

这位学者对藏文的掌握使他不满流亡者所指责的语言上的无能，与他不同的是，一个来自安多的藏人妇女移民到美国前在北京待过多年，她认为自己无法读写藏文是“中国政府的胜利”。她向我解释说，她希望西藏独立，她是藏传佛教徒（nangpa，字面意思是“会员”）。然而，她也认为海外藏人不应该不顾一切的反对中文、中国人或中华文化本身。更重要的是，她希望得到其他在美国的藏人更多地同情和理解，她不能抹去十七年的中文教育，但这并不会使她对西藏的sems（关心）有任何减少。

`Homeland' Tibetans also bring their own linguistic sensibilities, shaped in the reality of contemporary Tibet, with them to the USA, leading to considerable friction.(9) In addition to language choice, regional dialect, and the actual vocabulary used, divergent linguistic sensibilities also include the more subtle issue of how words are spoken. Even when the same Lhasa dialect is being spoken, there are subtle differences in intonation and insertion of marker words. As Bourdieu (1977, page 87) writes, ``Body hexis speaks directly to the motor function, in the form of postures that is both individual and systematic ... a way of walking, a tilt of the head, facial expressions, ways of sitting and using implements, always associated with a tone of voice, a style of speech, and ... a certain subjective experience.'' Class habitus, and the distinction between aristocratic and nonaristocratic ways of speaking, remains strong even today in the diasporic community. At the same time, speech patterns and movements, such as a subtle tilting of the head to indicate agreement or dissent, or gestures that indicate embarrassment, can distinguish PRC Tibetans from their South Asia counterparts. Thus, even Tibetan that is relatively `pure' in vocabulary and authentic to some, can sound or feel `Chinese' to others.

在当代西藏的现实生活中，“本土”藏人也形成了自己的语言情结，并把这些情结随他们一起带到了美国，从而引发了大量的摩擦。（注9）除了外语偏好、地区方言和实际词汇的使用外，不同的语言情结还包括如何措辞这样更微妙的问题。即使都在说同一种拉萨方言，在语调和语素的插入上也会有微妙的差异。正如布尔迪厄（1977年，第87页）所写的那样，“机体惯习直接告诉运动官能单独或体系的姿态形式……走路的方式、头部的摇动、面部表情、坐姿和器物的使用，总是与语气、讲话的风格和……主观经验有关。”等级惯习及贵族和非贵族讲话方式之间的区别，即使在今天仍然在侨居社会中强烈地存在着。于是，语言和行为模式——如微妙地摇动头部表示同意或反对或者用手势表示尴尬——可以用来区分中华人民共和国的藏人和他们的南亚同胞。因此，即使是那些在使用词汇上相对“纯正”的藏人，在一些人眼里他们是正统的，可其他人仍能听出或是感觉出“中国味”。

(8) Common Hindi usages include hapta instead of gz'a-'khor or bdun-phrag (`week'); tarik for tshes-pa (`date'); and jola for lto-phad (`backpack').
（注 8 ）常用印地语的使用包括用hapta代替gz'a-'khor或bdun-phrag（“星期”），用tarik代替tshes-pa（“日期”）以及用jola代替lto - phad（“背包”）。

(9) For example, Tibetans from Lhasa tend to use dug-ga (`isn't it so?') at the end of many sentences; slang such as yamatsha-a-la (`how annoying') marks exile speech.
（注 9 ）例如，来自拉萨的藏人倾向于在句末使用dug-ga（“是不是这样？”），而像yamatsha-a-la（“好讨厌啊！”）这样的俚语标志着讲话的是流亡者。

忧心

Linguistic tensions are considerably heightened by certain characteristics of the Tibetan language itself.
语言上的紧张关系极大地加深了藏语本身的某些特点。
藏语自身的某些特点也很大程度上加深了语言方面 ...
政治不正确 发表于 2009-7-21 00:59

谢谢政治不正确的校正，那个authenticity译作正统太合适了！不过read as有解读的意思，还包含这种理解不正确的意思，我觉得应该加上“不正确”这个词才能完整的解释作者意思。

忧心

才瞧见希望我译最后一节，不过我看到已有比我强的好童鞋译完了，赞一个！

rlsrls08

我明天要出去旅游，一周后回来，先把手头校对过的发上来。我知道肯定有错误的地方，鸡蛋砖头什么的随便砸。

深蓝色是最初翻译稿
红色是其他编译的修正建议
绿色是第1次校对稿

rlsrls08

Exile meets homeland: politics, performance, and authenticity in the Tibetan diaspora
当流亡的遇到本土的: 侨居藏人中的政治，行为和正统性
(暂译，等高手来纠正)


Abstract. Tibetans are often imagined as authentic, pure, and geographically undifferentiated, but Tibetan identity formation is, in fact, varied and deeply inflected by national location and transnational trajectories. In this paper I examine the frictions of encounter between three groups of Tibetans who arrived in the USA around the same time, but who differ in their relationships to the homeland. The numerically dominant group consists of refugees who left Tibet in 1959 and of exiles born in South Asia; second are Tibetans who left Tibet after the 1980s for India and Nepal; and third are those whose routes have taken them from Tibet directly to the United States. Whereas the cultural authority claimed by long-term exiles derives from the notion of preserving tradition outside of Tibet, that of Tibetans from Tibet is based on their embodied knowledge of the actual place of the home-land. Their struggles over authenticity, which play out in everyday practices such as language use and embodied reactions to staged performances of ‘traditional culture', call for an understanding of diaspora without guarantees. In this paper I use habitus as an analytic for exploring the ways in which identity is inscribed on and read off of bodies, and the political stakes of everyday practices that produce fractures and fault lines.

摘要：
藏族常常被想象成是纯粹和正统的，并且没地理造成的差别。但事实上，藏族身份的形成是多样化的，深受地理位置以及各民族之间交往的影响。本文将探讨生活在美国的三个不同藏族群体在交往中的摩擦，他们几乎在同一个时期来到美国，但他们与家乡存在着不同的联系。人数上占主导地位的一个群体是那些1959年逃亡的难民或者出生在南亚的流亡者；第二群是在上世纪80年代离开西藏，到了印度和尼泊尔的藏人；第三群是那些直接从西藏来到美国的藏人。长期流亡藏人宣称的文化权威发源于在西藏境外保存传统的信念，然而本土藏人的文化权威却是基于其故土的表象认知。藏族侨民团体间对于“正统”的争论，从语言运用和具象反应等日常活动到“传统文化”的舞台演出，都很难得到一个共识。本文用“惯习”（habitus）作为分析方法以探讨民族身份是如何形成的，又是如何体现的，以及对日常行为的政治性划界是如何造成分裂与断层的。:


摘要：
藏族常常被想象成正统﹑纯粹，和毫无地区差异的。但事实上，藏族身份的形成是多样化的，并且深受民族区位以及跨国轨迹的影响。本文将探讨生活在美国的三个不同藏族群体交往中的摩擦。他们几乎在同一个时期来到美国，但他们与家乡存在着不同的联系。人数上占主导地位的一个群体是那些1959年逃亡或者出生在南亚的流亡者；第二群是在上世纪80年代离开西藏前往印度和尼泊尔的藏人；第三群是那些直接从西藏来到美国的藏人。长期流亡藏人宣称的文化权威源于在西藏境外保存传统的信念，而来自西藏的藏人的文化权威却是基于其对家乡这一实际地方的具体认知。藏族侨民团体间对于"正统"的争议，从语言运用和具体反应等日常活动，到传统文化表演，都有待研究。本文用”惯习”(habitus）作为分析方法，探讨民族身份是如何形成的，又是如何体现的，以及对日常行为的政治划分是如何造成分裂与断层的。



“Oil and water cannot mix
Tibetans and Chinese cannot mix ...
We are Buddhists
You are its destroyers
We are yak meat-eaters
You are dog meat-eaters
We are tsampa-eaters
You are worm-eaters”

Red Chinese Robber Gang by Techung, a California-based Tibetan artist (1)

油水不可交溶
汉藏不可交溶
我们信仰佛教
你们将其破坏
我们吃牦牛肉
你们吃狗肉
我们吃糌粑
你们吃虫子
   -摘自加州的藏族艺术家德琼所作“红色中国匪帮”


A diasporic story
一个侨民的故事

In February 2004 the board of directors of a regional Tibetan Association received an anonymous letter, written in bright red capital letters, accusing one of its members of “faxing documents to the Chinese government “about Tibetans in the USA, and of receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars for his ‘spying' activities. The accused, who I will call Tenzin, is a Tibetan man in his mid-thirties. Raised in a village in the Tibet Autonomous Region of China, he fled to India after participating in Tibetan independence protests in the late 1980s. Not long after arriving in Dharasmala, India, seat of the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government in exile, he was picked by lottery to participate in the Tibet US Resettlement Project. In the USA he has been actively involved in the local Tibetan community. He also communicates regularly by telephone with family and friends in Tibet, remaining up to date on the latest trends in music and the changing economy of his home village.

2004年的二月份，一个地区性藏族协会的理事会收到一封用红色大写字母写的匿名信，举报其中一个会员把关于在美藏族人的文件传真给中国政府，并且凭这些间谍活动收到数以十万计的美元。那个被告发的是一个35岁左右的藏族人，我将会称他为丹增。他出生在西藏自治区的一个村庄，在参加了80年代末的争取西藏独立示威后逃亡到印度。在到达达赖喇嘛和西藏流亡政府所在地达兰萨拉不久后，他获抽签选中参加“藏族人定居美国计划”。他在美国积极加入到当地藏族社区，他也经常电话联系仍在西藏的家人和朋友，了解最新的音乐潮流和老家村庄的经济变化。

2004年2月，一个地方的藏族协会的理事会收到一封用红色大写字母写的匿名信，举报其中一个会员把关于在美藏人的文件传真给中国政府，并且凭这些间谍活动得到数十万美元的收入。被告发的是一个35岁左右的藏人，笔者将称他为丹增。他出生在中国西藏自治区的一个村庄，在80年代末参加了争取西藏独立示威后逃亡到印度。到达兰萨拉（达赖喇嘛和西藏流亡政府所在地）不久后，他获抽签选中参加“藏人定居美国计划”。他在美国积极加入到当地藏族社区，也经常电话联系仍在西藏的家人和朋友，了解最新的音乐潮流和老家村庄的经济变化。

Despite having been naturalized as a US citizen, Tenzin has not returned to Tibet because of lingering fear for his family members and because of the fact that they have already been made to suffer for his actions; one brother was jailed for six years. When I met his elderly mother in Tibet, she pleaded, “please, tell him not to come back for another couple of years at least “ even though she longed to see her son after a separation of more than a decade. The family’s experience is both tragic and exemplary of the type of political repression to which the transnational Tibet Movement has called attention. The fact that he is a political refugee, together with his dedication to improving conditions in Tibet, suggest that Tenzin should be a poster child for the Tibet Movement, held out by the community as a model for others. Why, then, has he instead been suspected and accused (more than once) of being a spy for China?

尽管丹增已归化为美国公民，他还没有回过西藏，因为难于挥去的对家人的担忧，他的家人们确实也因为他的活动而受苦，他的一个兄弟坐了六年牢。当我在西藏见到他年迈的母亲时，虽然她很想见到分别十多年的儿子，但她仍然恳求道：“请你告诉他别要回来，至少要等多几年”。这个家庭的经历是一个悲剧，也是一个跨国西藏运动要唤起世人注意的政治压迫的典型案例。他作为政治难民的事实以及他对改善西藏状况的努力表明丹增应该是西藏运动的一个模范，作为这个社区的表率。那么为什么恰恰相反，他不止一次地被怀疑及指控为中国间谍。

尽管丹增已归化为美国公民，但出于难以挥去的对家人的担忧，他还没有回过西藏；他的家人们确实也因为他的活动而受苦，他的一个兄弟就坐了六年牢。当笔者在西藏见到他年迈的母亲时，虽然她很想见到分别十多年的儿子，但仍然恳求道：“请你告诉他别要回来，至少要等多几年”。这个家庭的经历既是一个悲剧，也是一个跨国西藏运动要唤起世人注意的政治压迫的典型案例。丹增作为政治难民的事实以及他对改善西藏状况的努力表明他应该是西藏运动的一个模范，被社区当作典型来进行宣传。那么为什么恰恰相反，他（不止一次地）被怀疑及指控为中国间谍？

Significantly, Tenzin is one of the very few Tibetans in the area to have spent a good part of his life in Tibet, rather than in India or Nepal. To at least a few Tibetans from India, the fact that he is from Tibet, is very active in the local organization, and has at times refused to have his photograph posted on community websites is ‘proof ' enough that he is a spy. More generally, his strong ties to the homeland, and the way the homeland is inscribed on his body, make him the object of derision and suspicion.

值得注意的是，丹增是当地藏族人中，为数不多的在西藏而不是在印度或尼泊尔渡过人生的大部分的人。至少对于一部分从印度来的藏族人来说，他来自西藏、他在当地组织非常活跃、他有时拒绝把他的相片放在社区网站上，这些事实已经足够证明，他是一个间谍。总的来说，他与家乡的紧密联系，以及他身上那种家乡给他的印记都使得他成为一个嘲笑与怀疑的对象。

值得注意的是，在当地社区中，丹增是为数不多的在西藏本土而不是在印度或尼泊尔渡过大部分人生的藏人。至少对于一部分从印度来的藏人来说，他来自西藏、在当地组织非常活跃、有时拒绝把他的相片放在社区网站上，这些事实已经足够“证明”，他是一个间谍。更广泛地来说，他与家乡的紧密联系，以及他身上所铭刻的那种家乡的印记都使得他成为一个被嘲笑与怀疑的对象。

Migrants' stories have theoretical power beyond their own uniqueness (Lawson, 2000). Tenzin's story alerts us to some of the political and cultural contradictions of the Tibetan diaspora which emerge around the issues of migrants' roots and routes. Like other groups of transnational immigrants, Tibetans in the USA “forge and sustain multistranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement “ (Basch et al, 1994, page 6). Yet the structure of Tibetan immigration to the USA is such that the ‘society of origin' to which the vast majority of Tibetans have immediate ties is in South Asia, not in Tibet. Tibetan immigrants in the USA can be divided into three groups vis-a-vis their embodied experience of Tibet and their immediate society of origin. First, the largest group is comprised of those who either left Tibet in 1959 or were born in South Asian refugee communities: for convenience, I refer to them here as ‘exile Tibetans'. Second, a smaller number, who I refer to as ‘new arrivals', were born and raised in Tibet, but left for India or Nepal in the 1980s and 1990s. Third, the smallest group are those whose routes have taken them directly from Tibet to the United States; I call them ‘Tibetans from Tibet'.(2)

“在理论上说，移民的故事是不可以用单一视界来看的”（劳森 2000年）。丹增的故事提醒我们注意一些由移民的原籍和路线的不同而在流亡藏族聚居区引起的政治上和文化上的矛盾。“与其它跨国移民群体一样，在美国的藏族人也形成并维持了与他们的原居地和移居地紧密相连的多层社会联系”（Basch et al 1994 第6页）。然而移居美国藏族人的社会关系的构成中，原居地关系群对大部分藏族人来说，最直接的是与南亚的而不是与西藏的联系。根据他们与原居地的社会联系和具体经历，在美国的藏族移民可以分为三组：第一组，也是最大的一组由1959年离开西藏或者出生在南亚的难民社区难民组成，为方便起见，我把他们称为“流亡藏族人”；第二组是人数较少的一组，我称他们为“新来者”，他们在西藏出生和长大，但在八九十年代前往印度或尼泊尔；第三组是人数最少的一组，是那些直接从西藏来到美国的藏族人，我把他们称为“来自西藏的藏族人”。

移民的故事具有超越其自身独特性的理论性力量。丹增的故事提醒我们注意一些由移民的原籍和路线的不同而在藏族侨区引起的政治上和文化上的矛盾。与其它跨国移民群体一样，在美国的藏人也“形成并维系着千丝万缕的社会关系，这些关系联结着他们的原居地社群和移居地社群”。然而移居美国藏人的构成现况是这样：对大部分藏人来说，“原居地社群”最直接指向的地方是南亚而不是西藏。根据他们的原居地社群和体现的西藏经历，在美国的藏族移民可以分为三组：第一组，也是最大的一组由1959年离开西藏或者出生在南亚的难民社区难民组成，为方便起见，我把他们称为“流亡藏人”；第二组是人数较少的一组，我称他们为“新来者”，他们在西藏出生和长大，但在上世纪八九十年代前往印度或尼泊尔；第三组是人数最少的一组，是那些直接从西藏来到美国的藏族人，我把他们称为“本土藏人”。

(2) This categorization of Tibetans vis-a-vis their route of migration to the USA is not meant to be absolute. For example, neither exiles from India who have spent years in Taiwan, nor Tibetans who have returned from India to Tibet (both of which are beyond the scope of this paper), fit neatly into these categories. However, the larger point about different sites of subject formation and the importance of routes still holds true in these cases as well.

(2) 这种按照其移民美国的路线对藏人进行分类的方法并不是绝对意义上的。比如，来自印度并在台湾呆过几年的流亡藏人，或者从印度返回西藏的藏人（两者都超出了本文讨论的范畴），都无法明确划入上述三类中的任一类。尽管如此，关于主体形成的不同地域的主要论点，以及路线的重要性对于这些特例也同样是适用的。

In this paper I examine struggles over the authenticity of everyday embodied practices as well as of staged performances of ‘Tibetan culture', which fracture the imagined unity of a seamless diasporic community. Marked as ‘Tibetan' in distinct ways by the varied national locations through which they have traveled, Tibetans also draw on different strategies for establishing their authority to speak as Tibetan. Tibetans from Tibet draw on the embodied knowledge and experience of homeland, whereas ‘exile Tibetans' seek to recenter authentic Tibet-ness away from the physical territory of the homeland and toward other geographical spaces particularly Dharamsala. Exile Tibetans are numerically dominant in the USA, and it is their views that set the discursive terrain. However, their authority is challenged by the Tibetans from Tibet whom they encounter. The project of recentering the locus of authenticity is thus unstable, and requires an enormous amount of everyday cultural work.

在本文中，我将探讨关于日常生活中的以及舞台表演上的“藏族文化”正统性的冲突，这些冲突已经撕破了天衣无缝的统一的流亡藏族人聚居区的幻像。从不同民族地区移居而来的截然不同的藏族人，他们运用不同的策略来争取诠释藏族人定义的权威。来自西藏的藏族人依靠他们对家乡的具体认知和经验。相反的，流亡藏族人寻求把“正统藏族”重新定位，由地理上的传统家园转移到其它地理空间，比如达兰萨拉。流亡藏族人在美国在数量上居主导地位，他们喜欢地理上的重新定位。但是它们的权威受到来自西藏的藏族人的挑战。所以正统性的地理上重新定位这一课题是不牢固的，需要大量的对日常文化进行研究。

本文将探讨关于日常生活中以及舞台表演的“藏族文化”正统性的冲突，这些冲突撕破了藏族侨区看似天衣无缝的和谐幻像。虽同为“藏族”，但经由不同的国家地区迁居而来的藏人群体，都在运用不同的策略来争取让自己成为权威的藏族发言人。本土藏人倚仗的是他们对家乡的具体认知和经验。相反的，流亡藏人寻求把“正统藏族”重新定位，由地理上的传统家园转移到其它区域，尤其是达兰萨拉。在美国，流亡藏人在数量上居主导地位，这种不着边际的地理定位也正是他们的观点所在。但是他们的权威受到了本土藏人的挑战。因而正统性地理中心的重新定位这一课题是不牢靠的，需要进行大量的日常文化工作。