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本帖最后由 rlsrls08 于 2009-7-24 00:25 编辑
Diaspora, identity, and habitus
侨居,特性和惯习
Responding to celebrations of diaspora and of border crossings as metaphors of emancipation, transgression, and subversion, critical geographers have suggested rethinking diaspora as being ‘without guarantees', to borrow from Hall (1986). That is, a diasporic condition may indeed be subversive or transgressive, but it is not necessarily so. Furthermore, diasporic identities and communities are always multiple and contested (Mitchell, 1997; Nagar, 1997; Nagel, 2001). All of this is quite evident in the lyrics of Red China Robber Gang by Techung, a popular California-based Tibetan singer. In exuding a sense of defiance and pride in Tibetan identity, the song also plays directly into existing Western stereotypes of Chinese as alien, dog-eating, and/or Communist Others. This demonization of the Chinese is often extended by Tibetans reared in South Asia to Tibetans who have grown up in Tibet who are suspected of being ‘brainwashed' by China.
...也就是说,流亡聚居的状况可能真的具有颠覆性或进攻性的,也它不一定要这样。此外,流亡藏族人的民族特征和这个群体经常是多样化以及争议中的(Mitchell, 1997; Nagar, 1997; Nagel, 2001)。由加州藏族流行歌手德琼创作的“红色匪帮”的歌词是其中一个很好的例证,这首歌展示了西方人眼中固有的中国形像,作异形,吃狗肉者以及或者可能是共产党。在南亚长大的藏族人经常把对中国人的妖魔化扩大至在西藏长大的藏族人,怀疑他们已经在中国被洗脑。
借用Hall的话说,对离乡背井和越境逃亡加以庆贺寓示着解放,越轨和颠覆,持批判态度的地理学家的反应是建议反思出国侨居为'不确定的'(实在不懂翻译请高手纠正)。也就是说,侨居者的状况可能真的具有颠覆性或进攻性,但不是必然的。此外,侨居藏人的民族特征和群体一直是多样化及具争议性的。由加州藏族流行歌手德琼创作的“红色中国匪帮”的歌词是其中一个很好的例证,这首歌展示了西方人眼中的中国人模式,即怪异,吃狗肉者以及另类的共产党人。在南亚长大的藏人经常把对中国人的妖魔化扩大至在西藏长大的藏人,怀疑他们已经被中国洗脑。
The need to recognize that a diasporic condition is not always already politically progressive is acute in the Tibetan case, because of the way in which the diasporic struggle has been structured by the Cold War and by the conflation of Chinese-ness with Communism. The CIA's covert support for the Tibetan resistance army, Chushi Gangdrug, from 1956 until 1972 grew directly out of the Cold War project to contain Communism (Conboy and Morrison, 2002; Knaus, 1999). These geopolitical entanglements have made for strange political bedfellows; former Republican Senator Jesse Helms, known for his distaste for what he called “Red China” and the “barbarous, Communist Chinese government”, was one of the earliest and most vocal supporters of the Tibetan cause in the US government (Collinson, 2001). In an ironic twist, performances in the 1970s by the Dharamsala-based Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts were heckled vociferously by audiences in Washington DC, Madison, and Berkeley, who were ideologically supportive of, if not well-informed about, the Communist project in China (Calkowski, 1997). The partial structuring of the internal politics of Tibetan communities by this field of global geopolitics makes their dynamics all the more important to tease apart.
认识到流亡状况在政治上不一定是进步的,这一点对认清西藏运动很重要,因为流亡藏族人的抗争是由冷战以及共产党的吞并构成的。中央情报局从1956年到1972年间对卡西康卓藏族抵抗军的秘密援助,完全是出于钳制共产主义的冷战策略(Conboy and Morrison, 2002; Knaus, 1999)。这些地缘政治上的姻缘成就了这对政治红尘知己;前共和党参议员杰西·赫尔姆斯以对他所称作“红色中国”、“野蛮的共产中国政府”的憎恶而著称,他是美国政府中其中一个最早期的和最强烈的西藏运动支持者。一个啼笑皆非的插曲是,以达兰萨拉为基地的藏族表演艺术学院的表演常常被华盛顿、麦迪逊和巴克利的观众喝倒彩,他们在意识形态上支持共产党人在中国的目标,当然他们可能对共产党人的目标不太了解(Calkowski, 1997)。藏族社群的内部党派政治斗争在世界地缘政治的大气候中得到了动力而不是分裂。
认识到漂泊状况在政治上不一定是不断进步的,对西藏运动至关重要,因为流亡藏人的抗争方法跟冷战以及中国接纳共产主义息息相关。中央情报局从1956年到1972年间对四水六岗藏人抵抗军队的秘密援助,完全是出于钳制共产主义的冷战策略。这些地缘政治上的瓜葛造就了政治上的临时夥伴;以憎恶中国而称之为"红色中国"、"野蛮的共产中国政府"而闻名的前共和党参议员杰西·赫尔姆斯,是美国政府中最早和最强烈的西藏运动支持者之一。一个啼笑皆非的插曲是,达兰萨拉的藏族表演艺术学院的演出常常被华盛顿、麦迪逊和伯克利的观众喝倒彩,他们在意识形态上支持中国共产党,尽管不甚了解。藏族群体内部的党派政治斗争在世界地缘政治的大气候中得到了加强而不是分裂。
Of course, Tibetan communities have always been cross cut by multiple identities. Nevertheless, practices such as long-distance trade and pilgrimage gave a relative coherence to Tibetan cultural identity, including a sense of shared history, a common literary language, aspects of genealogy, myth, and religion, and folkloric notions such as Tibetans as eaters of tsampa (ground barley flour) (Kapstein, 1998). However, the ‘imagined community' of Tibet as a nation and the belief that Tibetans should thus have a unique nation-state (Anderson, 1983), emerged strongly only in the early 20th century, after the 13th Dalai Lama fled to India and then to Mongolia after British and Chinese invasions, and especially after the 1951 incorporation of Tibet into the People's Republic of China (PRC).
当然,各种各样的身份特征一直交互影响着藏族社群。尽管如此,长途贸易和朝圣这些活动造就了一个相对连贯藏族的文化特征,包括共同的历史、共同的书面语言、血缘联系、神话和宗教,还有民俗概念,比如藏族是吃糌粑的(Kapstein, 1998)然而,到了二十世纪初期,在十三世达赖喇嘛因为英国和中国的侵略而逃亡到印度再前往蒙古之后,那些把想像中的藏族社群当成一个国家,并且认为藏族应该有一个单一民族的国家的思潮(Anderson, 1983)清晰显现出来,尤其是1951年西藏并入中华人民共和国后更加强烈。
当然,各种各样的身份特征一直交叉影响着藏人群体。尽管如此,长途贸易和朝圣等活动赋予了藏族文化特征相对的连贯性,包括共同的历史、共同的书面语言、血缘联系、神话和宗教,还有比如藏族吃糌粑的民俗概念。然而,到了二十世纪初期,在十三世达赖喇嘛因为英国和中国的侵略而逃亡到印度再前往蒙古,尤其是1951年西藏并入中华人民共和国后,把藏族群体想象成一个国家,并且认为藏人应该有一个单一民族的国家的信念强烈地凸显了出来。
Prior to this century, Tibetans conceived of themselves primarily in relation to sectarian and regional affiliations. Thus, the term Bod-pa, now a general term for ‘Tibetan', was used only in reference to non-nomadic inhabitants of Central Tibet (Stoddard, 1994). Even in the 1970s the Tibetan government in exile worked hard to forge a national Tibetan identity to supercede divisive regional and sectarian identifications (Nowak, 1984). In exile communities today there are still undercurrents of regional divisiveness, but, like the ‘Kham for the Khampas' (3) movements of the 1930s and the history of the Kham-oriented Chushi Gangdrug resistance movement (McGranahan, 2005), they are largely papered over in the transnational nation-building project of the Tibetan government in exile and of the Tibet Movement. Tibetans in exile insist today that, “For more than two thousand years, Tibet ... existed as a sovereign nation “ (http://www.tibet.net/diir/eng/enviro/overview/). As Renan (1939 [1882], page 190) has observed, “To forget and _ to get one's history wrong, are essential factors in the making of a nation. “
在二十世纪以前,藏族人眼中的彼此联系主要是宗教派系和地区从属。因此,“Bod-pa”这个词,也就是现在的“Tibetan”仅仅指生活在西藏中部的游牧民(Stoddard,1994)。甚至在七十年代,西藏流亡政府尽力树立一个全民族的藏族民族特征,来取代地区性和宗派性的民族特征(Nowak,1984).
直至现在地区性派别仍然影响着流亡藏族人社区,如三十年代的“来自康藏的康巴人”运动和在起源于康藏的卡西康卓抵抗运动的历史(Mcgranahan,2005),但这些分歧在大体上被西藏流亡政府的跨国的“建国计划”和藏族运动掩盖起来。流亡藏族人今天坚持:“在超过二千年的时间里,西藏是以一个主权国家存在的” (http://www.tibet.net/diir/eng/enviro/overview/)。正如Renan(1939[1882],page 190)评论道:“忘记、、、、或者一段谬误的历史,是编造一个国家的必要因素”
在二十世纪以前,藏人对自身的认识主要是宗教派系和区域归属。因此,Bod-pa,也就是现在的"藏人(Tibetan)"这个词,仅仅指生活在西藏中部的非游牧民。甚至在七十年代,西藏流亡政府尽力创造一个全民族的藏族特性,来取代地区性和宗派性的身份。直至现在流亡藏人群体内仍涌动着地区派系的暗潮,例如三十年代的"康巴人的康巴"运动和起源于康巴的四水六岗抵抗运动。但这些历史大体上被西藏流亡政府和西藏运动的跨国建国计划隐瞒了。如今的流亡藏人坚称:"在超过二千年的时间里,西藏一直是一个主权国家"。正如Renan评论道:"忘记…或者错误的理解历史,是编造一个国家的必要因素。"
In addition to regional affiliation, axes of identification that were socially relevant both in the 1950s and today (in diaspora as well as in Tibet) include gender, age, class, and social status (aristocrats and commoners), religious and sectarian affiliation, and the lay monastic divide. However, these differ from the contestation of identities that are the specific focus of this paper: the varying routes to the US diaspora through different national locations, and the consequent forms of identification with homeland. The latter are the product of the diasporic process itself, and thus constitute a newly formed axis of struggle and consent. This axis is not, however, independent of other axes of identification, particularly that of region, as I discuss below. Though these distinctions are relatively new and are not as formalized in linguistic categories as are other types of identifications, they are nevertheless social facts that permeate everyday practices and struggles around recognition.
无论是五十年代还是在今天(包括流亡聚居地和西藏),民族特征组成的轴线除了地区性的从性关系之外,在社会关系上还包括:性别、年龄、阶级、和社会地位(贵族与平民)、宗教和派系的从属关系,以及僧侣之间阶层。但是这些都与本文所专注讨论的民族特征不同:不同民族居住区域由不同的路线前往美国藏族聚居区,由此形成的民族特征与祖国的关系。后者是流亡藏族聚居区自身发展的产物,由此形成了新的争论与认同的轴线。但这条轴线并不是独立于其它民族特征的轴线,特别是正如我下面讨论的区域性特征。虽然这些差异性相对来说比较新,并且不像其它特征那样有一个名称类别,但它们却是渗透到日常活动及民族认同的纷争的社会现象。
无论是五十年代还是在今天(包括流亡聚居地和西藏),民族特征组成的轴线除了区域归属之外,在社会关系上还包括:性别、年龄、阶级、和社会地位(贵族与平民)、宗教和派系从属,以及僧侣之间阶层。但是这些都与本文所专注讨论的民族特征不同:从不同的居住地经由不同的路线前往美国侨居,和由此形成的对家园的认定。后者是侨居自身发展的产物,由此构成了新的争论与认同的轴线。但这条轴线并不是独立于其它民族特征之外的,特别是我将在下面讨论的区域性特征。虽然这些差异性相对来说比较新,并且不像其它特征那样有一个正式的名称,但它们却渗透到日常活动中并寻求认同。
The importance of everyday practice, and the ways in which the ‘authenticity' of Tibetan identities is both inscribed on and read off of bodies, suggests habitus as a productive analytical frame. Bourdieu (1990) emphasizes that habitus is a set of ‘durable dispositions', a kind of historical sedimentation in and of the body: “The habitus, a product of history, produces individual and collective practices ... it ensures the active presence of past experiences which, deposited in each organism in the form of schemes of perception, thought and action, tend to guarantee the ‘correctness' of practices and their constancy over time, more reliably than all formal rules and explicit norms “ (page 53). Habitus mediates between places and selves; it is the way in which bodies bear traces of the places in which they have dwelled. Casey (2001, page 688) describes these traces as being “continually laid down in the body, sedimenting themselves there and thus becoming formative of its specific somatography. “
日常活动的重要性和所谓的“正宗藏族特征”如何作用于身体语言又由身体语言表现出来,说明“惯习”是一个有效的分析框架。Bourdieu(1990)强调,惯习是一个系列的持久的习性,一种历史的沉淀,它作用于身体又由其表现出来:“惯习,一个历史的产物,产生了个人或集体的行为、、、它是一个沉积在人体里的感知、思想和行动的过往经验的展现,这些行为的正确性得到长期活动的验证,比起所有形式的规条和明确的准则更有效”(page53)。惯习互相作用于场所与自身之间;个体通过这些迹象表现出它与它所生活的场所的联系。Casey(2001,page688)这样描述这些迹象“持久地藏在个体里,把自己固化在个体里,由此产生了特定的身体语言”。
日常活动的重要性,以及所谓的"正统藏族特征"形成和表现的方式,说明"惯习"是一个有效的分析框架。Bourdieu强调,惯习是一系列"持久的习性",一种历史的沉淀,它作用于身体又由其表现出来:"惯习,一个历史的产物,产生了个人或集体的行为…它确保沉积在人体里的过往的经验,通过行动积极展现出来,试图保证行为的"正确性"和长期一致性,比所有形式的规定和明确的准则更可靠"。惯习互相作用于场所与自身之间;个体通过这些迹象表现出它与所生活过的场所的联系。Casey这样描述这些迹象"持久地藏在个体里,自我沉淀,由此形成了特定的身体语言"。 |
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